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Chapter 1 - Beginnings
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    Boniface-of-Montferrat.jpg

    Boniface of Montferrat appointed leader of the 'Crusade of 1202'.
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    Beginnings
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    The failure of the so-called ‘Crusade of 1202’[1] has been the subject of much controversy amongst historians since the thirteenth century. First preached by Pope Innocent III in 1198 in his bull, the Post Miserabile, the target of the Crusade was to be Egypt. Despite reluctance from many of the European monarchies, a crusading army was eventually organised at the tournament of Écry-sur-Aisne.

    Most previous Crusades had begun in the Greek[2] capital of Constantinople, and had henceforth fought their way across a hostile Anatolia to reach the Levant and Jerusalem. But by the end of the twelfth century, the centre of Islamic power in the Middle East had shifted to Ayyubid Egypt. In Europe, Crusader interests turned towards striking a blow against the new power, to enable the recovery of Jerusalem. However, an attack on Alexandria, the principle Egyptian port-city, would require naval power. In their need, Boniface of Montferrat (appointed the leader of the Crusade, after the death of Count Thibaut of Champagne) turned to the Venetians to gain assistance, and to furnish the army with transportation to Egypt.

    In March 1201 Doge Enrico Dandolo of Venice agreed to Boniface’s request to transport 33’500 soldiers to the Holy Land. Throughout the latter part of 1201 and the earlier months of 1202, the economy of Venice turned itself almost exclusively towards the construction of the fleet. Almost all commerce ceased, and the build-up required between 14’000 and 20’000 men to manage the ships. The result was a Grand Fleet – Armada Grando - of 50 War Galleys and 450 transport vessels. It is difficult to overstate the power of this force; it was considered fully capable of asserting European dominance over the Eastern Mediterranean and landing enough Crusaders in Egypt to achieve their goal.

    However, when the Crusaders congregated at Venice in May 1202, they were unable to raise the agreed price for the fleet. Many Crusaders had chosen to sail from other ports, such as Genoa and Marseilles, leaving only 12'000 (around five thousand knights and seven thousand foot-soldiers) to cover the full expense. The Venetians demanded the decided total of 85’000 silver marks, as this was the sum offered by the Crusader envoy Geoffrey of Villehardouin[3] during the negotiations. Only around 50’000 could be raised, and then only by reducing the army to terrible poverty. Even Enrico Dandolo's threats to intern the Crusaders would yield no more money.

    The Doge was unable to simply dismiss the Crusade – the expense alone of the preparations required some form of reimbursement, and the prestige of the Republic itself was at stake. As the money could not be raised, Dandolo proposed that the army assist Venice in recovering its former domains along the Dalmatian coast and the peninsular of Istria. In particular Zara, known also as Jadra (in Dalmatian) and Zadar (in Croatian), was coveted by the Doge - the city-state had rebelled against Venetian rule in 1181 and placed itself under the protection of both the King of Hungary and the Papacy. It was a central node of trade, and its conquest would ensure Venice's position as 'Queen of the Adriatic'.

    Without any other means of transporting the Crusade, Boniface of Montferrat agreed to the Venetian plan.
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    Extract from: Zara: A Study in Dalmatian History
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    Footnotes

    Firstly I should mention that, with the exception of different terminology, everything that happened in this update was OTL.

    [
    1]
    This is the name given to what was in OTL the Fourth Crusade. As it fails ITTL, the name 'Fourth Crusade' will instead come to be used in reference to a later expedition.

    [2] IOTL, western Europeans usually refused to acknowledge the Basileía Rhōmaíōn, the Greek-speaking remnant of the Eastern parts of the Roman Empire, as the legitimate continuation of said empire. Instead, they regarded the Holy Roman Empire as the true inheritor of the imperial title. The term Imperium Graecorum was used as an alternative, meaning 'the Empire of the Greeks'. ITTL, for reasons irrelevant to the story, this name remains the preferred description for the medieval Roman Empire. In return the Romaíoi labelled the Holy Roman Empire the Imperium Francorum.

    [3] Geoffrey of Villehardouin later became an historian.
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    Here is a political map of the Adriatic region at the beginning of 1202. It is based off several sources, which are listed below:

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bosni.../File:Medieval_Bosnian_State_Expansion-en.svg
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dalmatian_city-states#/media/File:Dalmatian_language_map_bgiu.jpg
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand...efan_Nemanja_and_Stefan_the_First-Crowned.jpg
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kaloyan_of_Bulgaria#/media/File:Bulgaria_under_Kaloyan.png

    Obviously these are all sourced from Wikipedia (and therefore of potentially dubious reliability), but in turn they are sourced from elsewhere. If there are any glaringly obvious issues please let me know and I can look into changing stuff.

    30ufegw.png


    The orange polities are not one unified state (yet) - it's just more convenient to depict them all as one colour for clarity. Each Dalmatian city-state is, at present, an 'independent' actor with varying degrees of loyalty to Hungary or Rhōmania.
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    Please let me know what you think, I like feedback!

    - Iluvatar
     
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    Chapter 2 - Dissolution
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    image002.jpg

    The Venetian Arsenal, 1202
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    Dissolution
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    The decision of Boniface of Montferrat was a fateful one. In agreeing to attack a Catholic city, Zara, the Crusade was now violating the express wishes of Pope Innocent himself. Boniface, along with the other leaders of the Crusade, had sworn to use their swords against the Saracens alone at the field of Écry-sur-Aisne, an oath specifically requested by the Papacy. This may have been founded in fears that the Crusaders might attack the Empire of the Greeks, as proposed during the Third Crusade by Frederick Barbarossa, Holy Roman Emperor. It also represented Innocent's desire to keep the Crusade under direct Papal control - if the expedition became caught in the web of Latin or Greek politics, power would pass to the secular military leaders and away from the Papal representatives. The Papacy was committed to the conquest of Egypt and the recovery of Jerusalem, and desired no distraction or deviation.

    The Papal Legate to the Crusade, Cardinal Peter of Capua, wrote to Innocent to endorse the decision as necessary to avoid to total failure of the expedition. The Pope was unimpressed and concerned by the development, especially as Zara had placed herself under Papal protection after her rebellion against Venice in 1181[1]. Attempting to dissuade them from the scheme, he wrote to the Crusader leaders and Doge Enrico Dandolo, threatening excommunication in retaliation for any attack on Zara.

    It was here that the Crusade was undone. Boniface and Dandolo attempted to suppress the news of the excommunication threat, but Simon de Monfort, one of the Crusader leaders, learnt of the letter and revealed its contents to the army[2]. There was uproar and fear at the prospect of excommunication among the Crusaders, causing a total collapse of order on Lido, the island on which the army was encamped. Many deserted immediately, others demanded that the army proceed at once to the Christian holdouts at Tripoli and Acre. De Montfort departed at once, returning to his fief in France with his knights. The violence on Lido caused the Papal Legate to seek refuge at Saint Mark’s Basilica in Venice, and Boniface of Montferrat to join the Doge at his court. Without authority, the army dissolved itself and dispersed to the mainland. The so-called ‘Crusade of 1202’ was over.

