Darkness before Dawn - Purple Phoenix 1416

[elerosse]

PRELUDE - All Men Fall



Dark clouds cover the nightly sky, a horse tail banner dances with small drizzle in the air, from afar a thundering noise could be heard, the angry waves of Aegean Sea crash unrelentingly into the rocky shoreline, a storm is coming.



A young man in blue tunic with exocentric patterns dressed upon his well-built figure stands beneath the horse tail banner, his face is lit by nearby torches, showing a strong jawbone and a full beard. His focus shifts between the dark sea in front, the cloudy sky above, finally laying eye on a blurred shadow of a city.



"Your Highness, the wind is heavy, the drizzle has wet your hair, heavy rainfall may come soon, the warmth of tent is better for your health than the cold wind and rain." a soft voice rings from behind, without looking the young man knew it was his grand vizier Bayezid Pasha, giving him advices as he always has done.



"I know my dear friend, but we do not have the luxury to choose the storms, we can only endure it, and conquer it."



"Your Highness have conquered all storms before and will conquer all storms ahead."



"Speaking of storms..." The young man turned and looked at his grand vizier, with hint of worry in his eyes: "The Venetians have annihilated our fleet at Gallipoli, killing our dear Derya Bey, Cali in the process."



Bayezid knows it is only one of the many concerns his Sultan currently has, and reply calmly as ever: "Cali has underestimated the strength of the Venetians, and paid with his life. The Venetians would cause no great worry for Your Highness though, their fleet may dominate the sea but would be worthless on land. They will be fools if they choose to disturb Your Highness, as many of their valuable castles and town are all within the wrath of our army. As a matter of fact, the Venetians have already sent emissary to discuss terms for peace. They are not worth your distraction for the moment."



The young man nodded slightly to the comforting words of his grand vizier. Ever since that fateful battle in Ankara, Bayezid has always stood by his side, giving him wise counsel and executing his orders faithfully, until recently. He thought for a moment, then changed the topic: "How do you think the Romans will reply to our request? Would they handover my 'dear' cousin Mustafa and that traitor Junayd Bey?"



"The Roman emperor Manuel is a deceitful and scheming kind, he would no doubt use them as bargaining chips against Your Highness, sowing distractions and confusion within our ranks, this is what they've always done during the past decade, this is the only thing they are good at."



As storm moves closer to the shoreline, the raindrops becomes larger and gradually soak the hairs and clothes, yet the young man stand still.



"Pathetic emperor and his pathetic empire." replying with contempt in his voice, the young man paused for a moment, as if to choose his next words thoughtfully, then slowly uttered: "unfortunately we have headaches elsewhere, more imminent storms in Dobrudja, that heretic Bedreddin... regretfully, we must let those Romans have some sweets for the moment, indulge them in their delusion of safety, but do remind them to not overstep themselves. When we strike next, that strike will be like thunderbolt."



"As Your Highness wish. You are wise in your decision; you are the true heir to your father."



"I am the true heir to my father because all my brothers are dead." with eyes suddenly turned cold eyes, the young man looks straight at his grand vizier, reminding his closest confidant through many years, that he is first and foremost the SULTAN, one to be feared before loved.



For a moment Bayezid thought his heart has stopped, he knows that glance too well. It is the glance of disappointment, a potential death sentence.



"Cali may have saved many lives with his death, but know this my grand vizier, the mistake at Gallipoli will not happen again, I will not allow it. For old time’s sake, do not force me upon things I might regretfully execute." with the last warning words, the young man turned and moved towards his tent, a dozen guards clad in armed to the teeth followed him silently, leaving Bayezid shivering in the rain.



Three days later, a small vessel set sail from the city of Thessaloniki towards Constantinople, it brings with it a messenger carrying a letter.



To my most eminent Basileios, the Ottoman prince Mustafa and governor of Nicopolis Junayd Bey have sought refuge in Thessaloniki, after fleeing from their defeat at the hand of Sultan Mehmed. The army of Mehmed in pursuit has surrounded the city demanding us to hand them over. I have after three days of negotiations decided to inform my Basileios the offer of the Ottomans with this letter. In exchange for our handover the Ottomans would offer 1.000.000 akces.



For your wise consideration, during the negotiation the rebellion in Dobrudja has worsened, so much so that it apparently required the full attention of Mehmed, for he rode off with his janissary yesterday in haste, despite getting a cold and feeling unwell. Giving the unfavorable situation the Ottomans currently have themselves in, I believe they would be rather susceptible to a deal more in our favor, but that is a deal that requires a 'direct' line of communication between two heads of states.



Regardless, Thessaloniki stands firm, walls are manned daily, people are well fed, morale high, the Ottoman navy cannot blockade our port after their recent crushing defeat at the hands of the Venetians, the city will stand. Despot Andronikos has recovered well from the illness that has plagued him lately, he sends his regards to you.



I hope this letter find my Basileios in good hands.



Your perpetual loyal and faithful servant, Demetrios Laskaris Leontares



The fifth day of June, our Lord 1416.

 

[elerosse]

Chapter I - City of Thessalian Nike



The childhood of Andronikos Palaiologos is unfortunately clouded in mystery. The young prince was separated from his family at the age of eight, to become the nominal Despot of Thessaloniki, under the guardianship of the experience soldier and administrator Demetrios Laskaris Leontares. Unlike his brother Theodoros who received Morea and had to spend his time in cold citadels, Andronikos had the luxury of living in the second largest city of the Empire, though at that time greatly reduced in population, wealth and influence due to years of turmoil and the occupation of Ottomans. However, before the summer of 1416, the young prince is hardly present in any historical records, almost as if he is a phantom. Some correspondence letters between Roman bishops dated from 1430’s mentioned a rare disease that has severely hampered his ability to socialize or partake any important role during his youth years – a disease seen as punishment of Lord by the bishops.



...The theory that Andronikos was influenced by Master Plethon at a young age, that this young prince was a secret pagan disciple and worshipper of heathen gods, is speculation at best, and only serves as loud-hailer for the wild and fantastical accusations made by conservative bishops stemming from 1430s and 1440s. What we can deduct, and safely assume, based on the later achievements of the young prince, is that he most likely would have received a solid military education and must have had at least some experience in statecraft, a proposition not too farfetched, considering the close relationship the young prince had with his guardian, the wise and brave Leontares.



- Treatise on the political development in early 1400s Balkan, Professor Emeritus Alexandros Lekapenos, Academia Thessalonica, 1899



*******************************************************************

Map of Thessaloniki



From the Palace of Galerius, a young man in his teens leans his body outside the window, his long pale hair blown by the wind, enjoying the warmth of sunlight. His body is lean, his face delicate and pretty, yet thin and pallid.



From above, he could hear the noise of conversation and talks on the streets, looking down, he could see the shapes and outfits of each pedestrian, see the basket in their arms, children running past. The smell of salt and fish in the air makes him cast his eyes on the harbor not too afar, and he observes carefully the many ships with foreign flags that has docked his port, his city.



"Venetians, Genoese, Ragusan, Imperial... mostly Venetian flags." counting the flags of ships, the young man speaks the result to himself.



For many years he has stuck to his room, perpetually weak in his feet, unable to go out and play or perform his duties, only accompanied by books and letters.



Everything changed a week ago, when he finally felt better for the first time since memory, he felt strength in his legs, and he was able to walk and talk continuously without the need for gasp. By following the instructions of his old pen pal Master Plethon’s advice, taking potions sent by the master which claims were made according to the ancient book of magi, he felt better, and cured.



A storm passed the shores yesterday. Reminded of the saying ‘sunshine always follows rain’, the teenager decides for a walk down the street, something he has always feared.



The young man manages to put on some decent clothes, then proceeds down the stairs to the grand hall. Along the way servants bow, in their eyes he can detect surprise and amazement, as they have rarely seen him walk this freely without assistance.



“Open the door.” The young man moves across the hall into the yard, then gives his order to the guard at the front door. They paused for a moment, then slowly opened the gate to the street.



Standing in the street, seen people passing by, the young man felt excitement in his chest. A fresh endeavor so usual to people yet so novel to him. Slowly he begins to walk down the street, observing inquisitively the prices of wares at street vendor, the clothes of people, the talks they make, to gather a sense on what nromal day is like for ordinary people - he has always had a responsive ear and eyes.



As he walks down the street, he observes many people in angst, both men and women are quietly discussing, gossiping about the matter that has gained the attention of everyone in the city - the Ottoman siege that begun four days ago. The thought of the Ottomans brings memories of the past begins to fly past his mind.



Born Andronikos Palaiologos in 1400, he is the son of Manuel II, the emperor of Romans. He lived in Constantinople in his youth, at the palace of Blachernae, until the age of eight, when he was called upon by his father the emperor to become despot of Thessaloniki. He remembers that day vividly, particularly a conversation one servant said to another, with exhilarated tones hardly able to control: ‘The Turks have incurred the wrath of God! Their sultan and their army has been swallowed whole in a great battle to the east! Now the young sultan comes and begs for peace from the emperor, and our emperor gracefully gave them peace!!' He remebers his father equally excited, placed a right hand on his shoulder, and bid him farewell.



Without understanding the meaning of his new title and the heavy responsibility that follows, Andronikos began his life as despot in the newly established Despotate of Thessaloniki, which as part of the deal the Ottomans made in return for the peace from Romans were returned to Roman hands. The life of a despot is a difficult one. Separated from all his family, and surrounded by unfamiliar faces and places, Andronikos found himself no one to speak to but his mentor and guardian Demetrios Laskaris Leontares. Slowly they bond, later on Andronikos were to find a pen pal in Mystras, Peloponnese, where a renowned scholar named Gemisthus Plethon keeps regular correspondence through letter with Andronikos.



“Your Highness, lord Leontares is waiting for you in the palace.” a guard ran to Andronikos, relaying him the information.



Andronikos follows the guard back into his palace, where Leontares is already standing in the hallway. Once noticed of Andronikos’ presence, he salutes Andronikos with a big smile: “It is good to see you well my despot!”



“Thank you Demetrios, I assume you have come with urgent matter? Is there news from the wall?” Andronikos has noticed Leontares is suited with a military outfit, ready to put on armor anytime, giving gravitas to his presence.



The smile on Leontares’ face slowly fades. “Unfortunately you are right in your assumption. Our guards on the wall have reported the Ottoman have begun to pillage nearby villages, forcing tribute and extracting ransoms from local people.”



“Outrageous! They have no right to trespass into our territory!” Andronikos shouts, protesting loudly for a moment, then fell into silence. With many documents and eye-witness around him, he knows well the barbaric behaviors the Ottoman are capable to execute. Unfortunately for Andronikos, the huge gap of strength between the Turks and the Empire severely limits his option to intervene, a fact that makes him feel disgusted.



“The strong takes what they can, and the weak suffers what they must. Isn’t it right so, Demetrios?”



“We are not without options.” Leontares pauses briefly, then looks at Andronikos confidently: “The reason why the Ottomans are outside our gates, the reason why they started pillaging, is all part of their effort to retrieve our two ‘guests’, especially prince Mustafa. Prince Mustafa as the son of former sultan Bayezid has many sympathisers in the Ottoman court. In right circumstances, he can be utmost desctructive to the current sultan Mehmed, which your father, his Majesty, will utilized to its maximum potential.”



“Therefore, we must be patient. Come with me to the walls, it would be beneficiary for you to witness the Ottoman army with your own eyes.”



Andronikos follows Leontares to the akropolis situated to the north, along the way he encounters many soldiers, most of them local garrison and militias. They have decent morale, yet poor equipments. When he finally arrives at the wall of akropolis, he sees for the first time the presence of Ottoman army. Within his sight he sees countless tents, camps, weapons, horses, wagons, provisions, soldiers in bright armor that perform daily military duties, all organized in a orderly manner.



From afar, he notices a plume of smoke, one of his village is burning.



“Do we have any way to save those villagers?”



“Not at the moment, but if we manage to conclude our negotiation with the Ottomans to our favor, then we could to save the survivors from their dark fates.”



“And when would that be?”



“My Highness, as despot patience is a virtue you must possess.”



"In that case..." Andronikos turns to Leontares, serious in his tone: "As the despot, I command our guards to count the amount of people enslaved by the Ottomans, each day they must report their numbers to me, so we can have accountability when the day for repatriation comes."



Leontares is surprised by the order, it makes him realize Andronikos is no longer the young man weak in his feet, he is now actively asserting his duty as despot. "As you order my despot, I will make sure all numbers are accounted for!"



After giving out the first military command in his life, Andronikos stabilizes his breath and turns his head around and starts obeserving the Ottoman camp. The century of humiliation placed by Ottomans upon his empire, upon his people, and the wanton disregard of Roman lives and property makes Andronikos swear he will fulfill his duty as despot and protect his people as best as he can. Then, he notices an unusually large horse tail banner placed centrally in the Ottoman camp, tilting slightly from left to right.



"Demetrios, how many soldiers do you think they have out there?"



Leontares places his right hand under his chin and says: "By my calculation of the number of wells they have digged, and the plumes of cooking smoke in the last four days, then accounting for a rather large host of horses they brought, I would place their numbers around 8000 infantrymen and 4000 cavalry."



"That is more than all men at arms in the empire. We currently only have 1800 militias in our city, right?" the large number surprises Andronikos a bit.



"Indeed, but we have yet to fully mobilize since we are not at wars with the Ottomans. Though great in their numbers, they lack any siege equipment and would have a very difficult time breaching our walls."