    The impact was widespread and varied. In Zara, where news of the proposed attack arrived in late September, there was general relief and rejoicing, as well as an anti-Venetian backlash. The Zaratin[3] Comes[4] Antonio Begna[5] expelled all Venetian merchants from Zara on the 27th of September, their property impounded. There was little fear of retaliation because Zaratin trade was routed through Ancona and on to Florence, rather than to the Venetian lagoon. In the other cities of the Dalmatian littoral there was also relief - the signorias, comites[6] and rectors were under no illusion that they were as much a Venetian target as the chief city of their region.

    Elsewhere, reactions were more mixed. In Venice itself, the collapse of the Crusade presented the government and the Doge with the problem of deciding what to do with the Grand Fleet, into which so much time and so many resources had been invested. This issue has been called 'Dandolo's Great Matter' by historians. At the Vatican, Pope Innocent was relieved that there had been no Catholic fratricide, but began to wonder whether the price - the failure of the Crusade - had been too high. As usual, the Greek Emperor in Constantinople, Alexios III Angelos, was too incompetent to keep up with the intricacies of foreign policy. In any case, the ultimate result of any Latin assault upon Ayyubid Egypt would not have any great impact on the ongoing Greco-Turkic Wars.

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    Extract from: The Histories of the Lesser Crusades
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    Footnotes:

    [1]
    This happened IOTL.
    [2] This is the POD.
    [3] 'Zaratin' is the demonym for an inhabitant of Zara.
    [4] Comes is a Latin noble title roughly equivalent to 'count' or 'earl'. It was common among the city-states and communes of Italy and Dalmatia, alongside signorias, doges, doux and rectors.
    [5] Antonio Begna is a fictional character. Records are unclear as to the identity of the Comes of Zara at this time, so I had to invent one. Damiano Desinie was Comes until his death in 1199, and the Croat nobleman Domald of Sidraga (possibly of the family of Kačić, which dominated the hinterland of Zara at the time) was elected to the office by the exiled Zaratins in 1202 (in fact he successfully liberated the city). The time between, I could find nothing for.
    [6] This is the plural form of Comes.
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    Feedback wanted and welcome!

    - Iluvatar
     
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    Chapter 3 - Decisions
  • Warning: There are lots of footnotes in this update!
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    view_interior_doges_palace_ve__hi.jpg

    The interior of the Venetian Palazzo Ducale.
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    Decisions
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    The Istrian War[1] of the early 1200s was precipitated by ‘Dandolo's Great Matter'. This was the contemporary term used to describe the debate within the Great Council of Venice[2] concerning the fate of the Grand Fleet. Scholars of the period, including Gregorio Batano of Zara[3], record that the Palazzo Ducale[4] and the Council Chamber were occupied in session for many days, which gives some indication of the importance of the issue to the Venetian government.

    The proposal to attack Zara was abandoned. Without the Crusader army to provide manpower, a successful siege and conquest of the city was doubtful. But Dandalo could not risk dismissing the fleet – the time, effort and coin invested in the venture demanded some reward to make it worthwhile. The halt in commerce during 1201-02 had left Venice financially weaker – the spoil from the Crusade had been expected to refill the coffers, but that was no longer an option. The Doge was also unwilling to face the loss of prestige which an abandonment of the fleet would entail, and the vast number of sailors trained to man the fleet could not be easily stood down, as they numbered close to 20’000.

    After much deliberation, the decision was made to launch an attack upon the city communes of Istria. Before the dissolution of the Crusade, Dandalo had proposed that Venice seize the western coast of the Istrian peninsular alone, before joining with the Crusaders to advance on Zara[5]. The cities in question included the notable municipalities of Trieste and Pola.

    Historians have found the situation in Istria at the time difficult to ascertain. It is known that Venice had ruled parts of the peninsular for many years, but had lost this influence by 1202. The secular realm of the Patriarch of Aquileia, known as the Patria del Friuli, also commanded some power over the peninsular, holding nominal lordship over the March of Carniola (gifted to the Patriarch in 1071 by Emperor Henry IV[6]) and County of Gorizia[7]. The Duchy of Merania was also a significant player at this time - although it's exact borders are disputed, it seems that it held the littoral of the Gulf of Carnaro[8], occupying both the March of Istria[9] along the eastern coast of the peninsular, and the coast opposite down to the river Eneo[10] and the city of Fiume[11]. It also held fiefs in the March of Carniola, given to them by the Aquileian Patriarch.

    The eventual decision of the Great Council and the Doge was to implement the elements of the initial plan involving Istria. It was thought that funds could be raised by tolls at the port of Trieste, as a means of offsetting the financial loss of the Crusade's collapse. The strategic city of Pola would also provide the Republic with a launching point for any future raids against the Dalmatian islands or even Fiume itself.

    On the 1st of October 1202, the Grand Fleet sailed from Venice and set a course for Istria.
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    Extract from: The History of the Republic of Venice
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    Footnotes:

    Firstly I should mention that the confusion regarding the status of Istria at the time is very historical. The above description is the most accurate I could establish, with help from @MakiRoc 's input and further research. These will be implemented in the next map, unless I have made an error - in which case, please inform me now!

    [1]
    This is the name given by historians to this war ITTL.

    [2] Also called the 'Major Council' and the Consilium Sapientium (Latin: 'Council of Wise Men').

    [3] A fictional character of little relevance but who may be cited by me for a Zaratin viewpoint on the events of TTL.

    [4] The Doge of Venice's palace.

    [5] This is OTL - Venice set out on the 1st of October (as ITTL) to impose suzerainty over Trieste, Muggia and Pola. The Crusaders left Venice on the 8th of October - they rendezvoused at Pola and then set out for Zara.

    [6] 'Henry IV gave it to the Patriach of Aquileia (1071) and it formed part of the Patriarchal State of Friuli.' (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carniola#March_of_Carniola). It is known that the Patriarchs appointed secular rulers to administer the fief, including the Counts of Andechs (who later became Dukes of Merania) and the Counts of Gorizia. The March of Istria later fell under Carniolan (and, thus, Aquileian) control, but it seems that that territory was annexed to Merania.

    [7] 'As a vogt official of the Patriachs of Aquileia, he was enfeoffed with large estates in the former March of Friuli, including the town of Gorizia, and from 1127 on called himself a Graf von Görz.' (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/County_of_Gorizia#History). However, it seems that the Counts of Gorizia resented Aquileian suzerainty and fought frequent wars against their 'overlords' with exchanges of territory occurring.

    [8] 'Carnaro' is the Italian name for the Kvarner Gulf, the area of sea between the Istrian peninsular and the Rijeka region. As the Dalmatians were a Latinate people (though by 1202 with strong Croatian influences), it seems reasonable to use that terminology.

    [9] This is not synonymous with the Istrian peninsular, but was rather one fief within it. At one time the March probably had included the whole region, but by 1202 it had been divided between Gorizia, Merania, Venice, the Istrian city communes and Aquileia.

    [10] 'Eneo' is the Italian name for the River Rječina. The same explanation applies here as it does for point [8].

    [11] 'Fiume' is Rijeka. In Dalmatian the name of the city was probably Floim, meaning 'river'.
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    Many apologies that this was at least half-footnote, but there was much to explain in this update.

    Feedback wanted!