As both men are discussing the preparation for a full mobilization, Andronikos suddenly notices the large banner he saw begins to move, with hundreds of cavalry marching out of the Ottoman main camp.



“This is the banner of sultan Mehmed.” Leontares has also noticed. He observes for a moment, then begins to wonder: “judging from their direction, the sultan is heading north, he has only gotten here four days ago after a long chase, which means something urgent is happening to the north. What could it be…? A revolt by the remnants of Mustafa? An incursion by the Vlachs?”



“Nevertheless, I must find out what is happening, and report to your father.”

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 2 – A Shadow of former Self



When the messenger from Leontares arrives at Constantinople and relays the letter into the hands of emperor Manuel II Palaiologos, he finds an emperor that has reigned for 20 years, a man renowned for his rhetoric, his charisma, his gregariousness and intelligence.



Only recently recovered from a bad cold, the now old aged Manuel II is visibly tired, yet his eyes are wise as ever. After reading the letter, he stands up from his chair, walks across the room towards a table where a giant map of the surrounding area is spread out. He looks at the position of Thessaloniki briefly, then focuses his eyesight north setting on the sanjak of Dobrudja, an area in northern Bulgaria, divided by the Danube River from the realms of voivodeships of Wallachia and Moldavia.

Map of Balkans and Agean Coast, circa 1410


Manuel stands still for a moment, then proceeds to write a replying letter. Before long he hands the reply to the waiting messenger, telling him: “Place this letter into the hands of Demetrios, and remind him that he must fully control the movement of Mustafa and Junayd, they are to be well treated but kept secured from themselves, the Ottomans, or any potential third party that have interests other than ours. As for the matter of the Ottoman disturbance, I applaud him for his effort, and may he find comfort when I finalize a deal with my beloved son the Sultan, who shall be obedient in time like these.”



“As you wish my most benevolent Basileios.”



As the messenger leaves, Manuel sets his sight at the map again. He calls upon his eldest son Ioannes to come to his side. Ioannes has only recently been crowned as co-emperor, and has witnessed his father’s conversation with the messenger. He walks to his father's side, curious in the matter.



“Ioannes my son, this is Dobrudja, where sultan Mehmed is heading according to the report of Leontares.” Manuel points out the location on the map, and while his son is observing, he continues: “My agent to the north has recently send me reports from Mesembria, that a certain mystic, the former kazasker[1] to the dead prince Musa, Sheikh Bedreddin has gathered a large follower in Northern Bulgaria. It is rumored that he has gained support from the princes in Wallachia and Moldavia, many reports seeing weapons, armors, wheat, arrows being ferried across the river.”



“This man must be the headache that sultan Mehmed I facing. A decent amount of frontier beys of Ottomans still has favorable opinions of Musa, but without a son of Bayezid in his helm, I wonder how long this disturbance would last.”



“Wouldn’t it be to our benefit then, that we support sultan Mehmed to put down this disturbance, gain his favor and lift the siege in Thessaloniki? Especially since this Sheikh Bedreddin is the remnant of the despicable prince Musa who sieged our Constantinople not long ago.” Ioannes offers his insight to the matter.



“Son, the politics goes beyond personal feelings. Our support means little to Mehmed, how many men can we gather? How much are we willing to sacrifice for the Ottomans? Mehmed knows well our limitations. We have nothing to give to the rebels that may change the outcome, yet risking angering Mehmed to our detriment.”



Ioannes, however have a different take on the situation. Young and bold, eager for honor and glory, he replies: “That may be, but if we do not support Mehmed, as Mustafa and Junayd are currently in our hands... if, say we transported them to Anatolia while Mehmed is busy in Bulgaria, they would surely stir up a lot of support, threatening the position of Mehmed dearly. Then Mehmed will know well our potentials, and grand us further concessions.”



Manuel patiently explains his thoughts to his son: “We are still too weak to face the Ottomans in open conflict, Mustafa and Junayd is the only major cards we hold. If we let them loose, we will lose control of the situation. It could become dangerously risky to us.”



“The fact that we are too weak on our own require us to utilize the internal division of the Ottomans to keep them busy and occupied, so that when the Latin crusaders finally arrives, we may deal the final blow to the scourge, and reclaim our empire.”



Manuel, perhaps worried by the bellicose tone of Ioannes, in turn changes his voice to a harshly tone: “If we release Mustafa and Junayd today, with Mehmed still having the allegiance of the beys, Mustafa would only be crushed by the beys in Anatolia eager to prove their loyalty to the sultan. Therefore, I have ordered Leontares to keep them in Thessaloniki. They will remain in our hands until some major crisis develops in Ottoman court, whenever that may happen, and we must remain friendly to Mehmed for the moment so to safeguard our precious gains following the Treaty of Gallipoli.”



Knowing Manuel’s positions, Ioannes avoids a confrontation with his father, and changes the topic instead: “How much are the Ottomans offering us to keep Mustafa and Junayd away from them?”



“Initially they want an immediate release into their custody, yet Leontares has managed to secure a payment of 1.000.000 akces in exchange for us to release them.”



“And what is your plan, father?”



Manuel smiles briefly: “We will promise Mehmed to never release Mustafa and Junayd, yet they must stay in our hands. Fortunately, the Venetians have destroyed Ottoman naval capabilities, and Bedreddin in rebellion has strengthened our position. I will require an annual payment from the sultan. I would assume 400.000 akces yearly would be something Mehmed is willing to accept, giving his predicament now.”



“Also, your brother Andronikos has mentioned around 800 men, women and children been taken as slaves by the Ottomans at Thessaloniki, these actions also require compensations.”



Seemingly convinced his son, Manuel places his right hand on the shoulder of Ioannes: “My son, our path, the path of emperor of Romans is a long and arduous path, it requires above all patience. Rash decisions may only lead us into oblivion.”



“I agree with your decision father, I will be more patient.” Ioannes nods.



"Leave the matter of negotiation with Mehmed to me, focus your effort on the coming Morea campaign. We mustn't waste the opportunity that Ottoman distraction has given us, you must fully support Theodoros in his effort to consolidate Peloponnese, swipe aside the remnants of Latin usurpers. We must use every opportunity to strengthen ourselves, while avoid the intervention of Ottomans and Venetians."



Ioannes shows a smile on his face. He is eager to prove his worth, and a military campaign in the near future in Peleponnese surely would cement his rightful position as co-emperor of the Roman Empire.





[1] A kazasker or kadıasker (Ottoman Turkish: قاضی عسكر, ḳāḍī'asker, "military judge") was a chief judge in the Ottoman Empire, so named originally because his jurisdiction extended to the cases of soldiers, who were later tried only by their own officers.

 

[elerosse]

Chapter 3 – A Trained Medicus



As Manuel and Ioannes carry on their plans in Constantinople, as Andronikos are getting familiar with his duties as despot in Thessaloniki, sultan Mehmed is leading his army into the forested and hilly territory of Dobrudja.



Surrounded by Danube River to the north, Black Sea to the east, Bulgarian lands to its south and west, Dobrudja is a windy and rugged terrain filled with diverse landscape such as thick forests, hills and lakes to the south, and hills, steppes and marshes to the north. On the land live multiple and diverse groups of people, of which Turks, Bulgarians and Vlachs form the majority. Since Dobrudja is situated at the mouth of Danube River and has faced numerous threats and invasions throughout its long history, its people have a long tradition of martial prowess, a rebellious spirit that continues to haunt the lords and occupiers, and they are very proud of their heritage to peasant leader Ivailo in 1270s, who led a peasant uprising to expel Mongol invaders and became the Tsar of Bulgarian Empire, before been betrayed by the nobles and died at the hands of the Mongols.

The rugged shorelines of Dobrudja



The Ottomans has only recently conquered Dobrudja after a long struggle against the Wallachia voivode Mircea who was equally interested in the strategically important land.



The defeat of Sultan Beyezid I by Tamerlane at Ankara in 1402 opened a period of chaos and dynastic infighting in the Ottoman Empire known as The Ottoman Interregnum. Mircea took advantage of the situation to organize a new anti-Ottoman campaign: in 1403, he occupied the Genoese fort of Kilia at the mouths of the Danube. Thus in 1404, he could impose his authority on Dobruja, which has fallen into anarchy as well.



It is in these extraordinary circumstances, that Sheikh Bedreddin chose Dobrudja to begin his revolt. Born in 1359 to a Turkish Muslim ghazi warrior father and a Greek Orthodox mother, Bedreddin was exposed to a coexistent religious environment at a very early age. He was initially a kadi, military judge to the Ottoman warriors, studied theology in Konya and Cairo, then travelled and lived with the mystic Safavid Shia Muslims for quite some time.



Soon Bedreddin developed his own pantheistic religious belief, the doctrine of "oneness of being". This doctrine condemned oppositions such as those of religion and social class as interference in the oneness of God and the individual, and such doctrine ran contrary to increasing Ottoman efforts to establish Sunni Islam as the state religion.



During the Ottoman Interregnum, Bedreddin served as the chief military judge under prince Musa who controlled Rumelia and struggled against the Romans and his brother Mehmed who hold sway over Anatolia. During this period Bedreddin used his position to spread his beliefs and grant favorable lands known as timar to the ghazi warriors, winning him support and many ardent followers.



After Musa’s defeat by Ottoman sultan Mehmed I in 1413, Bedreddin was exiled to Iznik, and his followers were dispossessed of their lands. However, he soon left his exile in Iznik in 1415, made his way to Sinop and from there across the Black Sea to Wallachia. With the support of voivode Mircea who are eager to stir up unrest in Ottoman lands, Bedreddin raised the standard of revolt against the Ottomans in Deliorman region of Dobrudja in the summer of 1416, a region known for its heavy and thick forest, thus the name Deliorman meaning mad forest. In addition, followers of Bedreddin simultaneously rose in Izmir and Saruhan, led by his disciple Borkluje Mustafa. The rebellion mainly consisted of disgruntled ghazis, dispossessed sipahis, medrese students, and Christian peasants.

The rugged terrain of Mad Forest



As most of the rebels have past experiences in Ottoman army, and knowing full well that they cannot possibly confront the might of the Ottoman army in open battle, they decided to stick to a guerilla warfare. Using the forestations as cover, they would hit the Ottomans in the flanks and rear, disturb their logistics while avoiding any pitched battles.



Mehmed was initially annoyed by the rebel tactics, but as he brought almost 26.000 men into Dobrudja that vastly outnumbered the around 10.000 rebels in quantity and quality, given enough time he could slowly squeeze the rebels out of their operation spaces and force them into a pitched battle and destroy them once and for all. This would however require the full attention of the commander in chief, who at the moment is unfortunately sick struck.



Ever since the bad cold Mehmed got due to the nightly rain at the camp outside Thessaloniki, it has only worsened by the arduous trip up north and the extremely windy climate of Dobrudja. Once Mehmed arrived with his army at the outskirt of Deliorman, he was having high fever, and the camp medicus, a well trained one, only made things worse for the sultan. After drinking the herb potions the medicus made, the sultan fell into coma, sleeping for most of the day, too weak to speak or give out commands. Without the sultan leading his men, Ottoman army becomes immobile, as none of the beys dare to give command without the orders of Mehmed. For a time, there are even rumors the sultan might be soon dead, creating fear, confusion and panic at the camp, further impacting the low morale of the army.



As Mehmed lies bedridden, Bedreddin used that precious time to stock up provisions, set up defensive parameters across Deliorman, and sending followers across Bulgaria to stifle up further unrest. By the time Mehmed somehow recovered from his slumbering status, a month and a half has already passed, the date is now 3th August, 1416.



Bedreddin’s rebellion has spread across Northern Bulgaria, many peasants and disgruntled ghazi warriors inspired by the teaching of him rose in defiance, forcibly taking land from local beys loyal to Mehmed. On Anatolia, the revolt at Izmir is also spreading like wild fire. The bey of Aydin, Alexander, was ambushed and killed by the rebels, and his 7000 strong forces either killed, surrendered or scattered.



Knowing he is still in a very weakened status, Mehmed decides to call for his grand vizier, Bayezid Pasha, the one who he an entrust the army with. Mehmed doesn’t trust the Rumelian beys and lords he brought with, they have only recently sworn allegiance to him, before that they were the subjects of his brother Musa, and enemy of Mehmed.



A sultan must always be on guard against those close to him, given his brother Mustafa is still alive, who knows what these frontier beys of Rumelia will do if they gained control of a large army, and a sultan that are weakened? Bayezid Pasha on the other hand, does not have the potentials and must fully rely on Mehmed to maintain power, therefore the obvious choice to lead the army in Mehmed’s stead.



As sensible as Mehmed’s choice may be, his order led to another week’s delay. Bayezid swiftly headed north from Thessaloniki after receiving his order. Once arrived, he put himself at work diligently. Like a true administrator, Bayezid Pasha reorganized the camps, punished the unruly beys, and reestablished discipline and order at the camp. Before long, the Ottoman army has regained its morale and campaign ability, ready to finally strike at the rebels.



By the direct order of Mehmed, on 3rd September 1416, Bayezid leads the majority of Ottoman army, some 18.000 strong deep into the woods of Deliorman.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 4 – Silent Hills and Moving Bushes



“Run! Run! Run for our lives!!”



Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire, Bayezid Pasha watches hundreds of rebel peasants flee in fear, as the Ottoman cavalry gallop forth to hunt them down. Some unfortunate souls were hacked to pieces by the Ottoman scimitar, while many more run into the hills and forest, where the rugged terrain creates a hindrance for the cavalry to continue their pursuit.



“These peasants are but castles of sand against our mighty waves. A single charge from my glorious cavalry is enough to break their line, it is hardly a battle more like smashing flies.”