    - Iluvatar
     
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    Chapter 4 - Conquest
  • Firstly, here's yet another new and improved situation map for the beginning of 1202. I think this is pretty much as accurate as we can realistically hope to achieve, but if there are any problems please don't hesitate to inform me. The changes include a reduction in the number of Serbian islands, the inclusion of Merania and the labelling of the various Istrian fiefs. Carniola was a confusing mix at the time - officially Aquileian, it was parcelled up to the County of Gorizia and the Counts of Andechs (who became the Dukes of Merania), hence its yellow-green colour.

    9a9stt.png


    And here's the update :)

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    1280

    Trieste, 1202
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    Conquest
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    The conquest of western Istria by the Venetians was swift and merciless. Notwithstanding the absence of the Crusader army, the Grand Fleet was more than sufficient to restore the lost territory to Venice. Muggia, a small township on the norther coast, surrendered almost immediately, consenting to receive a Venetian bailo[1] as governor.

    Trieste, to the extreme north of the peninsular, resisted for several days. The city was under the loose suzerainty of the Patriarchate of Aquileia, and the Triestine governing council hoped that the Patriarch might dispatch soldiers to aid them. A great chain was laid across the harbour entrance, blocking access to the Venetian war galleys and allowing the Triestines to man the outer defences. However, Aquileia did not move to aid Trieste - the Patriarch, who had been defeated by the Lombard League at Tagliamento in 1201, wished to ally with Venice and separate it from the Lombards[2]. Trieste was not worth the failure of these negotiations. On the 5th of October the harbour-chain was broken and the city fell to Dandolo.

    The southerly community of Pola was a smaller and weaker city, but had become accustomed to its rights and liberties after many years of autonomy. The small Polasi fleet was able to hold out against the Venetians around the Brionian Islands[3] for some days, but the lord of the city itself yielded after a short siege. The fleet henceforth fled with as many refugees as wished to escape, coming upon the winds of a storm to Zara on the 6th of October. The allegiance of Pola in 1202 before its conquest is disputed - certainly it was a de facto independent city commune, but it may have been a de jure part of the County of Gorizia or even subject to Merania. In any case, Venice's conquest did not endear the Republic to the various Istrian fiefdoms, which had repercussions later in the history of the Republic.

    Venice gained supremacy over the Gulf of Trieste, Istria from Trieste to Premantura[4], and much of the northern Adriatic Sea. Smaller cities in the region, including Chioggia and Caorle, bent to the will of the Venetians in fear. Doge Enrico Dandolo was reported by contemporary scholars to have 'revelled in his victory’, with care ‘neither for the destroyed nor those put to flight’. Gregorio Batano, the Zaratin scholar of the period, wrote extensively on the supposed atrocities committed by the Venetians. Across Dalmatia, the ‘Rape of Istria’ became a foreboding glimpse of what Venice was willing and able to accomplish in victory.

    In this way, the success of Venice in Istria proved ultimately to be its downfall. Neither the Doge nor the Great Council could have foreseen what their attack was to provoke. Venice had expected opposition from Merania, Gorizia, and perhaps Aquileia. But it was Dalmatia which Venice had incited to resistance unlooked-for.
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    Extract from: The Adriatic Wars
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    Footnotes:

    [1]
    Bailo is the Venetian word for 'bailiff'. These individuals acted as both colonial governors and as diplomats - for example, there was one permanently assigned to the court at Constantinople.

    [2] This is OTL. Patriarch Pellegrino II of Aquileia fought against Treviso but was defeated at the Battle of Tagliamento in 1202. His weakness after this defeat forced him to seek an alliance with Venice. What the Republic hoped to gain from betraying the Lombard League, of which it had been a founding member, is unclear. However, Venice seems to have agreed to the alliance at a meeting at San Quirino near Cormons in 1202, but with the price that Aquileia had to forgo its lordship over the Counts of Gorizia. ITTL I have decided that, as a result of insecurity after the collapse of the Crusade, Venice remains loyal to the Lombard League, thus leaving Gorizia under Aquileian influence - perhaps the second semi-important change created by the POD.

    [3] The Brionian Islands is another name for the Brijuni Islands.

    [4] Premantura is a village south of Pola, on the southernmost tip of Istria.
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    Here is a map of the geopolitical situation after the Venetian conquest of western Istria:

    1iboza.png


    Some changes to mention:
    • Venice has occupied the western coast of Istria.
    • Hungary has occupied the Belgrade region of the Second Bulgarian Empire. This was the result of a campaign during the Bulgarian-Hungarian Wars, which happened ITOL. The events of this war will be looked at in more detail in a later update.
    • You'll notice that Serbia is now a Hungarian vassal. This is because Vukan Nemanjić led a coup against his brother, Grand Prince Stephen, with Hungarian aid. This happened IOTL's 1202, because King Emeric of Hungary wanted Serbian aid against the Bulgarians. Hungary and Serbia successfully conquered Belgrade and Niš respectively, but lost them to a Bulgarian counteroffensive in 1203.
    • Vukan's hold over Serbia is weak, however, as his Catholic sympathies are unpopular with the people.
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    Feedback wanted!

    - Iluvatar
     
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    Chapter 5 - Reaction
  • As the POD of this TL averts the Fourth Crusade, the conquest and collapse of the (Eastern) Roman Empire (a.k.a Byzantium or Rhōmania) does not happen, at least in the same way. My question to my lovely readers is therefore; what do you expect to see happen to the Empire? I have a few ideas - those of you who read the original TL will have some idea of what these might be - but I would appreciate input, discussion and debate to help ensure that what I write about its fate is well-informed and grounded in historical realities. Please feel free to discuss this with me and between yourselves in thread!

    Now, the update:
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    zadar16.jpg

    Dalmatia, circa 1202 (East at the top)
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    Reactions
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    The Dalmatian city-states, including municipalities such as Ragusa, Spalatro, and Zara, had existed since the Slavic invasions of Illyria after the fall of Rome. The Dalmatian people were largely Latinate, descendants of the Roman population which had inhabited the region during the years of Imperial strength. Like the Venetians in their Lagoon, the Dalmatians sought refuge from invaders in defended coastal enclaves. Initially dominated solely by Latin culture and language, over the years a fusion of Romantic and Slavic cultures was established as Croats from the hinterland began to migrate to the coastal cities[1].

    By 1202, this state of affairs had endured for many long years, despite the ever-shifting nature of geopolitics, which placed the cities successively under Greek, Hungarian, Croatian and Venetian control during different time periods. By this time the cities were divided in their loyalties - most of the northern cities were under the protection of King Emeric of Hungary, whilst many of the southern cities and offshore islands were nominally subject to the Greek Emperor in Constantinople.

    Venice had exerted control over many of the Dalmatian cities in times past, leading them in league against the Narentine pirates of Pagania in the 11th century[2]. Since that time the Republic had claimed the territories as its own, disputing the Hungarian claim to sovereignty. It was particularly gruelling for the Venetians in 1181, when the Zaratins revolted against their unpopular rule and proclaimed their allegiance to the Hungarian Crown[3]. This occurred concurrently to a general loss of Venetian control over the rest of Dalmatia, and even western Istria[4].

    Doge Dandolo coveted the Adriatic littoral for its wealth, to gain supreme control of the Adriatic trade routes, and to eliminate their commercial rivals - in particular, Zara and Ragusa.