Bayezid looks at Ahmed Yahyali the cavalry commander of his army, who openly brags about the bravery of his men. Though he dislikes the commander’s arrogance and bad temper, he is willing to acknowledge the merit in his statement.



Since the Bayezid Pasha led the 18.000 strong Ottoman army composing of 12.000 infantrymen and 6.000 cavalry into Deliorman to find and eradicate the rebellious Bedreddin forces, they have had several encounters with the enemies. For most part the enemy would form a roadblock with poorly equipped peasant rebels behind hastily dug ditches, countering no more than a thousand.



To route them require no more than a single cavalry charge, or a concentrated arrow fire. They would always flee at the moment of contact, into the hillsides, leaving their wounded and dead comrades behind. Such cowardice makes all Ottomans who value bravery and courage feel despise and contempt towards the rebels. As the Ottoman army drives deeper into the territory of Bedreddin, they are all sure victory is near.



“My Pasha, a prisoner.” A cavalry commander brings forth a wounded captive to Bayezid Pasha, then forces the captive on his knees with a kick.



“Speak to the Pasha scum, or you will be put to the sword.”



“Lord Pasha be merciful and forgive my trespasses! I am but a humble peasant, caught by the lies of...”



Before Bayezid could open his mouth, Ahmed Yahyali has dismounted from his horse and kicks the captive in the stomach then shouting: “Stop your games fool! Where are the main rebel forces? How many men do they have?”



The captive, with fear in his eyes nods his head violently, eager to tell them everything to save his live: “I tell you all you want! The main rebel forces have built a camp on a village some 3 days of march to the north, I have been there a week ago with my village chief, they have built wooden fences, and dug ditches. There are around 4000 men in the camps, mostly from villages nearby, please have mercy, spare my petty live...”



“How deep is the ditches?”



“It was... as deep as half a man’s’ body.”



“Do they have any armor? Any cavalry?”



“No horses, only some goats and sheep, and, and, chicken, and boars, all from nearby. Ehm.. some men are clad in iron, but most men are like me, just farmers with pitchforks, fooled by the devil.”



Ali Yahyali seems satisfied with the answers. He brings the captive up to his feet, draws his sword and cut him loose.



“Thank you, my benevolent lord, may god...” before the captive could finish his gratitude, his throat is cut open by Ali Yahyali.



Without bothering to look, Ali calmly cleans his sword with a piece of cloth, while turning to Bayezid Pasha: “The word of this one is similar to other captives, they must have all spoken truth, the enemy headquarter is only miles away. We shall strike fast and take it by surprise, and end the rebellion right there. Our sultan will be most pleased by our quick action.”



Bayezid Pasha takes a brief look at the body on the ground, still cramping with blood spilling from his throat, a hint of pity appears in his eyes for a second. He then looks at Ali Yahyali, and considers carefully the recommendation of the commander. Despite the disdain he has against Ali Yahyali, thinking this man to be too ruthless and ambitious for his own good, he must agree with the conclusion of Ali Yahyali, albeit for a different reason.



Unlike Ali Yahyali who is eager to gain military accomplishment by crushing the rebels and obtain the favor of sultan Mehmed, as grand vizier Bayezid Pasha must think of the bigger picture. Due to the late delays and departure of the army, they only have a short campaign season. If they fail to encircle and destroy the main rebel army before the snow falls, the cold and harsh climate of Dobrudja will prevent them from taking any major military actions for the remainder of the winter season, and the rebellion will be drawn out to next spring. This in turn will waste hundreds of thousands of extra silvers to supply the army, money much needed to rebuild the empire. To destroy the rebels before winter arrives is therefore of high priority to Bayezid Pasha.



“Give my order to the army, commander Ali Yahyali is to lead the cavalry scouting in front, the main infantry groups into ten columns and force march towards the rebel camp, we shall crush the rebels once and for all, so that no one dares to defy our great sultan ever again!” with the order of Bayezid, the Ottoman army moves north with fervor.



On 15th September 1416, the Ottoman army is only a day’s march from the expected rebel camp, they have found themselves surrounded by very thick vegetations and steep hillsides.



No one notices the roads are getting narrower, they are all eager to kill the rebels, plunder their loot and return home to glory and rewards.



That is when a group of rebel forces suddenly appears in front. Without thinking much, Ali Yahyali orders a cavalry charge on the enemy, only 2000 in numbers, expecting them to crumble like all rebels did before them. To his surprise, due to the narrow road that limited the width and speed of the cavalry attack, the enemy didn’t budge, but held the line steadily with their large shields and long spear. Ali Yahyali soon grows impatient with the situation. Perhaps overconfident in his strength and thinking the rebels only had 4000 men at camp, he orders a full attack with his cavalry to support their companions’ fight.



As fresh cavalry pours into the battlefield, their impact begins to be felt, and the rebels are pushed more and more back by the sheer weight of Ottoman forces. Just as Ali Yahyali thinks the enemy are about to break, a small rock suddenly falls next to him. Unconsciously he looks up, and to his horror he sees many shadows on the steep hills, countless rebels have readied their bows, crossbows and large rocks.



“Ambush! Sound the retreat!!” As soon as Ali Yahyali lets out his cry, countless arrows fly down towards the unsuspecting Ottoman cavalrymen. Their tight formation made arrows difficult to miss, and within minutes they suffer extremely heavy casualties. At the same time the sound of cavalry charging appears, and to the despair of the Ottomans, they see thousands of rebel calvary, fully equpped in armor, charging down the road while they themselves are pinned down by the arrow fire, too disorganized to mount a countercharge.



The rebel calvary smashes onto the disorganized Ottomans, causing many Ottoman calvarymen flying into the air by the huge force of impact, and the battleline to collapse almost immediately! Unable to maneuver around the narrow road, the only way is back, Ottoman army panics and starts to flee, trampling and killing many of their own men along the way.



A similar fate awaits the main Ottoman infantry force. They are ambushed by rebel forces within instant, been surrounded by all sides, with enemy arrow fire constantly barraging down, and well-equipped enemy heavy infantrymen hacking their way into their flanks, before long the Ottoman infantry begins to crack under the pressure and shock.



It is only then that Bayezid realizes Bedreddin has saved his most elite forces, the ghazi war veterans, for the last ambush. The disorganized and poorly equipped peasant forced were only meant to distract him and make him careless. The revelation comes too late, Bayezid can only helplessly watch as his army melts away in front of him. The once proud Ottoman soldiers flee with no honor, throwing their armor away to quicken their paces.



“This is disaster...” Bayezid murmurs, before been dragged away by his bodyguard.

A later artist rendition of the Ambush of Deliorman


The surprising Ottoman defeat by the rebels at Deliorman comes as a great shock throughout Balkans. Of the 18.000 men that went in, only about a third return camp alive. Bayezid Pasha survives with only minor injuries along with more than half of the infantry, but the main cavalry force along with its commander Ali Yahyali perishes in the woods, their demise inadvertantly facilitating the escape of infantry. In contrast, Bedreddin’s forces only suffered around 2000 casualties of the 14.000 rebels that participated in the battle.



As winter closes in, Mehmed is forced to accept defeat and postpone his campaign to the next year while he eagerly assembles another army. It is in such disadvantageous position that Mehmed receives the personal envoy from emperor Manuel II. Physically exhausted by his disease, pride in damage and having recently lost his main army, on 27th October 1416, Mehmed is forced to conclude an agreement much to the favor of the Romans. In exchange for Romans to keep Mustafa and Junayd away from Ottoman territory, with Mustafa placed on the island of Lemnos and Junayd the castle of Neopatras, the Ottomans must pay 300.000 akces annually, and must transfer the castle of Neopatras to Roman control, so as to safeguard Junayd in it. Neopatras is situated at a crossroad between the despotate of Thessaloniki, Duchy of Athes, Duchy of Epirus and the Despotate of Morea. By gaining control of it, the Romans have opened a small corridor between Thessaloniki and Morea through the gulf of Corinth.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 5 – Epilektoi



The recent treaty with sultan Mehmed is yet another Roman diplomatic success, the news of signing sends the Roman court in Constantinople into jubilant moods. The yearly income of 300.000 akces accounts for almost one fifth of the total annual revenue of the empire, and provides a rather significant boost to its dire financial status.



In addition to the monetary gain, the strategically important castle of Neopatras was also returned to Roman hands. The castle situated in the county of Salona was originally a remnant of Latin empire. 20 years ago, the last count of Salona sold the county to the Knight Hospitaller for a rather meagre sum of money. The Ottomans however did not respect the transaction and forcibly took the county from the knights around 10 years ago.



Due to the constant civil war and internal struggle Ottomans faced, they haven’t had the resources to consolidate their gain in the county, and as a result many cities and castles in Salona is only lightly garrisoned or outright abandoned. Now, Neopatras is situated to the northern part of Salona and next to the vital land road connection between Thessaly, by controlling the castle the Roman army of Thessaloniki can traverse briefly through Ottoman Salona, then reach the gulf of Corinth to be ferried across easily. This will in practice link up the despotate of Thessaloniki and Morea, significantly improve the synergy and connection not to mention opening up future expansion routes into Epirus and Central Greece.



To celebrate the recent good fortunes, emperor Manuel II announces a grand banquet at the palace of Blachernae, in the name of honoring the recently arrived despot Andronikos so not to offend the Ottomans too much.



11th November 1416 – All dignitaries of Constantinople, some 200 guests have gathered at the palace of Blachernae, warmly greeted by the emperor Manuel II. Food and wines are plenty, dancers from the Orient entertain the guests with exotic and acrobatic dances, bards sing songs of praises to the empire and the emperor. Cheers and laughs echoes in the grand hall.



On the main seats sits emperor Manuel in the middle. To his left is his eldest son, co-emperor Ioannes, and to his right is his wife, empress Helena Dragas. Next to her sits the three younger sons of Manuel, Demetrios, Konstantinos and Thomas. To the side of Ioannes sits despot Andronikos, and despot Theodoros, all sons of Manuel.



While Manuel greets each single of the guests that have come to pay their respect to the emperor, the three elder brethren Ioannes, Andronikos and Theodoros is using the opportunity to discuss their planned campaign in Achaea in due next spring.



“I must say, your suggestion to take Neopatras is a genius move!” Ioannes looks at Andronikos, cup raised, a big smile on his face.



“Yes, now the lands of the Romans are linked, no more can the Venetians cut our communication of sea, it will greatly help with the campaign!” Theodoros, still very young but have years of experience as despot of Morea, similarly raises his cup.



“Come spring and I will lead the army of Thessaloniki to join you my brother in Morea, and together we shall crush the last remnants of Latin pest that has infested our lands and our people for too long!”



“Let’s drink to that!” Ioannes finishes his cup, wines dripping down his strong beard. He puts his hand around the shoulder of Andronikos, loud in his voice: “That is the spirit, the empire depends on us, but first let us enjoy the party.”



Soon the focus of the brethren all turn to the center of the hall, where a mystic claiming to come from the faraway land of India swallows a long sword without any harm, sending shock and awe across the room.



A week later, Andronikos returns to Thessaloniki. During his stay in Constantinople, he successfully persuaded emperor Manuel II to add Neopatras into the negotiation with Ottomans. Furthermore, he finalizes the plan for Achaea campaign with his brethren.



Taking advantage of Ottoman defeat, Theodoros is to assemble an army of 3600 men in Morea, Ioannes is to lead 2000 men from Constantinople, and Andronikos another 2000 from Thessaloniki and join forces in Mystras. Together they will march on the capital of duchy of Achaea, Glorentza to force count Centurione to meet them at the field, then proceed to defeat its army, besiege Glarentza then take back the rest of Achaea.



*******************



Once back in Thessaloniki, Andronikos dedicates himself into preparing for the coming campaign. The first military campaign that he partakes, with his brother in arms, means a lot to the young despot. Excited as he may be, he is determined not to let his brother down.



He comes under the tutelage of the experience soldier Demetrios Laskaris Leontares, how to command an army, how to set up camps, how to establish lines of communication and provisions so on and so forth. From the grand strategy to the minor details, Andronikos learns with great vigor and eagerness all winter.



Drawing from his communication with Plethon, who advises him to use from the past experience of the glorious Hellenic states of Athens, Corinth and Sparta as guidance, Andronikos establishes an experimental force based on the citizen army of Corinth funded by his share of the Ottoman silvers. The new force is a heavy infantry combat unit consisting of some 300 men, armed with long pikes known as kontaria, a spatha sword as side arm, and wearing gambeson armor with a medium shield.

A later reeactment of the standard 3 man battle group of Epilektoi and its armament


Andronikos uses the military treaties from the classical age that has survived the history to train them with pike wall tactics, and uses ancient Roman military treatises to drill them rigorously to put discipline among the ranks. Leontares, initially skeptical, soon saw value in Andronikos’ experiment, and decides to dedicate his effort into training the force as well.



As for the recruitment, the initial men mostly came from the small vendors and city dwellers in Thessaloniki. It is soon discovered that they couldn’t cope with the strict and harsh discipline required by Leontares and Andronikos. They were soon forced to dismiss around half the force.



Leontares advises Andronikos to look for recruits among the fishermen at the shoreline, and miner in the mountains of Chalcidice. The harsh environment of fishery creates strong men, capable of enduring the difficult life of a solder. The deep mines of Chalcidice require cohesion and coordination else a single man’s mistake could cast doom to all his fellow workers. Therefore, the miners are naturally receptible to discipline and orders. With fresh recruits and experienced officers drawn from the existing army, the experimental force finally begins to take shape. Andronikos decides to name his new forces "Epilektoi" – Greek for the Chosen, named after the elite hoplite armies of classical Greece.