    The leaders of the Dalmatian cities saw the looting and burning of Istria, and feared the wrath of the Serene Republic. On the 10th of October 1202 the Zaratin Comes, Antonio Begna, dispatched envoys to Ragusa, Tragura and the other cities, with important instructions for his legations[5].
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    Extract from: A Study of the Istrian War
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    A contemporary letter:

    (From Pero Detrico, Bailo Plenipotentiary of the government of His Serenity Comes Antonio Begna of Zara to the court of His Serenity Rector Marco Caboga of Ragusa; to His Excellency Todra Celio, Bailo Plenipotentiary of Tragura to the court of His Serenity Comes Marco Caboga of Ragusa.)


    12th October 1202

    Your Excellency:

    An issue has come to the notice of the Zaratin legation in Ragusa, the significance of which may outstrip any other which we have faced in recent years. However, as it appears to involve governmental matters, here in Ragusa, at Zara, and to your government in Tragura, I am convinced that I am right to seek a direct correspondence with you. Frankly, I am unwilling to pursue this issue further without your advice.

    Put succinctly, the situation is as follows: We have information, here at the Zaratin Legation, which suggests that a General Council of the eight Dalmatian cities is to take place. This information was obtained yesterday from a junior envoy, a man called Damian Zadulin, who arrived from Zara that morning; he is being accommodated here with all required privileges. Upon arrival, he had in his possession a manuscript, containing a number of documents; these are of such an astonishing nature that the under-officials declined to assume responsibility for them beyond conducting the man to the Legation.

    Having held audience with this envoy and examined his documents, I am, I confess, in a similar position. This is not any ordinary diplomatic intrigue; there is something very strange and new here. The contents of these documents, taken alone, are unprecedented, which encourages the belief that they have been fabricated. I cannot in good faith adopt this theory, however, as the envoy appears a man of perfect integrity, and because he bears the seal of my master, His Serenity the Comes.

    The documents in question include, along with copies of the various charters and letters of safe conduct issued by my government at Zara, a direct letter to me and the chief officers of the Zaratin Legation from the His Serenity the Comes himself. This last is deserving of your particular attention; ordinarily I would not attach a private message from my government in any correspondence with representatives of a foreign power, but you shall find it affixed to the reverse of this page. Put briefly, it contains instruction and authority from my master to request and require in the name of His Serenity the presence of Ragusan governmental officials at a council of the Dalmatian polities, to be held on the sixteenth of this month.

    The envoy, Damian Zadulin, is now lodged in an apartment here at the Legation; he is being treated with every consideration, and will be available for an audience with the Traguran Legation upon request.


    I am, most anxiously awaiting your advice,

    Pero Detrico
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    Footnotes:

    [1] There is some dispute concerning the degree of Slavicisation in the Dalmatian cities by 1200. What seems clear is that governmental matters were usually dealt with in the Dalmatian language (which evolved from regional dialects of Latin) whereas Slav was becoming more prevalent among the masses. My aim in TTL is to have the 'Ragusan model' operate on a pan-Dalmatian scale - i.e. in fear of Slavicisation, Dalmatian officially becomes the sole permitted language in governance in all eight cities, ultimately trickling down into education and thus preserving the language. Ultimately a bilingual society will probably develop. Hopefully this wasn't too much of a spoiler, but I wanted to preempt nationalistic concerns.

    [2] This occurred IOTL, perhaps the earliest instance during which Venice was the supreme authority in Dalmatia (willingly accepted by Zara and the others at the time).

    [3] This occurred IOTL.

    [4] We know that Venice retained influence in Istria as late as 1192, when the Republic recovered the city of Pola from an occupying Pisan force. However, as Venice had to use force to reassert control even IOTL, it is clear that this power had been lost by 1202.

    [5] This is important; basically, IOTL such a summons was never issued because the Venetian attack came so swiftly - at least, that's the assumption of this TL. There is historic precedent for common Dalmatian alliances (see the above mention of the Narentine pirates), so I believe the calling of such a Council is plausible, perhaps even probable, in response to a Venetian conquest of Istria in conjunction with disclosed plans for an invasion of Dalmatia.
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    Please let me know what you thought of the use of a letter as part of the narrative. Would you like to see more?

    Any other feedback appreciated and encouraged.

    Thanks!

    - Iluvatar
     
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    Chapter 6 - League
  • _________________________________________________________________
    croatia_island-krk_vrbnik_p213.jpg

    The Dalmatian island of Veglia
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    League
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    The Dalmatian League[1] (Latin: Foederis Dalmatian) formed as a direct consequence of the Council of Zara, convened on the 20th of October 1202. Zaratin Comes Antonio Begna was the principle driver behind its formation, pressing hard to solidify the loose coalition of Dalmatian city-states into a united fighting force. Zara's negotiating position was strong; it had possession of the most powerful fleet[2] of all the attendant cities, and had the escaped remnants of the Istrian polities pledged to its cause.

    It also retained the lingering prestige of the title, 'Dalmacie Princeps'[3], bestowed upon the previous Zaratin Comes Damiano Desinie by the King of Hungary, after his victories over the Venetians in 1187 and 1190. Though lapsed by 1202, in later times this title would be adopted by all Comites Jadra[4], and would later be used in reference to the city itself.

    The purpose of the proposed League was to be one of defence - the revelation of the Venetian plan to seize Dalmatia had alerted all of the cities' governments to the threat of domination from the 'Queen of the Adriatic'[5]. In times past the Dalmatians had willingly submitted themselves to the Republic for protection[6], but Dandolo's treacherous actions generated stubborn opposition from all.

    The northern cities, such as Arba and Crepsa, were eager to bring the other cities to their defence and supported Zara's position. They were most at risk from the new Venetian base in Istria and knew that common cause with the rest of Dalmatia was their best hope for maintaining autonomy. The southern cities, particularly the powerful communes of Spalatro and Ragusa, were more reluctant. Ragusa, a city under the influence of the Greek Emperor in Constantinople, demanded that Ragusa's forces operate under its own command. Spalatro and Cattaro followed suit.

    It took the intervention of a new envoy from Buda, bearing word from King Emeric of Hungary and Croatia, to resolve the deadlock. It granted Zara authority from the Hungarian Crown to lead the Dalmatian cities against Venice – and as most of the cities owed their allegiance to the King, all but Ragusa and Cattaro were swayed to assent. The timing of the delegation was fortunate - on the 26th, a herald arrived at Zara ahead of the Crepsan fleet, bearing news of the fall of Crepsa to a sudden Venetian attack. The shock of this assault, and the assent of Greek representatives who arrived at Zara shortly afterwards, finally led to all eight of the Dalmatian city-states assembling under the Zaratin banner.

    The attack on Crepsa was a surprise, and was the result of rapid developments in the Venetian political arena. The summoning of a General Council in Zara could not be kept hidden from Venetian agents (it is important to remember that even in this time of anti-Venetian sentiment, the pro-Venice factions in government circles continued to endure) and the Doge of Venice was under no illusion as to what would be discussed. The Grand Fleet was ordered to begin an invasion of what later became known as the 'Vegliot Archipelago[7]', with the ultimate aim of crushing the Dalmatian fleets.

    On the 1st of November 1202, with consent from representatives of the Hungarian King and the support of the Pisan, Genoese and Greek ambassadors, the Dalmatian League was declared in Zara. Zaratin Comes Begna was awarded the unified military command of all Dalmatia. Within a week a combined fleet had assembled, ready to defend its homeland.