When the snows melts, and greens appears, the forces of Thessaloniki stand ready for war.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 6 – A Looming Personal Bankruptcy



Bayezid Pasha carefully enters the palace of sultan in Adrianople. His cheeks sunken, his looks haggard, tired by his 3 day’s ride from the Ottoman army camp at Dobrudja to Adrianople during a bitter snow storm.



Mehmed, half-leaning on a Roman couch, looks at his grand vizier bowing before him and extends his hand.



Bayezid removes his hat, steps forward and lightly kiss the hand of Mehmed, then steps back to his original position: “I have come instantaneously at your Highness’s request, how may I help my sultan?”



Without any formalities Mehmed goes straight to the point: “What is the situation in Dobrudja, how serious is Murad and Mustafa’s dispute damaging to the military effort?”



Bayezid answers with a heavy sigh “when the prince’s arrived initially in November, their relations were cordial, and managed their individual armies orderly. The relationship turned for the worse when the cavalry under Murad was ambushed by the rebels in the outskirt of Shumen, a garrison area under the responsibility of Mustafa. Murad accuses Mustafa for failure to secure the area, while Mustafa attacks Murad for entering his area without notice.”



“Soon the armies of the two prince’s stop coordination, and the rebel army has managed to take advantage of it to pillage several villages that lies between their individual garrison area. Due to the harsh winter our main army are unable to move in large numbers, and the small detachment we sent either failed to intercept the rebels who knows the surroundings very well, or they fall into ambush and suffers.”



“Who do you think is in the wrong? Who to blame?” Mehmed though calm in his voice, shows anger in his eyes.



“Forgive me your Highness, I have no position to judge the princes, but without clear chain of command, I’m afraid the situation wouldn’t improve.”



“Well then...” Mehmed stands, his body still weak after the long sickness he endured. He walks pass Bayezid to the wall, then draws a sword from one of the scabbard hanging on the wall: “It is my mistake to call both of my sons with their respective armies to Dobrudja, I have placed high hopes on them, obviously they both failed me. As the result, I will take charge of the army in Dobrudja.”



“But your Highness, your health...”



“Bayezid my dear friend.” Mehmed interrupts Bayezid’s protest. With a determined and irresistible voice, he continues: “The situation doesn’t allow me to rest. Assembled by the inept king of Hungary Sigismund, the Infidel Christians have gathered at Constance to discuss a reunion of the churches and plan another crusade against us. Although they haven’t yet decided on a new Pope, the discussion is near its end. We must be duly prepared for yet another Heathen army descending from the north. Before that, we must eliminate the main obstacle Sheikh Bedreddin. We mustn’t allow him and his supporters to gather strength, we must uproot the weed and secure our flanks and rear.”



Bayezid knows that Mehmed is right. Bedreddin has used his victory to secure large gains. He now controls most of Dobrudja, and a big chunk of Bulgarian lands north of Shumen. He has become a nuisance serious enough that only Mehmed in person leading a large army can defeat him.



Mehmed places the sword in the hands of Bayezid: “I’m afraid you have to travel back to the main camp immediately to prepare for my arrival. I have used the winter to gather another army of 15.000 men in Edirne, I shall lead them to Dobrudja when spring comes. Before that, you are authorized to be in charge for the army, this sword will function as your token. You must punish Murad and Mustafa for their petty quarrels and restore order and cohesion. Once I arrive with my army, I will send Murad and his army to reinforce Anatolia, while keeping Mustafa to my side.”



“As you wish your Highness. I shall make the necessary preparation for your arrival.” Bayezid bows then removes himself from the palace.



As Bayezid disappears into the February cold drizzle, Mehmed sighs quietly.



The situation for him and his empire is hardly rosy. Bedreddin can only be barely contained in the north, another crusade is looming in Christian lands, the rebels in Anatolia have scored another victory against local beys, they now lay siege on Izmir and may take the city if reinforcement is not sent. Furthermore, his agents inform him the Romans have gathered a rather large army in Roman standard, to move against the duchy of Achaea come spring.



Although the duchy of Achaea is a Latin remnant and not a vassal of Ottomans, Mehmed is nevertheless concerned of the growing strength of the Romans. Given strength, these Romans will undoubtedly increase their meddling in Ottoman affairs, seek to undermine Ottoman rule, and plan to restore their former lands taken by Mehmed and his ancestors.



If only Allah could grant him the health and time to reconsolidate his empire...



Hundreds of miles away from Adrianople, in Thessaloniki, Andronikos also faces a predicament, albeit a minor one compared to Mehmed.



Because Junayd bey is held in Neopatras, a castle under Thessaloniki jurisdiction, it was agreed between Andronikos and emperor Manuel that the former receives half of the 300.000 annual akces from the Ottomans. This fund is enough for Andronikos to hire and equip his 300 epilektois, but they are no where enough to pay for them more than 3 months. Andronikos had initially hoped he could gain extra funds from the orthodox church in Thessaloniki to help pay for the salaries of his new army.



The metropolis of Macedonia is the largest landowner of Thessaloniki and its surrounding areas, it has accumulated enormous wealth through centuries of donations from pious believers and wealthy patrons.



However, when Andronikos went to the church for some monetary support for his army, his proposal was patently rejected by the church. Although the new archbishop Symeon is very sympathetic to Andronikos’ struggle against Ottomans, himself being one of the staunchest opponents to Ottoman rule over Greek and Orthodox land, ultimately his hands are bound by the opinion of other bishops, who overwhelmingly rejects the idea.



The church bishops protect their own interest with great vigor. No amount of persuasion from Andronikos or Symeon could change their mind.



Disappointed, Andronikos must now face the possibility of not able to pay for his new army. Under the advice of Leontares, ultimately, Andronikos went to the Venice traders and pawned his crown for 1.500 ducats, roughly equal to 120.000 akces, which secures another 4 months of pay for his new army.

Venetian ducat is the main currency in circulation in Mediterranean. The exchange rate between ducat and akces which are a silver coin minted by the Ottomans is roughly 1:80-90


On 22nd February 1416, at the news that co-emperor Ioannes has departed Constantinople with 2000 men, together with Leontares, Andronikos departs Thessaloniki with an army of 2000 including his epilektoi towards Neopatras. Once arrived they were to continue further south to the coast, where the combined navy of Roman empire will ferry them across the gulf of Corinth into despotate of Morea.



After years of careful preparation, and taking full advantage of the distraction of Ottomans, the Roman campaign to reclaim the duchy of Achaea finally begins. If failure it will not only mean a major setback for the empire, but it will also mean the personal bankruptcy of Andronikos, as he has no means to repay the money lend from the Venetians.

 

[elerosse]

Chapter 7 – Morea Campaign



March 2 1417, Andronikos meets his brothers at the war counsel in the castle of Mystras, the administrative capital of despotate of Morea. The total Roman army that has set up camp outside the walls of Mystras totals over 6000 men, of them around 1500 cavalry, the armies arriving separately from Constantinople, Thessaloniki, and Morea.



During the war counsel, the parties quickly decide that co-emperor Ioannes, while leading personally his 2000 men as the center formation, would also assume the position of supreme commander of all Roman forces. The army of Thessaloniki led nominally by Andronikos but practically by Leontares, would assume the position of left flank and rear-guard. Theodoros, despotate of Morea due to his forces’ familiarity with the surrounding terrain and area, would assume the position of right flank and vanguard.

Map of the Peloponnese with its principal locations during the late Middle Ages -
Roman battle order - first phase in red, second phase in orange, third phase in blue


After dividing the duty and responsibility of each prince and generals, the war counsel then quickly finalizes on the war goal of the campaign. It is agreed that in the first phase of the campaign, the combined Imperial forces will depart from Mystras which are situated at the south of Peleponneses to Messenia , then proceed north into Elis to siege Glarentza, a formidable Latin castle at the coast that serves as the capital of the principality of Achaea, and of which Imperial agents informs the main enemy force have gathered. The Imperial navy will support the siege with a blockade. By besieging the castle, the Imperial army will effectively cut the communication between the Latin lords and his army to the rest of his realm.



In the second phase, the forces of Morea will spread out to carpet-siege the cities such as Navarino, Oleni, Clerment, and towns and villages throughout Achaea so to secure the area while provide the necessary food and provision for the large army through the support of local village elders and clergymen. During this phase, the Latin castles and strongholds such as Arkadia will be surrounded and monitored without any siege effort.



In the third phase, after a prolonged siege, the Imperial forces will combine yet again outside the walls of Glarentza, and through siege weapon take the castle by force or starvation depending on the situation at hand. After the fall of Glarentza and the destruction of main enemy army, the Thessaloniki and Constantinople contingents would return home, while the local forces of Morea would partake in mop-up operations and take the remaining Latin hold-outs in Achaea, including the important port city of Patras, if it wasn’t taken during the second phase.



As the Morea campaign has been planned for well over a year by the Empire, Mystras has stockpiled a large quantity of food, amour, weapons, arrows, gunpowder, horses, livestock and all necessary war materials. However, the recently decided addition of 1500 men from Thessaloniki has put a rather significant strain on the logistics, which were originally planned for an army of around 4500. Facing this situation, either the Romans have to cut their campaign season short, or they need to aggressively live by the land, ie. through forced solicitation on farmers – which in turn may aggravate the local Greek population making their reintegration into the empire more difficult.



This is the main point of contention between the parties in the war counsel. Andronikos who favors an aggressive approach and Theodoros who values the opinions of his soon to be dominions came into heated arguments. Nevertheless, Ioannes manages to settle the debate by proposing to confiscate the holdings and properties of Latin lords, sp to secure funds to buy provisions from the grain merchants of Genoa and Venice. This decision, however, could potentially alienate the opinions of the Latin world, and risk a small chance of potential Latin intervention from Italy – despite this concern, it is the only solution that all parties can agree upon. For some extra safeguard measures, the Greek philosopher Plethon who is well received by the courts in Italy is sent to Naples to placate the Neapolitan lords to prevent any potential Italian involvements.



Facing the might of the Imperial army, is the prince of Achaea, Centurione II Zaccaria and his less than a thousand Latin retinues. A formal vassal to the King of Naples, Centurione is a characteristic greedy Latin lord who will get what he wants by hook or by crook. Knowing for a while that the Romans are coming for his domain and that he couldn’t possibility defeat the Romans alone; he has spent the last year desperately preparing for defense. He reinforced the walls of Glarentza and several other important castles, he stockpiled food from the countryside, he sent countless courtiers to Naples his former lord, to Genoa, his nominal protector, and to Venice, the enemy of his nominal protector, all pleading for help – he even reached out to his wife's cousin Carlo I Tocco, duke of Leucas, who just several years ago tried to take Glarentza from him by force. These efforts would however provide him with little comfort. The Greek population in Achaea are sometimes indifferent, other times openly hostile to his effort to hoard provision from the countryside, let alone his effort to gather a local levy force. Organized by the local Orthodox clergymen, many Greek villages refused his order to send provision or men to Glarentza.



The walls of Centurione's castles are indeed reinforced with wooden attachments and ramparts, but without proper supply the garrison forces would ultimately fall to a prolonged siege, and he lacks manpower to fortify all his positions. It is the Italian lords that disappoints Centurione the most. The lords of Naples are distracted by the internal struggle after the death of former king Ladislaus, his protector in name Genoa is hard pressed by the Duke of Milan on land and by the Crown of Aragon at sea and could thus spare no help, and the ever cunning Venetians demands unacceptible high prices for meagre support.[1]



Surprisingly, it is the former enemy of Centurione, Duke of Leucas, Tocco, that responds positively to his plead for hep – perhaps sensing the threat of Roman reconquest on his holdings in Epirus and Cephalonia, he sent what little resource he could spare – two galleys arrives at the port of Glarentza bringing 80 soldiers, provisions enough to supply 500 men for a month, and 2 cannons recently acquired from Venice.



Without the support of local population or guarantee of foreign intervention, the only option for Centurione is to concentrate all his forces in Glarentza and hopefully survive a long brutal siege. As intelligence that the Roman army has gathered in Mystras reach Centurione, he retreats himself to a local chapel to pray to the lord for divine help. There are not much else he could do but to anxiously await the incoming Roman onslaught.



On March 8 1417, the purple banner of Imperial army flies over the hills, the forests and the farmlands of Achaea.



Marching along the ancient Roman roads and the countryside of Peleponneses, looking ahead, Andronikos who is clad in armor and on a white horse can see Imperial cavalry forces screening in front. Behind him is an endless column of infantrymen and supply wagons. On the road towards Glarentza, Roman soldiers have their heads high and chests buffed. They are equipped with newly furbished armor that bear Italian influence, their polished swords and lances shine brightly under the sun. They march towards reconquest and glory.









[1] Historically, the principality of Achaea has long been a vassal under the crown of Naples, though the Neapolitan influence slowly slipped away as time pass. In 1407 the duke of Leucas and Epirus, Tocco, eager to take the principality for himself convinced then king of Naples, Ladislaus to revoke his nominal overlordship of Achaea, then promptly invaded the principality and failed due to the involvement of Genoa. Since 1409 Achaea became a nominal protectorate of Genoa.

 

[elerosse]

Chapter 8 – Glarentza



Andronikos looks outside his camp and sees the ground muddied by several days of rain. Wooden planks were placed on the ground to form a walkway for soldiers to walk upon, connecting various tents and camps, a vital part of the ever-growing Imperial encampment outside the castle of Glarentza.



With worrying thoughts, Andronikos put on a cloak and walks outside, towards the main camp for a war counsel. It has been 18 days since they marched into Achaea, and it has been 10 days since the siege of Glarentza began.



The Roman campaign all went very well initially, the local population didn’t make any meaningful resistance, some villages even openly welcome the arrival of Imperial army, ready to provide shelter and a limited amount of food. That been said, most Greek population are more or less indifferent to the whole situation – they may hate the foreign Latin lords that have placed heavy taxation and discriminatory policies upon them, but Roman rule have not shown any respite on the heavily-burdened peasants in the past, the taxes were equally heavy. For most of the peasants, this whole campaign is for the nobles and the haves to fight over, as have-nots, they only hope for lenient taxation and less levy in the future.



As the main army rapidly marched north to encircle Glarentza, villages along the main road are quickly occupied and secured. Not before long, the whole south and central Achaea is placed under Roman control, where the Latin resistance either retreats north and east towards the mountainous terrain, or hold out in some of the castles spread across central Achaea. On 18 March, the Romans surrounds Glarentza from all sides, and promptly set up camp, the siege of Glarentza has begun.



Things however began to turn for the worse, as the weather soon turned bad. Sporadic but never-ending rainfall made the ground muddy, seriously hindering the siege efforts such as set up camp, prepare for siege equipment, or filling the moats outside the walls. In addition, a well-seasoned commander understands the impact of a long rainy weather on the health and morale of the men. The defence situation of Glarentza doesn't paint a favorable picture to the Romans either.

The layout of the city of Glarentza


The town of Glarentza was founded in the mid-13th century by William II of Villehardouin, the first Latin prince of Achaea, and the town served as the main port and mint of the Frankish Principality of Achaea. Situated on a small plateau, sloping slightly downwards from west to east, at the extreme northwestern end of the peninsula known in Antiquity as Chelonatas, in the area of Elis, Glarentza occupies an irregular shape of ca. 450 metres from east to west and 350 metres from north to south, i.e. a surface of ca. 8,800 square metres. The northern and western sides of the town bordered on the sea and were protected by a cliff of some 50 m in height descending to the sea. The port was located in the north, shielded from the dangerous western and southwestern winds. The walls of Glarentza are no match to the big cities such as Constantinople and Thessaloniki, but to breach it is a tedious endeavor nevetheless due to the favorable defensive terrain that Glarentza is situated in. This fact is the first thing Andronikos noticed when he arrived, he understood right away the difficiult task facing his men - Roman soldiers have to carry their equipment and push their siege engines up on a sloppy hill before reaching a long moat. Only after filling the moat under enemy barrage could they reach a series of ramparts - and only after destroying such ramparts can the men come near the walls it self.



And the Latins, though outnumbered, have enough men to fully garrison each and every square of Glarentza's walls. As the main port and bastion of Latin presence in Peleponnese, Glarentza hosts two thousands inhabitants, most of them merchants, city-dwellers and craftsmen, but also professional soldiers. Andronikos have no doubt that Centurione has pressed each and every able men into his service. A hard and difficult struggle is facing the young prince.



Entering the tent where war counsel is held, Andronikos sees Leontares and Theodoros discussing next to a map. As he knows Theodoros was campaigning in south and central Achaea, he is somewhat surprised by his appearance at the camp. Intrigued by the situation outside, Andronikos walks towards the two men to partake in their conversation.



“The logistical problem has been resolved rather successfully.” Theodoros smiles at Andronikos, his mood bright in contrast to people at the main camp.



“Finally, some good news, I assume Achaea is mostly pacified?”



“Mostly, the country side is firmly in our control, we have taken two Latin castles by surprise attack, one Latin castle surrendered once we offer amnesty and to transport them and their property to Italy. Only Arkadia remains in central Achaea in Latin hands. My men are now moving towards the hilly east Achaea, where the last Latin remnant forces remain.”



“This is good news indeed!” Ioannes appears at the entrance, he clearly overheard the good news from afar – Theodoros in excitement spoke loudly.



Ioannes comes towards his brethren and generals, standing in the middle of the table, then proclaims: “So far, despite some setbacks by the weather, our campaign has been very successful! In less than a month we have fully encircled Centurione and his Latin henchmen in Glarentza, and we have secured two thirds of Achaea for imperial control. It is only a matter of time before all of Achaea are rejoined into the Empire!”



“Glory to the Empire!” men at presence respond with loud cry.



Ioannes, with confidence in his eyes then declares: “Now, only Glarentza stands in front of us, we must use the good momentum to push! To push hard against the enemy! We must have our siege engines ready by fortnight, by then the men of Morea will have joined us, and we shall take Glarentza once and for all!”



Not all men are equally excited, Leontares speaks the words of caution: “My Excellency, I understand the urgency, but Glarentza has been well-fortified by the Latins, they have many men with siege experience, I’ve heard that they even have two cannons mounted at the walls. We mustn’t underestimate the enemy.”



“Cannons! Hah, it is but toys only foolish men are scared of! They have no practical use in real warfare! Intelligence says there are only 600 Latins in Glarentza, they are frightened by our might, and we outnumber them almost 10 to 1! One well-organized storm and we shall take the castle!” An old-school strategos from Constantinople, Demetrios Koutsoukos laughs at Leontares’ caution.



“Sometimes you worry too much Leontares, the Latins in Glarentza stand alone, no reinforcement are coming to them. They will be terrified and lose their will to fight, once we initiate our attack.” Ioannes clearly shares Demetrios’ optimism.



“The Latins are known for their tenacity, I have dealt with them in the past, they will not surrender without a proper fight. I have no quarrel with an attack once we are ready, but we must prepare comprehensively, especially against the arrows and firearms – each and every soldier of the Empire is an invaluable asset, we can ill afford to waste their precious lives away with careless assaults.”



“Leontares is right, we can make extra preparations, while at the same time meet the timeline decreed by your Excellece.” Andronikos comes to the aid of Leontares.



The face of Ioannes turns daunting for a brief moment, but does find merit in the argument of Leontares: “Extra preparations can never hurt – as long as all men meet the deadline. But do give your men some rest before the assault, I don’t want to see the assault goes to waste due to some tired men not getting good sleeps.”



“As you command, my Excellency.” Leontares and Andronikos both nod. It is then decided the assault shall begin on the April 10.

 

[elerosse]

Chapter 9 – Baptism by Fire



10 April – Seen by many as blessing from God, the weather finally turned dry before the beginning of the assault, men are no longer bogged down by muddy terrain, a significant relief for the Romans.



On a sunny morning with light breeze of wind, Roman forces march out of camp in organized manner. The first line consists of men with big shields and specially constructed wagon with wooden planks in front – behind them are men carrying bags and bags of sand and dirt, their mission is to fill the moat behind the cover of shield-men and wagons. Next in line is around a thousand armored men with spear and bows, mostly from Thessaloniki. The spear-men’s mission is to protect from potential enemy assault, while archers provide covering fire.



Drums of war hovers across the battlefield, purple banners give the signal for movement.



Hundreds of men move across the sloppy hillside, towards the moat in the distance. The enemy in Glarentza waits patiently for the Romans to approach their firing range, holding their fire.



As Andronikos observes from the back of his horse that the first line of wagons nears the moat, a sudden roaring bang hail from the walls of Glarentza. A object hits the ground close to a wagon, splashing dirt and sands around.



“So that is the power of cannon.” Heart pumping from the excitement of partaking his first ever battle, Andronikos is fascinated by the weapon which he has never seen action before.



“Yes, the Venetians have them mounted in their galleys – very useful in siege warfare and naval battles. They may lack in precision, but are very deadly upon impact.” Leontares responds to Andronikos, they and their army of Thessaloniki are tasked with protecting the wings of the men, as such they move with their men in formation behind the wagons and dirt-bearers, always wary of potential enemy assault coming out of the gates.



‘Bang!’ Another round of cannon fire.



To the horror of Andronikos, he witnesses a cannon ball land a direct hit on a wooden wagon. The seemingly sturdy wagon immediately disintegrates into pieces, sending a hail of flying wooden shrapnel, killing and wounding a dozen of men around it.



A cannon ball lands on empty ground, but then bounces and trims a man’s head clean off.



“God what a terrifying weapon!” The horrific sights combined with constant loud bangs, place fears in the hearts of many men. However, the officers of the army encourage their men to carry on, using inspiring words and monetary promises.



As the men nears the moat, arrows start to rain upon them. Most are intercepted by shields and wagons; some manages to slip through and land hits on unarmored men.



By noon, despite suffering under the constant barrage of cannon balls and arrows, the Roman men works vigorously, and the moat is slowly filled up.



“Get the first column of men back for rest, send in the second column!” Strategos Demetrios who are in charge of the moat filing operation, senses his men are tiring and thus gives his order.



As the first columns of shield-men and dirt-bearers return from the sloppy hill, the southern gate of Glarentza suddenly opens. Around 200 Latin knights in their tall horses, shining armor and long lances charge through the gate straight towards the retreating men.



“Epilektoi! Spears down!!” While Andronikos is in shock, the experienced Leontares shouts his order. The Thessaloniki forces are placed on the flanks, and thus directly face the charging Latin knights.



Most groups of men follow the drill and move into a tight formation with ranks of spears lowering, but some group fails to execute their standard procedure in front of the terrifying charge, their movements deformed, their formation in shatter.



“May God help them.” Leontares and Andronikos watches in anguish as the Latin knights charge into the groups of men that are in disarray, cutting down fleeing men.



The men that have formed a good formation, however, manages to stall the advance of the main charge, holding the knights back with wall of spears.



Thus, the Latin charge is disintegrated into a stalling main group, and a smaller group whom are pursuing men from broken formations. Sensing a risk and opportunity, Leontares quickly decides to personally lead his cavalry out to intercept the smaller group, while leaving Andronikos with the main formation to fend off the main group of Latin knights.



“Archers, fire freely into the enemy!” “Men, hold your line!!” Andronikos rides directly behind the ranks and shouts words of encouragements to his men.



Months of drills and harsh discipline has shown its’ merit on the field of battle. Despite constant tries to disrupt the formations, the Latin knights have failed to gain ground, while suffering horrendously in the process. The unstoppable charge that the Latin knights were so known for and proud of, has been stopped by a group of trained commoners.



On the other hand, Leontares manages expertly to surround the disorganized groups of Latin knights with his superior numbers, and destroy each and one of them tacitly. The battle turns to the favor of the Romans.



It was in that moment, the cannons in Glarentza roar once more – this time directing at the Roman formations. Several barrages were fired on the fighting men, most hitting the ground nearby, missing its target, but one cannon ball hits the ground, bounces to hit a Roman soldier and gets strayed by his shield, to hit the horse beneath Andronikos.



The limps of the horse shatters by the impact, and Andronikos is thrown off, his body slams heavily on the ground.

 

[elerosse]

Chapter 10 – A Long Blockade



Andronikos awakes upon his bed inside his tent. As his sense recovers, he feels aching in his whole body, and extreme pain from his left thigh. To ease the pain, Andronikos slightly changes his position. An elder man notices his movement, lays down a bowl of herbal medicine, and comes over to Andronikos.



“My dear Despot, you have been saved by God. It is truly a miracle that cannon ball didn’t kill you on spot and only left you with a broken thigh bone.”



With a heavy head, still confused, Andronikos asks: “What have happened? Did we win the fight?”



“It has been two days since the battle my Despot, our men successfully repulsed the Latin charge, but the cannon fire has prevented us from capturing the castle. The Latin flag still flies above unfortunately.”



Andronikos sighs slightly, not sure what to feel – he feels lucky that he survived, while at the same time is disappointed by not being able to take the castle.



“I thank you for your care, mister?”



“Plethon, my Despot.”



Andronikos raises his eyes in surprise. He has never anticipated to meet his old pen pal in such circumstance. “Looks like I owe you my life twice now.”



Plethon smiles gently: “It may be so, but you will need a good amount of rest before the final edict on your health is given. Now take the medicine, it helps the bone heal.”



In the next few weeks, Andronikos could only receive guests in his tent, while patiently waiting for his thigh to heal. The medicine by Plethon obviously works, as Andronikos feels better by the day.



The siege of Glarentza on the other hand has slow down to a standstill. Unable to neutralize the enemy cannons on the walls, The Roman leadership is unwilling to put the lives of their precious soldier under fire for little to no progress. Either the Roman finds a way to silence the cannons, or they have to make a decision to suffer intolerable amounts of casualties, or they can opt to starve the enemy into submission.



The Romans have chosen the last course of action.



And so, as Andronikos slowly heals, the Roman wait in their camp, watching idly as their supplies slowly dwindles, hoping they can outlast the defenders before their own supply runs out.



5th May, Andronikos moves slowly into the tent for his first war council. He is greeted warmly by his brethren and Strategos, praised for his bravery and sacrifice.



After a while, when the attendants finally all sit down, Co-emperor Ioannes clears his throat with a cough and begins to introduce the meeting. “I have summoned this war council, because of our grave position. Enemy are still hiding behind their walls, all the while the morale of our soldier slowly slides away. In just four days I have received a dozen report of cases of drunkenness, brawl, disobedience. The situation will only worsen, soon our fighting spirit, our discipline will be lost in dull and purposeless waiting. If that happens, our boys will not survive another enemy cavalry charge.”



“The result will be catastrophic to our campaign! I will not have it!” Ioannes slams his fist onto the table. He looks around for a bit, his sight landing on Leontares.



“Tell them your plan Leontares.”