    And not too soon. On the 3rd of November, messengers came down from the north, bringing news of the fall of the island-cities of Veglia and Arba to the Venetians on the 1st of the month, the same day as the declaration of the League.

    For Venice, the capture of the islands was the last opportunity to deal a heavy blow before the end of the campaign season, when winter would close the seas. And a heavy blow it was. Venetian forces simultaneously made landfall at important settlements across the two islands, while the Grand Fleet destroyed or captured what Dalmatian naval forces they could. Those which survived the attack and escaped fled southwards along the coast.

    After just three days, most of the islands were in Venetian hands and the cities under siege. Without hope for relief before winter, Veglia surrendered on the 5th and Arba followed on the 6th. The elements of their governments and military scattered east to Croatia and south to Zara, hoping to join with the League and reclaim their homes.

    By mid-November, Venice held the initiative in the war. The Serene Republic dominated the northern Adriatic and was secure in its conquests with the end of the campaign season. To all observers, the Venetians were undoubtedly winning the conflict and looked set to inherit all of the Dalmatian coast.

    Yet they could not foresee what awaited the mighty Grand Fleet at Zara.
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    Extract from: Adriatic Politics from 1100 to 1900
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    Footnotes:

    [1]
    In the first version of TTL I called it the 'League of Dalmatia', but I felt that that didn't sound quite right. When an alliance or confederation is a 'League of - something', it tends to be of a city or an important fortress (not always, but usually). 'Dalmatian League' brings it more into line with similar contemporary organisations, such as the Lombard League.

    [2]
    It is true that Zara had the most powerful fleet - it had an excellent natural harbour and fielded enough ships to beat even Venice circa 1190, largely by itself. Zara (or, to be more 'Dalmatian', Jadra) was widely acknowledged as the 'capital' of Dalmatia, even when the region lacked common political affiliation.

    [3]
    Dalmacie Princeps roughly translates as 'Prince of Dalmatia', a title sometimes used. In the 13th century it was the gift of the Hungarian King to grant as he wished, if at all.

    [4] Comes Jadra is Dalmatian (or neo-Latin) for 'Count of Zara'. Jadra is pronounced 'Zadra', providing the root for the Italian Zara (used in this TL for convenience, though really the name only became commonplace after Venetian rule) and the Slavic Zadar. In a TL where Dalmatia developed as its own entity, Jadra would probably be used, but I chose to use Zara, both recognisable to most but also noticeably different from OTL.

    [5] 'Queen of the Adriatic' was a title used IOTL in reference to the Republic of Venice as the most powerful entity in the Adriatic Sea. In particular it referred to the earlier days in which many of the Dalmatian cities had willingly submitted themselves to the 'Queen', paying tribute and providing forces for its military. By 1202, both IOTL and ITTL, the Dalmatians no longer regard Venice as 'Queen'. Whether this title will be retained by Venice, or pass to Zara ITTL remains to be seen!

    [6] One good example is the alliance led by Venice against the Narentine Pirates, mentioned in previous posts.

    [7] This term is an invented one, referring to Arba, Veglia and Crepsa (and their associated islets). Although they are regarded as part of the larger 'Dalmatian Archipelago', there does not appear to be a convenient term for these specific islands, as there is for, say, the Zadar Archipelago (no prizes for guessing the approximate position of that), so I made one up.
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    Here is a situation map of the Adriatic circa December 1202. You'll notice that Venice has solidified its control over the northern Adriatic, and hopes to both destroy the Dalmatian fleet (as a potential threat) and present both Hungary and the Dalmatians with a fait accompli leaving Istria and the islands it's taken under its rule.

    2nlbwch.png

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    Hope you enjoyed the update!

    Also wanted to thank you for all the helpful contributions you guys have made, particularly related to Byzantium. It should come in useful later, though of course Jadra and Dalmatia will remain the focus.

    - Iluvatar
     
    Chapter 7 - Peripheries
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    Otto of Brunswick
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    Peripheries
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    The winter of 1202-1203 may have closed the seas and brought the war to a temporary halt, but the diplomatic intrigue and repercussions of the conflict continued.

    The continuing success of Venice in the war allowed the Republic to tighten its influence in the more immediate neighbourhood of the city; particularly over the city of Chioggia at the southern end of the Venetian Lagoon. This, coupled with the 'sideshow' conquest of the island of Pago[1] during late November, granted to Venice a near-monopoly over the salt trade in the Adriatic.

    Dandolo's success also granted him an opportunity to consolidate the Republic’s influence within the Lombard League, a loose confederation of northern Italian communes designed to resist Imperial control. In the Lombard Universitas[2] Venice was able to gain tacit support from important members such as Padua and Verona, both prestigious cities. They could render little in terms of military aid – most were landlocked – but they were persuaded to grant diplomatic support out of fear of Aquileian aggression. Rumours of Aquileia's attempts to court Venice as an ally had got out, and the League was determined to retain one of its key members.

    The Patriarch of Aquileia, Pellegrino II, was an enemy of the Lombard League, having fought against Treviso until his defeat in 1201 at Tagliamento. In early 1202 he had even approached Venice with an offer of alliance, hoping to turn the city against its own confederation. This offer was almost accepted – however, the declaration of the Dalmatian League turned Venetian interests back towards shoring up its position with its existing allies.[3]

    The Patriarch himself, and his secular realm (the Patria del Friuli) were engaged in constant warfare against their own supposed vassals in Gorizia, Carniola and the march of Istria. The Venetian seizure of western Istria, especially Trieste, was therefore of intense irritation to the Patriarch, but there was little he could do militarily at the time. Later, however, the improving position of the Dalmatian League would lead him to seek an alliance with Zara.

    The complications within northern Italy had implications for the position of the Holy Roman Empire. The conflict between the rival claimants - Otto of Brunswick and Philip of Swabia - for the title of Emperor continued to rage parallel to the Istrian War. However, the Lombard League's relationship with the House of Hohenstaufen had been severely damaged towards the end of the reign of Henry VI, Holy Roman Emperor, due both to the continued resistance to Imperial rule by the League and also to the brief war between Pisa (an ally of the Hohenstaufen dynasty) and Venice in the 1190s. The Hohenstaufen claimant, Philip of Swabia, was therefore inclined to support the Dalmatian cities against Venice as proxies to distract the Lombards from any thought of intervention on Otto’s side. Otto unsurprisingly favoured the Venetians, hoping for the reverse.

    The maritime republics of Pisa, Genoa, and Gaeta used the opportunity presented by the end of the campaign season to dispatch aid to their Dalmatian friends. Though the winter storms made a voyage to Zara a risk, Venice’s rivals in Italy were not particularly secretive or restrained in the aid they dispatched. Genoa had a long-standing rivalry with Venice, and Pisa had recently fought a war against them in 1192, so they were eager to build up a possible ally.

    In Constantinople, the insecure Emperor Alexios III Angelos remained in power, but unpopular. The impact of the money-raising campaign in 1196-7 (which had included the plundering of the Church) continued to stain his reputation. Throughout 1202 further territory had been lost to the Turks in Anatolia, and separatist tendencies ran rampant through Trebizond and the Pontic region. However, thanks to the Maygar-Bulgar Wars over the status of Serbia, the Empire's European territories were largely secure. Alexios Angelos, son of the deposed Isaac II and nephew of the Emperor, continued to make trouble against the Empire from his refuge in the court of Philip of Swabia.