Leontares stands up after Ioannes sits down. “As you wish my Excellency. We are facing a dangerous situation my comrades, our discipline has to be restored before it is all too late, therefore I propose to send out an inspection squad regularly around camp, to mediate conflict and punish anyone who breaches the martial law.”



“As regarding the Glarentza, we cannot place our hope solely on the appetite of our enemy. We must actively harass them, make them struggle, let us put extra pressure on their minds and provisions. Fake assault for instance, sapping efforts, loud noises at night, things that keep our men busy and keeps our enemy on his feet.”



“The ground beneath the castle is very hard, sapping effort would take a lot of time, but if we can disguise in such way so it appears that we make steady progress each day, it will certainly create great angst and fear among enemy ranks.”

Illustration of medieval sapping effort.



“My dear Strategos, how should we deal with enemy cannons that certainly will wreak havoc on our sappers?” Strategos Demetrios asks unconvinced.



“By building this.” Andronikos jumps into the discussion, and places a model of a small wooden pallisade on the table.



“Maester Plethon has through calculation of the range of the cannon and the width of its impact determined its rough power. If we fill bags with sand, and place them on top of moveable wooden palisade, it will sufficiently cushion the impact and safely protect our sappers.”



Clearly, Ioannes, Leontares and Andronikos have planned for this in advance. With no objection, the Romans strives to bring down Glarentza through cunning and deception.

 

[elerosse]

Chapter 11 – Cracks from Within



The life may be awful outside the walls of Glarentza, but the situation is hardly any better inside the walls – everything from food down to water is under strict rationing, walls must be continually manned, and the constant harassment and distraction made by the Roman besieger put a constant stress on the Latin defenders. To keep the morale, Centurione II Zaccaria showers his knights and men-at-arms with rich gifts and generous promises, swearing to double their fiefs once they repulse the Romans. As for placating the representative of the Giustianiani family who controls the port of Glarentza, which Centurione was forced to sell during his first war with Theodoros the Despot of Morea in 1408, he promises expanded trade right after the war.

Coat of Arms of the Giustianiani– A prominent family from both Venice and Genoa who maintained a de facto independence as lord of Chios. The



The failure of the first assault by the Roman provided a small boost of morale to the defenders, giving Centurione additional hope to hold out. The next few weeks after the initial assault were calm and eventless, until the guards on the watchtower bring a novel development to Centurione.



“The Romans did what?”



“Milord, you must see for yourself.”



Centurione steps upon the top of his watchtower, and to his astonishment sees the Romans have set up four camps close to the ditches which have been filled during the initial assault. Large canvases hide the camps from the sun and direct observation from the walls of Glarentza, but the countless laborers moving in and out of the camps gives a hint on the purpose of these camps.



Centurione observes carefully the camps, he soon discovers that the laborers that enter the camps all have with them digging tools and equipment, while the ones exiting the camps have heavy bags on their backs. During one of such trips, a laborer slips and falls, his bag falling to the ground revealing sands and dirt.



“This is impossible!” Centurione is no stranger to warfare, he instantly understands the Roman purpose, sapping - to dig a tunnel beneath the earth and towards the walls of Glarentza. What he finds surprising however, is that Glarentza is situated is on layers of hard gravel, which would in most cases render sapping impossible.



“Prepare the cannons!”



Not soon after Centurione’s order, the two cannons open fire upon the Roman camps. To the disappointment of the defenders, the cannon balls fall short of distance. The Romans have learned the range of the cannons during their first assault, and has set their camp accordingly.



While Centurione is furious at the range of his cannons, the trade representative of the Giustiniani sets his foot on the watchtower: “My good lord Centurione, I have heard the Greeks have begun sapping, is it true?”



“It is but gimmicks, the ground beneath us is all gravel, they will be foolish to continue digging. Soon they will waste their manpower and provision, all for nothing.” Centurione tries to calm the representative with words – the man may be sly in business, but is a complete stranger in warfare. So, when he receives the reassuring words from Centurione, he can only take them for granted.



For the next couple of weeks, all eyes on the walls of Glarentza are fixated on the Roman camps – The more dirt and sand are carried out each single day, the more worrying the mood becomes. In the meantime, the Latins have tried many ways to disrupt Roman progress with faint attacks, cannon fire, or cavalry charges. All attempts failed, only leaving more wounded and demoralized soldiers. The veterans all know what it means when the Romans successfully dig their way to the walls – the walls will certainly collapse, and they will be overwhelmed by the attackers. The Latins have tried to dig their own tunnel to counter Roman sapping efforts, but to their dismay the ground surrounding their castle is indeed of gravel, making their digging effort fruitless.



“How can the Greeks continue to dig on gravel? It doesn’t make any sense!!?” Centurione is visibly frustrated by the Roman progress – a massive mound of dirt has been assembled next to the Roman camps, making everyone know the huge progress they have made over the past three weeks.



“Maybe…they found a path between the gravels?” the representative in opposition to Centurione looks calm and steady.



“It can’t be, it must be some tricks!” Centurione refuses to believe what he sees. He turns his face towards the representative, speaking as calm as he could: “We will hold the castle, the Greeks will have no business in Glarentza! Do not forget that if the barbaric Greeks take Glarentza, they will revoke all trade privileges given to Giustinianis, privileges which I have granted.”



“Of course, my lord, we are all on the same boat.” The representative bows courtly and leaves the walls. On his way down, one of his servants comes close to his ear and whispers: “a small boat has approached the harbor during the night, a messenger wants to see you.”



The representative nods slightly.



Next day, as Centurione finishes his morning routine with a prayer in the chapel and walks outside, he is suddenly confronted by a dozen of his knights, all clad in armor. Guessing that they have come to petition for a frontal attack, Centurione walks towards them with a smile: “I appreciate your valor…”



“Lord Centurione, we have come to petition…”



“I know, I know, but you must be…”



“For a negotiated surrender.”



“Patient. ……What?”



Centurione is in shock, he couldn’t believe what he just heard. The knights surround him, then opens a small pathway, and the representative suddenly appears and walks straight to Centurione with a faint smile.



“My lord, I know you have fought valiantly, which I admire. Unfortunately, the situation has become untenable. The Greeks… The Romans have completed their sapping, and they can blow up our walls any minutes, and slaughter us all effortlessly. Fortunately, the Romans send their proposal for surrender yesterday, and it is indeed a generous one: If we surrender now, the Romans will spare our lives, we can keep all our weapons, and all belongings which can be moved by foot. The Roman will in addition carry us into the realm of Count Tocco. We therefore strongly urge you to accept such offer of peace.”



“YOU… Traitors!” the veins of Centurione are all exposed by the anger, his face glowing red. He reaches for his sword in subconscious, but finds the left side of his belt empty. He then remembers he left his sword at the gate of the chapel.



“Traitor, what harsh words my lord. But you see, you misunderstands us, we, all of us, only wishes to safeguard your security. None of us wants to see you perish in a hopeless fight.”



Centurione looks around, and to his despair only sees faces cold as stone. He knows all is lost, his men have decided to surrender, and there is nothing he could do.



“Alas, I give my consent.”



“Wise choice my Lord. Tell the Romans that we accept their terms and surrender.”



On 28th of May, 1417, a sunny morning, the last holding of the County of Achaea, the mighty castle of Glarentza surrender to the Romans.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 12 – A Visitor in Italy




The news of the quick fall of Achaea into Roman hands soon spread across the Italian peninsula. The outcome may have been predicted by many, as the balance of power favors the Romans heavily, but they were still surprised by the speed of the Roman reconquest. The Romans took Glarentza, a very well-fortified castle in about a month, which is very impressive feat in late-medieval standards when sieges could often take months if not years. People became curious about how the Romans could achieve such feat, and soon that knowledge spread to their ears through the mouth of the surviving Latin defenders.




It turns out the Romans never intended nor could dig their way through hard gravel, instead they made an elaborate facade – at night, the laborers would secretly carry dirt and sands from the places that couldn't be observed by the defenders in Glarentza into the sapping camps. At day the laborers would pretend to dig behind large canvases, then carry said dirt and sands outside of the camps to form a huge mound, giving the defenders a false impression of daily digging progress.




When the mound was sufficiently tall, and the morale of the defenders at a all-time low, the Romans then send a messenger in secret from the seaside to try to flip the Giustiniani representative by offering generous terms. Said representative controlled the port of Glarentza, have many connections and influence to the knights and nobles in Glarentza, have no loyalty to Centurione, and is eager to preserve their trade privileges. Trade privileges and rights which will be guaranteed and preserved by the Romans, if the representative could “persuade” and "facilitate" a peaceful transfer of Glarentza. Otherwise, no mercy will be shown once the Imperial forces take the castle by assault. Needless to say, the trade representative flipped and kept his end of the bargain.




June, 1417 – Two important meetings that discuss the aftermath of the fall of Achaea happen almost simultaneously in Genoa, the nominal benefactor and protector of Achaea, and Venice, the city-state with most interests and influence in Morea and Achaea. During the Genoese meeting, proposal is bought forth to send a punitive expedition to Morea – the insult against the Serene Republic of Genoa must be paid in Greek gold. The majority however voices caution, as Genoa currently is engulfed in a long and bloody war against the Duchy of Milan, they have few ships and even fewer men to spare. Taking into account that Achaea has always only nominally been placed under Genoese flag and that Constantinople has agreed to uphold and protect existing Genoese trade interests in the area, most see military intervention as a waste of valuable resources. In the end, the Genoese swallows their pride and signs a formal agreement with Constantinople, thereby acknowledging the change of sovereignty of Achaea. The Venetians on the other hand is far less amiable.




The Venetians and Romans are no strangers to each other, they have extensive diplomatic ties and relations in the past – sometimes cooperative, other times not so much. Generally speaking, the Roman-Venetian relation in the past 5 years have been relatively cordial. The Venetians have managed to dominate the Aegean trade network and seeks to protect its holdings instead of a path of expansion, and thus see the extremely weakened Constantinople as a potential buffer against the dominant power of Ottoman Turks, which are technically still at war with Venice since the naval battle of Gallipoli in 1416 albeit with no armed conflicts since the crushing defeat of Ottoman navy. In addition, the Venetians have gained every possible trade concession from the Romans within Constantinople, it can be argued that the Romans have fallen into Venetian economic dominance. As such, when Roman ambassador Nicholas Eudaimonoioannes visited Venice in February 1416 on his way to participate in the Council of Konstanz, he was warmly welcomed. During his brief stay, Nicholas offered to mediate for the conclusion of peace between the Venetian Republic and the King of Hungary, Sigismund, but also asked for aid in rebuilding the Hexamilion wall that protected the entrance to the Morea, and urged the formation of a Christian league against the Ottoman Empire. The Venetian Senate gladly welcomed the Byzantine proposal to mediate with Sigismund, but was reluctant to commit itself on either of the latter's proposals.




The successful Roman campaign in Achaea in 1417 changed the Venetian attitude. As the dominant naval power in Aegean Sea with expanded interests in Morea and Achaea, the Venetians have for a rather long time set their eyes on Patras and Glarentza, the two important trade-ports in Achaea. They have followed the Roman campaign carefully, looking for an opportunity to leverage Patras into their hands. The swift fall of both Glarentza and Patras of the Roman caught the Venetians off guard, their naval and land forces are yet to be mobilized, making direct intervention nigh impossible in the short-term. For Venice, to see Glarentza and Patras fall into Roman hands, and a Roman dominated Peloponnesus could potentially threaten Venetian interests in the area in the future, which would be unacceptable. As such, the Venetian Senate concludes a harsh stance against the Romans, and an official letter is soon sent to Constantinople. Using a lease agreement between Venice and the now former Prince of Achaea, Centurione, as excuse, the Venetians formally demand the Romans to hand over Patras to Venetian control, and to restore Centurione to Glarentza and a few other castles and holdings, so as to restore a somewhat balanced power structure and check Roman expansion. [1]




The Romans take the Venetian request very seriously. On one hand to accept Venetian demand would be humiliating and would also destroy much of their hard-fought gains. On the other hand, the Empire is in no position to face a potential open conflict with the Venetians. Some sort of diplomatic balance must be reached. On 6th of July, a Roman delegation of a dozen men arrive at Venice to discuss terms, leading them is Andronikos, Despot of Thessaloniki, and Plethon, a Roman philosopher well-renown in Italy. The Venetians greets them with standard albeit cold reception, in stark contrast to the last Roman diplomatic mission from last year. Before the official meeting, the young Despot Andronikos manages to take a brief tour of the city, he becomes fascinated by the industrial power of Venice and especially the huge industrial complex that is the Arsenal, where dozens of galleys and hundreds of firearms could be produced monthly.




After several days of waiting, the Roman delegation was finally granted a meeting with Doge Tommaso Mocenigo, a war veteran of the failed Nikopolis Crusade in 1396. Initially the Doge holds a strong and arrogant attitude, disregarding any Roman proposed modification to their existing terms, insisting that the Romans must accept all demands unconditionally. The Roman delegation however is humble but firm, and proves to be patient and refuse to budge under Venetian pressure. The first few meetings end with no gains from either party. As time goes by, the Venetians becomes more and more impatient, their words grow harsher by the day developing into borderline threats of war.