    Tacit Greek support for the Dalmatians created an unusual situation. The Greek Empire was generally anti-Hohenstaufen due to the enmity between it and the deceased Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI[4], not to mention the aforementioned support for Alexios Angelos by Philip. However, this policy was ironically complimentary to that of the Hohenstaufen family. A common cause did little to heal relations between the Empires of East and West.

    In the Levant and Egypt, the remnants of the Crusader States continued to hold out in Acre and Tripoli, whilst the Ayyubid Dynasty maintained its grip on the hinterland and the Holy City of Jerusalem. Tension between the Levantine Venetian merchants on one side and the Genoese and Pisan merchants on the other continued to grow as winter progressed. Some Dalmatian traders (such few as there were at that time) were given refuge by the Genoese or the Cypriots if threatened by their Venetian rivals.

    However, the status quo in the Adriatic could not last indefinitely. With its conquests subdued over the winter, Venice was now prepared to take the fight to Zara itself. Unconquerable its walls may have been, but if the Zaratin fleet could be destroyed, Venice could be assured of its conquests in Istria and the archipelago.
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    Extract from: An Exploration of Zaratin History
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    Footnotes:

    [1]
    Pago is the Italian name for the Croatian island of Pag, which lies north of Zadar and south of Rab (Arba). It's status in this period is unclear - though like all of Dalmatia it was in some way technically subject to Croatia (and, therefore, Hungary) it seems that the island was to some degree governed by Zara, or divided between Zara and Arba. I have shown it on the maps as Croatian for convenience's sake.

    [2] The Universitas was the confederal government of the Lombard League. It was a Council consisting of representatives appointed by the municipalities, which voted by majority on various matters (its power grew over the years beyond the initial goal of a united foreign policy, up to and including taxation and judicial powers). I may eventually model the Dalmatian political system on this example, at least in its earlier stages.

    [3] This is another change caused by the Dalmatian League's formation. Venice feels too insecure to ally with Aquileia as it did IOTL (which it agreed to in exchange for their freeing the County of Gorizia).

    [4] The Emperor Henry VI objected to the very existence of the Basileía Rhōmaíōn, so insistent was he on the translatio imperii. He even went so far as to advocate an attack on Rhōmania.
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    Hope you enjoyed the update. We're approaching the confrontation between Venice and Zara now, but winter has caused a pause in proceedings.

    Next one should be out tomorrow or the day after.

    See you soon!

    - Iluvatar
     
    Chapter 8 - Preparations
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    Winter storms in the Adriatic
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    Preparations
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    Spring came early in 1203. By mid-February, the winter storms were largely over, and the sea lanes opened once again to shipping. It was only a matter of time before the Istrian War reignited.

    At Crepsa, where the Venetian Grand Fleet had docked for the winter, preparations to attack the Dalmatian forces were complete. Additional provisions and reinforcements had arrived from Venice and Istria over the winter to replenish expended supplies and manpower. In the citadel of Ossero[1], the chief city of the island, the newly established Venetian bailo[2] had made his own preparations to assist the Republic by ordering a levy of Crepsan sailors and seizing what warships remained in city.

    In Venice itself, to which Doge Enrico Dandolo had returned for the winter[3], the decision to go ahead with the assault was made by the Great Council. There was always the possibility of simply holding Crepsa, Arba and Veglia and forcing a fait accompli on the Dalmatians and their Hungarian overlords. However, the Dalmatian League had been formed with the express purpose of defending the eight Dalmatian municipalities, and many ships of the island cities had fled to Zara and joined the combined fleet. They could not be relied upon to simply make peace – it had to be forced. The existence of such a threat to Venetian shipping could not be tolerated, if a state of war were to endure.

    Furthermore, the continuing buildup of forces at Zara, as well as the tacit support for the Dalmatian cause from Pisa, Genoa, Constantinople, Gaeta, Hungary and Philip of Swabia, worried the Venetian government. Though their Grand Fleet was mighty indeed, Venice did not relish the prospect of heavy losses in any future confrontation with a powerful coalition. It was thought that, if the Republic struck now, the ‘Queen of the Adriatic’ would retain her crown unchallenged by upstarts.

    Even beyond that immediate threat, Dandolo had to consider Venice’s wider commercial and strategic concerns. The winter of 1202-03 had seen the rival states of Genoa and Pisa resolve some of their mutual disagreements[4], largely due to their joint financial and diplomatic support for Zara. The potential disruption to Venetian commerce in the eastern Mediterranean by any future Genoese-Pisan alliance would be extensive and extremely damaging. A direct strike to eliminate the threat at Zara would shatter the resolve of the Dalmatian League and end the war quickly, reducing the likelihood of any rival polities attacking Venice in her moment of distraction.

    Pisa, which had fought a war against Venice in alliance with Zara between 1188-90, was quick to renew this friendship, had gone do far as to dispatch a flotilla of Pisan ships to the aid of the Comes. The small Republic of Ancona, ever a friend of Zara[5], also sent ships and expelled all Venetian merchants from the city. Their council of Elders[6] knew that Ancona’s trade depended on a free Zara – if Venice captured the city, there was no telling how influential Venice could become over their internal affairs.

    The Venetians waited until the end of February to launch the attack. On the 28th of that month, the Grand Fleet set forth from Crepsa on course for Zara. It was expected that a week would be required to properly assemble the fleet closer to Zara and commence the assault, also allowing for weather.

    From the Zaratin perspective, the odds did not look good. The Grand Fleet outnumbered the combined forces of the Dalmatian League and its allies, and could rely on resupply from its new conquests to the north. The Zara Channel[7], between the city itself and Ugliano, was too wide to entrap the Venetians, eliminating the possibility of a successful pincer manoeuvre.

    However, Zara did hold some advantages. The Dalmatians controlled both shores of the Channel (with the exception of the small town of Ugliano on the island of the same name, captured by Venice as a forward post) and could base parts of its fleet at multiple points around the battle site. The smaller size of Zara’s ships relative to their Venetian counterparts also offered benefit, as there were many small docks and ports in the area which were usable for the Dalmatians, but not to Venice, because of their smaller capacity. Furthermore, Zara was fighting on home turf – the viceregal ban of Croatia, Martin Hontpázmán[8], had sent soldiers to help garrison the city, resupply was possible overland, and a great chain was laid across the entrance of Zara’s impressive harbour[9].

    The Venetians, however, remained confident of victory. They did not intend to attempt a direct assault on the city, but instead wished to engage and decisively defeat the Dalmatians at sea and then dictate terms from a position of strength.

    On the 6th, the weather was suitable, and the sea was calm. By all accounts, the white city of Zara was clearly visible across the narrow channel from Ugliano. It is recorded that some of the more doubtful Venetian sailors looked upon the city and said; "How could such a city be taken by force, unless God Himself brought it about?"[10]. Nevertheless, battle was at hand, and nothing could stop it.
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    Extract from: The Decline and Fall of the Republic of Venice
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    Footnotes:

    [1]
    Ossero is the Italian name for modern Osor, Croatia. At the time it was the chief city of the island o Crepsa (Cres), acting as the seat of government and a diocese.