However, based on the fact that the Venetian truce with Sigismund, emperor of the Holy Roman Empire is about to end in April next year, and the information they have gathered in the streets of Venice that the price of wheat, leather, iron and other war materials in Venice has rising significantly in recent months, Andronikos and Plethon conclude that the Venetians are stockpiling massive amounts of provisions for a potential war against Sigismund. In such circumstance, they confidently deduct that the Venetians could ill-afford a prolonged conflict in Aegean when their holdings in Dalmatia is threatened by the might of emperor Sigismund, who could gather tens of thousands of men from Hungary, Croatia and the German states. If the Romans are an annoyance to the Venetians, then Sigismund is their existential threat. As such the Venetian threats of war would be far from realization. [2]

Battle of Motta, 1412, a conflict between Venice and Emperor Sigismund over Dalmatia. The Venetians won the battle and a truce of 5 years were signed between the parties.





Come fall, with the Roman delegation surprisingly persistent, and seeing their diplomatic pressure didn’t achieve its goal, the Venetian position begins to loosen - they
are in no position to put their words into action given their precarious situation. Therefore the Venetians begin to seriously consider Roman position, putting the long stalled negotiation into fast track . After several rounds of meetings, on 14th of August, 1417, it is ultimately agreed by both parties that the Romans would keep Glarentza, and “redeem” Patras from Venetian lease at the expense of 2.000 ducats up front, 300 ducats yearly for 10 years, allow Venetian navy and trade fleet free access to the port of Patras for 15 years, and tax-exempt Venetian merchants in Patras for 15 years.





The signing of the agreement signifies the final end of a successful Roman campaign with an outstanding diplomatic play - with most of the credit going to Plethon and the Roman ambassador in Konstanz, Nicholas Eudaimonoioannes, who despite his absence in Venice communicated by letters and used his extensive knowledge of Venetian administration and his personal connections to help facilitate the final agreement. The young Andronikos bears witness to the masteful diplomacy, and gains valuable guidance along the way. After thhe completion of their mission in Venice, Andronikos and Plethon do not return home, they instead head north across the Alps towards the German Archbishopric of Konstanz, where they are to participate in the final stage of the Council of Konstanz which is about to elect a new pope to end the Western Schism, at the invitation of Nicholas Eudaimonoioannes, who have managed to secure an audience for the Roman delegation with Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund himself to discuss the issue of a potential Crusade in the near future.






[1] The Venetians intervened OTL and gave such terms to Constantinople, which they ultimately agreed – prolonging the rule of Centurione in a few Latin holdings in Achaea for another decade.



[2] From 1412 to 1423, Emperor Sigismund campaigned sporadically against the Republic of Venice in Italy with the aims of taking the rich Dalmatian cities and cut down Venetian influence in the area. The Venetians on the other hand planned several assassinations attempts on the emperor.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 13 – Super Grammaticam



The Prince-Bishopric of Konstanz – Holy Roman Empire.



When Plethon and Andronikos arrive at Konstanz on 5th October, they were greeted by the Roman diplomat Nicholas Eudaimonoioannes, who have been participating the Council of Konstanz on Roman behalf for a year. Plethon and Nicholas is old acquaintances and colleagues from Morea. After a brief rest from the long journey, Nicholas gives an update of the current situation to Plethon and Andronikos, and the reason why he invited them to Konstanz soon becomes clear.



The council of Konstanz has been ongoing for almost three years. Originally, the main purpose of the council was to end the triple Papal schism which had resulted from the confusion following the Avignon Papacy. Pope Gregory XI's return to Rome in 1377, followed by his death (in 1378) and the controversial election of his successor, Pope Urban VI, resulted in the defection of a number of cardinals and the election of a rival pope based at Avignon in 1378. After thirty years of schism, the rival courts convened the Council of Pisa seeking to resolve the situation by deposing the two claimant popes and electing a new one. Though the elected Antipope Alexander V and his successor, Antipope John XXIII, gained widespread support, especially at the cost of the Avignon antipope, the schism remained, now involving not two but three claimants: Gregory XII at Rome, Benedict XIII at Avignon, and John XXIII. Therefore, many voices, including Sigismund, King of the Romans and of Hungary (and later Holy Roman Emperor), pressed for another council to resolve the issue. That council was called by John XXIII on 16 November 1414 in Konstanz.



With the support of Emperor Sigismund, the Council of Konstanz recommended that all three papal claimants abdicate, and that another be chosen. Gregory XII then sent representatives to Konstanz, whom he granted full powers to summon, open, and preside over an Ecumenical Council; he also empowered them to present his resignation of the papacy. This would pave the way for the end of the Western Schism.



On 4 July 1415 the Bull of Gregory XII was formally read before the assembled bishops. Prince Malatesta then informed the council that he was empowered by a commission from Pope Gregory XII to resign the Papal Throne on the Pontiff's behalf. The bishops voted to receive the Papal abdication immediately. Thereupon the commission by Gregory XII authorizing his proxy to resign the Papacy on his behalf was read and Malatesta, acting in the name of Gregory XII, pronounced the resignation of the papacy by Gregory XII and handed a written copy of the resignation to the assembly. Followingly, the other anti-popes were all deposed. Gregory XII's cardinals were accepted as true cardinals by the council, but the members of the council delayed electing a new pope for fear that a new pope would restrict further discussion of pressing issues in the church.

Bishops debating at the Council of Konstanz



However, before the new pope is elected, another controversial matter was brought before the council - the heresy of Jan Hus. Initially summoned to Konstanz under a letter of safe conduct, after several theological debates where Jan Hus and his followers stood firm against accusations from conservative bishops, he was later found guilty of heresy and turned over to the secular court, which on 6th July 1415 sentenced him to be burned to death at the stake. This act is seen as an outrageous betrayal by Hussite followers, and seeds of discontent and rebellion begin to spread throughout Bohemia.



When Nicholas arrived at late March 1416, the Council was at its critical stage of electing the next Pope. Many names were put forward, each with backing from prominent figures such as established Italian noble houses, influential cardinals, the Monarchs of Europe such as King of France or Emperor Sigismund of the Holy Roman Empire. Nicholas is well-known for his natural gift to socialize, always able to read the room and say the words most pleasant to the ears of the listener. As soon as he arrived, he managed to identify the deciding figure in the Papal election, Emperor Sigismund and focus on befriending the emperor who himself is also a gregarious man. As both men are interested in a united Catholic Church to sponsor a renewed crusade, the two soon formed a close friendship and working relationship, where Nicholas helped Sigismund to persuade people of importance to the election behind the scenes. It was with Nicholas’ assistance that the candidate favored by Sigismund, the 48 years old clergy man Otto Colonna became the man favored by most electors and most likely to become the next Pope.



Bringing the Western Schism to a successful end is no small feat which required enormous amounts of efforts and diplomatic skill – the result will inevitably provide Sigismund with significant prestige and authority throughout Catholic world. With strengthened position at home and a Pope of his backing, Sigismund could now focus his energy on planning for the next crusade against the Ottomans, of which Constantinople could potentially play a very critical role. The recent Roman success in Achaea no doubt improved its standing in Sigismund’s eyes, so when Nicholas asked him for an audience with the newly arrived Roman delegation nominally led by son of Emperor Manuel II, Despot of Thessaloniki Andronikos, he happily agreed.



As for why Nicholas would need to bring Andronikos all the way from Venice to meet Sigismund, is due to one simple fact – the ever-cautious Emperor Manuel II though have given Nicholas the authority to initiate a discussion of fermenting a crusade, have refused to give any concrete promises on Roman participation in such crusade. To Nicholas, he fully understood his emperor’s position – the crusade is far away and distant in the future with many uncertainties, while the Ottomans is close by within vicinity and have every means to utterly devastate the Empire. There are inherently no wrongs in be cautious and not anger the Ottomans before circumstances become clear. That being said, Nicholas knew well the ever-pragmatic Sigismund would need to be assured of Roman involvement, before crusade goes into any meaningful preparations, therein lies the dilemma - to help organize a crusade that have the potential of decisively destroy the Ottoman threat to the Empire once and for all, Nicholas must disobey the explicit order of his Emperor. For that to happen, and to make his case convincing to Sigismund, Nicholas would need someone with more credibility, who better than a son of Manuel II, Despot of Thessaloniki? As soon as he heard of Andronikos’ arrival in Venice, Nicholas knew his only chance to convince Sigismund and set the crusade in motion has arrived.



Nicholas had initially expected a long and difficult effort to persuade the young Despot to consciously disobey his father. To his surprise Andronikos was surprisingly accommodative to his idea. Nicholas soon realized that Andronikos shares his view on the Ottoman threat. Opposed to the risk-adverse strategy of constraint adopted by Manuel II, Andronikos is far more risk-taking and view the Ottomans as the foremost existential threat of the Empire and therefore must be weakened at every opportunity – and the only opportunity to destroy Ottoman threat once and for all is through a crusade. Dire situation calls for radical measures, and Nicholas, Andronikos and Plethon are all willing to take the risk to give the Empire a chance to rise. Determined and ready to bear any responsibilities, it is on 16th October that the meeting between Sigismund, Andronikos, Plethon and Nicholas happened.



The failure of the last crusade of Nikopolis in 1396 of which Sigismund was the leader have always lingered at the back of his mind. It reminds him that the sole effort of his powerbase in Hungary and the nearby allies of Serbia, Bosnia and Wallachia are not enough to overcome the Ottoman threat. Although significantly weakened by the Timur invasion and subsequent civil war, the Ottomans still hold a firm control over the Balkan territories, possess a strong army, and a large pool of manpower – in order to succeed, Sigismund is convinced that he must assemble all he could muster into a united crusade effort. For this purpose, Sigismund founded the Order of the Dragon in 1408, which was fashioned after the military orders of the Crusades, requiring its initiates to defend the cross and fight the enemies of Christianity, particularly the Ottoman. In the mind of Sigismund, if the Romans were to participate in the crusading effort, their sheer geographical position could make them an invaluable asset in hindering Ottoman reinforcements from Asia, and as such Sigismund had high hopes going into the meeting. With both parties having the same purpose in mind, it is sufficient to say the meeting went as smoothly as possible. Sigismund was delighted that Despot Andronikos shared the same crusade fervor as he does. After Andronikos made a vow promising full participation in crusading efforts, the topics quickly moved into the realm of detail and substantiality.



After hours and hours of discussion, it is concluded that as soon as the next Pope is elected and the Catholic world united again, a passagium generale i.e., crusade will be proclaimed against the Ottomans. The members of the Order of the Dragon would be called upon arms, which include many monarchs and prominent nobles in Hungary, Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Wallachia. Contingents from Poland, Bohemia would join the grand crusading army, Venice will provide naval support, while Italian city states and the Papal State would provide monetary support. By Sigismund’s estimation, by late 1419 and early 1420 a crusade army of estimated 30.000 men would be ready to move against the Ottomans, and by that point the Romans will close the Dardanelle strait together with Venetian fleet, and harass the Ottoman rear through their positions in Constantinople and Thessaloniki, creating the perfect circumstance for a total victory that can evict Ottomans from Christian lands once and for all.



Both parties were very pleased with the result, and a regular correspondence is agreed to conjointly prepare the coming crusade. After the meeting with Sigismund, Nicholas, Plethon and Andronikos then participated in the final vote of the new pope – Otto Colonna as pope Martin V, Plethon even had a brief intellectual discussion with the new pope, who also becomes interested in Plethon’s knowledge of Greek philosophers from the Classical Age. By mid-November, while Nicholas stay to oversee the conclusion of the Council of Konstanz, Plethon and Andronikos depart Konstanz to head back to Italy, where they board a ship and sail through the Adriatic Sea towards the Aegean Sea.



Couple of weeks later, landing in the now refurbished harbor of Patras on, Plethon departs his young friend and returns to his position as magistrate of Morea. Before he could return to his home in Thessaloniki, Andronikos must first sails around the Peloponnese towards Constantinople, where he will report the result of his travel to his father, emperor Manuel II.



At the palace of Blachernae, the old emperor is initially pleased by the diplomatic conclusion Andronikos help reach with the Venetians, but as soon as Andronikos mention his meeting with Sigismund, the face of Manuel turns from interest to disapproval. Even though Andronikos have foreseen the angry reaction he would receive, he still underestimated the fury of his father, who became furious at his son to go behind his back to make deal with foreign monarch against his strategy.



A furious scolding rarely seen in the palace of Blachernae immediately follows. Manuel II angrily lashes out on his son for risking to jeopardize the status quo with the Ottomans, his hands waving, heads spinning, words seldomly used by the dignitaries ring aloud. To the ever-cautious Manuel II, the peace with the Ottomans is precious and hard earned – although he has repeatedly tangled with Sultan Mehmed I and carefully extracted concessions from the Sultan, he has always been mindful to not cross the Sultan’s redline. However, if Mehmed I gain knowledge of an actual alliance between Constantinople and Sigismund, and Roman active involvement in a crusade, that could potentially be the point of no return. The prospect of the empire to face the full wrath and repercussion from the Ottomans, strikes fear deep into Manuel's heart.



While Andronikos must withstand the firestorm he helped created, his elder brother, co-emperor Ioannes comes to the rescue. A secret partaker in the Roman deal with Sigismund, he manages to drag Andronikos away from the scene, then goes back to calm Manuel II down. Different to his father and like Andronikos, Ioannes sees the Ottomans as the greatest existential threat to the Empire, and must be eliminated at all cost, at all risks. A potential crusade would certainly go a long way towards the end goal of defeating the Ottomans once and for all.



While Ioannes is speaking with Manuel, a messenger runs past Andronikos who is waiting outside the palace entrance, into the hallway and brings news of a major Ottoman defeat at the hands of rebel Bedreddin.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 14 – A Menace in the Forests



While the Romans were fighting the Latins in Achaea, the Ottomans didn’t stay idle. Mehmed used most of the campaign season of the year 1417 to try eliminate his arch-nemesis, the self-proclaimed sheikh and rebel leader Bedreddin, who combined his deep understanding of the forested and hilly terrain of Northern Bulgaria with his guerilla tactics to wreak havoc on Ottoman rule in Bulgaria. The cause of Bedreddin was especially attractive to disgruntled gazi warriors and the lower caste of the society who are constantly brutalized by Ottoman nobilities, the rebel forces quickly grew in numbers, and attacked Ottoman garrisons, granaries, mansions throughout Bulgaria, gaining provisions and arms while spreading their influence further and further across the lands.



On the other hand, after the disastrous defeat at the battle of Deliorman in late 1416, the Ottoman forces have recovered their strength by late spring of 1417, and began pushing aggressively into rebel territories to counter the rebel activities. Under the leadership of Mehmed, the initial Ottoman campaign gained a lot of ground – many rebel villages and towns along navigable waterway or road conjunctions were swiftly conquered by the advancing Ottoman forces, forcing the rebel army to retreat from the rich farmlands into the hills and forests. On 20th May, 1417, a major contingent of rebel army was defeated and routed by the Ottoman army at the battle of Novi Pazar, a village on the banks of Kriva Reka River. For a time, many thought the rebellion crushed.



However, things didn’t play to Ottoman tunes. As the rebel forces abandoned villages and town in the plains and valleys to retreat into rugged hills and forests, the progress of the campaign bogged down significantly. With a well provisioned supply and a mobile army mainly containing light foot soldiers which have a deep understanding of local ground, the rebel forces began to constantly harass the over-extended Ottoman supply line through guerilla tactics, setting ambush on Ottoman garrisons and patrols, picking out small reconnaissance groups, while avoiding pitched battles at all costs.



Although the daily Ottoman casualties remains relatively low, as the rebels lack manpower and weapon to face the mighty Ottoman army head-on, their guerilla tactics nevertheless made a significant dent on Ottoman morale. As summer progresses, the Ottomans found themselves in a game of cat and mouse, which they couldn’t win. A new battle plan was set up by Sultan Mehmed – to crush the rebellion once and for all, he will personally lead his army and penetrate deep into enemy holdings, to try and take enemy base of operation, the town of Macin.



The town of Macin is located on an ancient Roman fortification on top of “Cetate” Hill. South of the town, the river branch Macin runs into Danube which is situated to its west, north of the town is vast areas of wetlands and marshes, and to the east lies the mountain of Macin, the highest point within Dobrudja plateau. A town that is well-fortified and situated on hilltop, with marshes, mountains and rivers covering its flanks, and an easy access to the transportation artery of Danube - such geographic features of Macin make it an excellent base of operation for the rebels. In addition, the rebel cause is secretly supported by the Wallachians which have send large quantities of arms, weapons and other war materials across Danube into Macin. If the Ottomans were to cut off the flow of supplies by taking Macin, the rebel will lack capacity to resupply their depleted war materials – a significant blow to the rebel cause.

The Roman town of Arrubium appearing in Tabula Peutingeriana



To crush the rebellion, Mehmed has assembled a large contingent of boats and ships – he will personally lead the main Ottoman army of 20.000 men and sail on Danube, while a detachment of 7.000 men is to march north next to the branch river Macin – both armies will meet and surround the town of Macin.



On late July, Mehmed and his forces land next to Macin unscathed. To his surprise, his detachment was met with fierce delaying attacks and therefore couldn’t make it to the rendezvous point in time. Nevertheless, based on reliable intelligence, the town of Macin only has around 6.000 rebel defenders, and with 20.000 well trained and professional soldiers at hand, Mehmed is confident to take Macin within a short timeframe with or without his detachment.



The rebels managed to fortify Macin around its hillside with stones, bricks and wood. In addition, several lines of ditches and wooden palisade is also prepared, making a frontal assault a difficult task. A task which the Ottomans were forced to make, as only the southwestern side of Macin has relatively flat and open terrain for troop deployment.



For the next couple of weeks, the Ottomans bombard Macin with small cannons, siege equipment and missiles, followed by countless assaults by heavily armored infantrymen. The rebel defenders fought ferociously against seemingly unlimited waves of Ottoman attacks. Ditch after ditch, palisade after palisade, soon the outer layer of fortifications is all leveled, yet the town of Macin still withstood Ottoman onslaught throughout August, taking heavy casualties while inflicting even heavier losses in both lives and materials on the Ottomans.



In the end, the brute force of the Ottoman war machine proved simply too much. After almost 80 days of heroic fighting where the defenders fought fanatically to its last man, the town of Macin fall into Ottoman hands early-October. For Mehmed, the joy of conquest proved to be short-lived however – firstly the Sultan learned that the actual number of rebel defenders who died defending were closer to around 2000 men, which means the main force of the rebels have escaped before the Ottoman arrival, including Sheikh Bedreddin himself. Secondly, on the night of Ottoman conquest of Macin, during its celebration where many soldiers became incautious, a group of rebel saboteurs managed to infiltrate behind Ottoman lines and set fire on the lightly guarded ships docked next to the Danube.



That night, the burning of the ships could be seen all the way in Macin. Also engulfed in the flames are a major portion of Ottoman supplies. Mehmed soon realized the precarious situation he landed himself in. Although he has taken Macin with great cost in men and equipment, he has failed to achieve his main object to annihilate the main rebel forces and capture Bedreddin. Furthermore, as winter season closes in, efforts to locate the rebel forces hiding in the mountains of Dobrudja failed, and after all his ships is vanished along with most of his supplies, the urgent question for Mehmed became how to resupply his hungry and war-exhausted soldiers.



Mehmed stayed and waited in the now destroyed town of Macin for two weeks – when the messengers he sent to his main camp didn’t come back, nor any signs of resupplies on the Danube, Mehmed begrudgingly made the decision to retreat. The Ottomans firstly burned and leveled what was left of Macin to the ground, then set on to march south on land next to the branch river Macin – which the Ottoman detachment managed to traverse in around 10 days.



It was on the road of retreat, that true disaster stroke. The traverse which the detachment made have given Mehmed incomplete and misguided information – and the rebel main forces, always hidden and impossible to catch, suddenly appeared out of nowhere all along the road. With Ottoman army crammed into a thin long line along the narrow passage of the river banks with forests and hills all around them, the march south became the perfect hunting ground for rebel forces.



Hungry, tired and demoralized after a long and fruitless campaign, the Ottoman soldiers became easy pickings for the rebels. The sickly and weak were forced to be abandoned to their own fate.



What took the detachment one week to traverse took Mehmed’s large army almost three weeks. By the time he arrived back to his main camp, out of the initial forces of 26.000 men, less than 7.000 soldiers came home.



Mehmed himself is devastated physically and mentally by this defeat, yet he rebuffed the advice to return to Adrianople to have some rest. Knowing that the morale of his soldiers is at all-time low, and the rebels may very well take advantage of his absence, Mehmed decides to over-winter in Bulgaria despite the toll it would make on his fragile health. Furthermore, the Roman success in Achaea, and the peace deal made between Constantinople and Venice made Mehmed alarmed. The news that a large Roman delegation was sent to Konstanz upset him furthermore. The threat of potentially another crusade which the Romans participate will become a great threat to Ottoman rule in Balkan, perhaps even more than Bedreddin. To frighten and dissuade the Romans from taking radical position and crush the threat of crusade before it happens, Mehmed knew he must send a strong signal soon.



Not all news is bad for Mehmed however – as his army suffered a crushing defeat in Macin, messengers arrive from Anatolia whom bring the good news that the army of Prince Murad (nominally led by Murad but practically led by Vizier Bayezid) has decisively defeated the rebels in Saruhan, killed its leader, executed thousands of its most fanatic supporters, and successfully stabilized the situation.



As a harsh winter arrives and the year of 1417 comes to an end, all campaigns come to a halt. The warring parties of Southern Balkans find a small room of respite, licking their wounds while preparing for the inevitable continuation of conflict come spring.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 15 – Athenian Intrusion



The New Year’s celebration has just passed, the mood of festivities still lingers over the streets of Constantinople, before the Roman emissary to Venice and Konstanz, Nicholas Eudaimonoioannes returns with another cause for celebration – in the show of Christian solidarity between Rome and Constantinople, and a demonstration of Roman diplomatic success, the newly elected Pope Martin V has agreed and arranged a marriage of three prominent Catholic Italian noblewomen to Roman princes Andronikos, Theodoros and Ioannes. The ordinary Roman citizens are delighted over the apparent festival arrangement, and soon streets and public houses in Constantinople is filled with chatters and gossips over the identity of the brides, their looks, clothes, dowry etc. To men of influence, the marriages showcased a clear sign of support from the West, and rumor of a potential crusade from the Catholic world to help the Empire evict the Ottoman menace begins to spread cross the circle within upper class.



By February the news of the marriage reaches Andronikos who has returned to his domain in Thessaloniki. Unlike his ecstatic subordinates, Andronikos is less enthusiastic to the news of his marriage, seeing it as an event not worth much consideration – the meeting of Konstanz has made him fully devoted into potentially participating in the upcoming crusade.



Andronikos may be bold and ambitious, but he is no fool – as the blood in his vein cools down, he begins to see clearly the huge disparity of power between Ottomans and the Romans, and that the Ottomans exceed in every measurable number and assessable strength, be it the quality of the army, the quantity of manpower, the tax base, or the depth of coffers. Against such a formidable foe, to only rely on the support of the crusading allies would be foolish. If the Romans were to indeed participate in the crusade, they must be prepared and be confident to hold back Ottoman aggression for at least half a year. The strength to hold back Ottomans is not only a necessity as the Ottomans would most likely throw everything they have against the Romans once they join the crusade, it would also be crucial that once the Ottomans were defeated, the Romans show enough strength and devotion to receive its well-deserved share of war spoil, both in forms of land and coin.



The territories the Romans managed to secure after 1405 is mainly coastal with no strategic depth, the Roman army although victorious in Achaea, is small and insignificant against the overwhelming Ottoman force. In such circumstance, to try and hold every single town and cities would be impossible and would most likely destroy what little force the Romans have. The Romans must be prepared to abandon large swaths of its country-side and indefensible towns, and concentrate its forces in well-defended cities and positions, such as Constantinople and Thessaloniki.



However, even if the Romans manage to succeed in defending its major cities, they would be bearing the main brunt of Ottoman attack and thus suffer the most. Furthermore it would throw their fate to the mercy of its allies, which includes the always treacherous Venetians and could never be fully trusted. The bloody lesson of the Fourth Crusade is injected deep in Roman memories.



A most opportune circumstance leading to the disintegration of Ottoman central power must arise before the Romans could make the fateful move. Such circumstance could occur either as a result of a powerful crusading army successfully defeating the Ottoman army in Balkans, or by a sudden fragmentation of Ottoman power and a succession crisis similar to what happened decades ago. Such circumstance would not only mean great opportunity for actions, but it will also mean the Ottoman princes which the Romans hold in their hand would become a trump card.



Before any of that happens, Andronikos must bid his time and make preparations to strengthen Roman position. One such thing which Andronikos finds would improve Roman odds against Ottomans is the innovative weapon of firearms – with his own traumatized war experience in Achaea in mind, he sees great potentials in this deadly weapon, especially the usefulness of cannons in siege warfare as demonstrated in the siege of Glarentza.



Andronikos has personally gained an impressive war spoil from loot and confiscation of Latin properties in Achaea, which after paying his army and repaying the 1.500 ducats loan from Venice still left him with 2.000 ducats in coins and many estates and properties worth another few thousand ducats. Throughout the spring of 1418, Andronikos spends handsomely to establish a gun smith modeled after the Venetian Arsenal to produce firearms in Thessaloniki. Craftsmen from across Italy were invited to Thessaloniki, and the first prototype cannon copied from the Venetian cannon seized by Andronikos from Glarentza and brought back to Thessaloniki is produced in early April, marking the first instance of Roman cannon production.



Just as Andronikos is busy overseeing his gun smith, a messenger from Morea arrives at Thessaloniki on 10th April, and brings news of a sudden aggression from the Duke of Athens, Antonio I Acciaioli against the Roman position in Corinth. The Duchy of Athens hasbeen ruled by Italian noble families since the Fouth Crusade, and the latest Duke Antonio has been a de facto vassal of the Ottomans after his war with the Venetians in 1406, and ever since that he has been on and off harassing the Venetians and Roman territories with quick raids. As such Andronikos initially saw the news as nothing but another ordinary Athenian intrusion and dismissed the messenger without giving further thoughts.



Few days later, a formal request of aid arrives at Thessaloniki from Despot Theodoros himself. In the letter Theodoros directly pleads for assistance from Andronikos, his brother, as the scale of the Athenian intrusion far surpass what was witnessed in the past -the city of Corinth is now besieged by over a thousand well-armed Latin professional soldiers, assisted by many thousands of levies, some eyewitness even saw Ottoman contingents within Latin ranks. It is not a raid, but a full-on invasion into Morea. As Theodoros is still trying to consolidate his control over newly-conquered Achaea, he relocated much of his resources and men to Achaea. As such, the defense of Corinth and Morea in general lacks sufficient men to resist the surprising Athenian invasion. Corinth could fall in anytime, and if it were to fall, the whole of Morea will lay open to Latin brutality.



Only Andronikos have enough men to intervene in due time. Without any hesitation, he assembles his generals to immediately form a battleplan, while sounding the call of arms. By 16th April, an army of 2000 men marches across the gate of Galerius, towards the south.