    [2]
    For any that forgot or missed the last time this was mentioned, bailo translates as 'bailiff' and refers to mediaeval Italian resident-ambassadors and/or colonial governors.

    [3]
    IOTL Dandolo wintered in Zara - obviously that is not possible here, so he returns to Venice.

    [4]
    These disagreements centred around territorial disputes in Corsica and Sardinia.

    [5]
    Ancona and Zara had a very strong trading relationship. The Ragusans and the Zaratins often preferred to route their trade through Ancona to Florence, rather than through the Venetian lagoon, as a means of escaping Venice's economic orbit.

    [6]
    Ancona's government consisted of a council of six Elders, elected by the three terziere (subdivisions of a municipality, usually when the total number was three).

    [7]
    TTL's name for the Zadar Channel. No prizes for guessing why.

    [8]
    Hontpázmán was Ban of Dalmatia and Croatia (which included the subsidiary title of 'Ban of Slavonia', though the administrative separation of 'the Whole of Slavonia' (as it was called) from the rest of Croatia came later, in 1225).

    [9]
    IOTL this barrier was eliminated by the Venetian ships, which were able to break the chain. However, ITTL, the lack of Crusader backup makes the Venetian fleet too nervous to attempt such a risky move.

    [10]
    This is an extract from an OTL quote from Villehardouin.
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    Here is a map showing the furthest extent of the Venetian advance into Dalmatia, circa the 6th of March 1203. You will notice that Pago (Pag) and the northern tip of Ugliano (Ugljan) have fallen to Venice, hemming Zara in:

    2exa8f8.png

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    Hope you enjoyed the update!

    Battle is at hand and the destinies of Zara and Venice are upon them. Stay tuned for their confrontation.

    Thanks to all my readers who have stuck around.

    See you in the next update,

    - Iluvatar
     
    Chapter 9 - Battle
  • Before you read this I should just mention that the course of this battle was inspired by an OTL one which occurred between Venice and Zara in the 14th century. I was told of this battle by @MakiRoc while I was writing the previous incarnation, so some of the credit belongs to him!
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    Galley.jpg

    The Venetian war fleet
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    Battle
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    The Dalmatians were not unaware of Venice's intentions. Although there is some indication that the Zaratins feared a land siege, it was well known that the combined Dalmatian fleet was the real target. Comes Begna had ordered most of the fleet to remain within Zara’s harbour, out of reach of the Venetian Grand Fleet. He knew that in pitched battle, Venice held the upper hand by virtue of her great numbers and the strength of her ships. If victory were to be achieved, it would have to be won by stealth and deception – arts the Zaratins had mastered through long years of conflict and diplomatic balancing between the Republic and Hungary.

    At sea, the Grand Fleet arrayed itself for a blockade. As Zara itself was not the objective – a much larger land force would be needed in order to assault the powerful fortifications - the commander, Alvise Bragadin, instead wished to draw out the Dalmatians into a decisive naval battle. This would facilitate the destruction of the pan-Dalmatian fleet, allowing Venetian dominance over the Adriatic to go on unchallenged. The plan was to strangle the commerce of the city and subject it to poverty, in order to force the Comes to order such a desperate action[1]. Little did Bragadin know that his name would be known thereafter in Venice as one of shame and defeat.

    The clear morning weather was deceptive. As night drew in on the 6th of March, the infamous bora scura winds[2] of the Adriatic began to rise, blowing hard from the north-east. Though the fleet of the Serene Republic was huge, the commander could not risk its destruction at the hands of the elements – Bragadin was, despite tales told in Venice thereafter, no fool. He ordered his sailors to anchor the fleet in the shallows outside the city to keep the formation together – a wise action, considering the destructive potential of the winds. However, the large waves forced the sailors to spread their ships far apart to avoid the possibility of their collision.

    This was the Grand Fleet’s undoing. The Dalmatians, used to navigating the long, narrow barrier islands and smaller harbours of the Dalmatian coast, made use of smaller ships than Venice. This small size, coupled with the cover of night (there was no Moon) and the howling wind, allowed a Zaratin flotilla to slip out of the city harbour unnoticed. On board were enough men, mostly from Zara but also some detachments from the rest of Dalmatia, to execute their plan. It was led by Berto Matafarri[3], formerly one of two envoys sent to negotiate with Venice over the winter. Now, he intended to take revenge for the diplomatic snubs aimed at both him and his home city.

    Remaining undetected, the Zaratins approached the Venetian ship closest to the sea-wall of the city. The sudden attack of a boarding party quickly overwhelmed the Venetian sailors and soldiers, capturing the ship and claiming it for Zara. The battle on the deck was short, sharp and fierce - hand-to-hand combat in the dark is well-known for its violence and bloodletting. In this period, before the large-scale introduction of naval cannon, boarding actions were the decisive factors in naval battles. The sound of the wind and the thick blackness of the night prevented other Venetians from noticing the loss.

    Long into the night the Zaratins repeated the performance, seizing ship after ship. Some were captured and added to the Dalmatian fleet, slipping back into Zara’s harbour. Others were sunk or set adrift – so many were taken that not enough Dalmatian sailors could be spared to bring them all back to the city. It was not until close to dawn when the Grand Fleet finally noticed the intrusion and fought back, when an attempt was made to take Commander Bragadin himself hostage. The effort failed, though in retrospect he may perhaps have preferred to face an honourable captivity in Zara than the wrath of the Doge on his return to Venice.

    When the Sun finally rose on the morning of the 7th of March, 1203, the bora had subsided and the ships of the Grand Fleet could once again be moved safely. But the damage was already done. Of the 50 war galleys purpose-built for the Crusade of 1202, just 25 remained. Other Venetian losses are not reliably recorded, but it is known that they were of some severity. The subtleties of the Zaratins had been so successful that almost half the Venetian force was lost[4]. Simultaneously, the Dalmatian fleet had vanished from Zara in the dead of night, at large somewhere amongst the isles, now posing a serious threat to the weakened Grand Fleet. In a single night, Venice’s march of conquest was halted dead in its tracks at the gates of Zara.
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    Extract from: A Study of the Istrian War
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    Footnotes:

    [1]
    Here the intent is not to starve Zara into submission - this was impossible without a land siege capable of resisting Hungarian-Croatian relief forces. Food, water and arms could be delivered to the city via land. Instead, the Venetian target is the maritime commerce of the city, on which the Zaratin economy depended.

    [2]
    The bora winds form when a polar high-pressure area sits over the plateau beyond the Dinaric Alps (the mountain range separating Dalmatia from the Balkan interior), and a warm low-pressure area sits over the Adriatic. At night, when the cold air becomes even denser, it 'falls' rapidly through the mountain passes and causes severe storm conditions in Dalmatia. The bora scura means 'dark bora', referring to the type which comes with heavy clouds and rain. Alternatively the bora chiara ('light bora') is a form which occurs under clear skies.

    [3]
    Berto Marafarri was one of the Zaratin envoys who met with the Venetians and Crusaders before the OTL Siege of Zara. The other was Damian Varicassi. As men of some apparent importance, they may show up again later in the TL.

    [4]
    It is unclear how large the total Venetian force was IOTL. The purpose-built fleet for the Crusade had at least 50 war galleys, but the Republic presumably had a large navy before this build up occurred. I have chosen to regard the expeditionary force at around the 75 mark in terms of galleys, with sufficient transports and supply vessels of indeterminate number to facilitate logistics.
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    Hope that was alright - there's always the worry that important battles will have too much hype to live up to expectations. Now we must see how the aftermath will impact the war and the diplomatic situation.

    Thanks for reading!

    - Iluvatar
     
    Chapter 10 - Aftermath
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    The island of Arba
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    Aftermath
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    In the aftermath of the Battle of Zara, Venice and its navy were thrown into chaos. The remains of the Grand Fleet, devastated by the defeat, withdrew north to Crepsa and then to Pola, arriving at the Istrian stronghold on the 11th of March. It had lost many of its ships, and had been forced to abandon a large number of its soldiers on the islands of Ugliano and Pago. Their position was severely undermined – there was a risk that the Dalmatian fleet could entrap the Venetians among the many islands of the archipelago, potential causing catastrophic losses for the Republic. In light of this, Commander Bragadin used the remaining ships to consolidate control in Istria and the northern Carnaro Islands[1], whilst also withdrawing from the island of Arba in order to reinforce a new defensive perimeter in Crepsa and Veglia. A new headquarters was established in Pola to coordinate the fleet.

    There was no longer any hope of subduing Zara. There had never been any question of a conquest – without a large land army and siege engines, the risk of a relief force from Hungary lifting any siege was too great. Nevertheless, Bragadin knew that, if managed properly, the Grand Fleet was certainly sufficient to defend Istria, and perhaps the remaining conquests among the islands. However, despite the Doge's outward approval for the strategy (though contemporary sources are united in recording Dandolo's intense anger against the commander), such policies were beginning to be challenged in the Consiglio dei Pregadi[2] and the Quarantia[3], with many dissenting voices arguing that the war should be abandoned and peace made at the earliest opportunity. Just as many argued the reverse, overestimating the Republic's military strength in the wake of the 'Desastre a Zara'[4] and calling for the annihilation of the enemy. The Doge was even experiencing pressure from the Council of Six, his own inner circle of advisers.

    The remaining available land forces, bolstered by the arrival of some mercenary contingents from Padua, were entrenched in Istria. Especially large garrisons were established at Trieste - to ward off any Aquileian assault - and Pola, as the most strategically important port still in Venetian possession outside the Lagoon.

    Additionally, a covert commerce-raiding operation in the eastern Mediterranean was launched against Genoese, Pisan and Anconine mercantile interests. Involved in the operation were private Venetian merchants and sailors based in the Kingdom of Cyprus, which hosted a great number of Venetian assets. King Aimery of Cyprus and Jerusalem himself attempted to remain as neutral as possible, unwilling to risk offending any of the powerful merchant republics. The Venetians hoped that if private citizens were to conduct raids on their enemies (with suitable rewards from government promised), their rivals would refrain from joining the war directly as the Doge could deny prompting or involvement in the attacks.

    Meanwhile, the delegates of the Eight Cities met once again in Zara. With their numbers strengthened by the arrival of reinforcements and allied contingents (particularly from Ancona), and in order to forestall further Venetian action against the coalition, the decision was made to recapture the islands of the north as soon as possible.

    On the 14th of March the Dalmatian fleet departed Zara and made haste towards Arba, where the Comes, who had taken shelter at Zara, was reinstalled. The Venetians had done their best to render the city useless to the Dalmatians, setting fires among the houses of the lower town and seizing many of the treasures of the comital[5] palace. Even so, the harbour remained usable, and it was here that the ships of Dalmatia flocked, ready to recover their homelands and drive out the Venetian invaders.
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    Extract from: The Istrian War
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    Footnotes:

    [1]
    These are the Kvarner Islands of modern Croatia.

    [2]
    Consiglio dei Pregadi translates as 'Council of the Invited', and was the Senate of the Republic of Venice. It deliberated on decrees made concerning many issues, including foreign policy.

    [3]
    The Quarantia was the Council of Forty. They were responsible for appointing the Doge - amusingly (unless you happened to be an inhabitant of Constantinople in 1204), it seems that Dandolo was supposed to be a compromise 'caretaker' candidate, whom everyone believed would die quickly. Little did they know! The Forty also acted as the 'Supreme Court' of the Republic.

    [4]
    Desastre a Zara is Venetian for 'Disaster at Zara'. As I intend Dalmatia to be an even bigger thorn in Venice's side than Ragusa was, it seems fitting that the Venetians have a TTL name for the defeat which prevented them from strangling their rival in its cradle.

    [5] 'Comital' is the adjectival form of 'Count' or 'Comes' - basically, anything related to someone of such a rank (including Earls, as there is no equivalent term commonly used in English-language titles).
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    Here's the map of the situation in the aftermath of the Battle of Zara. You may notice that the island of Pago (Pag) is coloured orange, representing the Zaratin occupation of the territory. Technically it remains a part of Croatia, but both Zara and Arba had held parts of the island in the past. Whatever its legal status, for the time being it is unquestionably under Zara's control.

    2w6tlb7.png

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    Hope you enjoyed the update. The war is drawing towards its close, so we will soon turn towards the issues surrounding the establishment of a proper confederation, with common institutions.

    A word of warning, however. I have cut two of my fingers in the past couple of days, which has made it difficult to type. I have also pretty much exhausted my 'reserve' of updates. So for a bit new posts will be separated by at least a day, so I have enough time for slower typing and to get new material ready for the TL - and also to fit in work, as I have lots of shifts coming up.

    I'm hoping that won't be too much of a problem since it's to ensure the quality remains consistent - I'd hate to rush and make a bad job of it. So please be patient with me! :angel:

    Thanks,

    - Iluvatar
     
    Chapter 11 - Reconquest
  • ____________________________________________________________________________________________
    Rab-490x360.jpg

    The harbour-town of Arba
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    Reconquest
    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    The intervening days between the Battle of Zara and the final clash of the Istrian War were rife with military preparation, diplomatic manoeuvring and commercial competition.

    Perhaps the most significant event that took place during that time was the signing of a treaty of perpetual alliance between Zara and Ancona on the 18th of March. The final document (written in Latin, Dalmatian and Anconetan Italian[1]) bound the two cities together as economic and military partners, a relationship which endured far into both cities’ futures. For Zara the agreement was important for many reasons – not only to ensure aid in the ongoing struggle with Venice, but also to act as an external ‘buttress’ to Zaratin pre-eminence in the Dalmatian League. Even at this early stage, the divisions within Dalmatia that later brought about great discord were already developing

    Elsewhere, preparations for the liberation of the northern islands were underway. At Arba the Dalmatian fleet reassembled and rallied, presided over by the reinstalled Arban Comes and the Zaratin naval commanders; Berto Matafarri and Zuane Zorzi (later a man of some renown).

    On the Venetian side, the remnant of the Grand Fleet was concentrated at Pola. Tasked with defending Crepsa and Veglia, the plan was to hold back the main body of the fleet whilst scouting vessels were left to keep watch over the isles. When an enemy force was sighted, the intention was to mass the Venetian ships for an engagement and then inflict a defeat on the enemy in pitched battle. In Istria, there were proposals for an offensive towards Fiume in the Duchy of Merania, with the intention of securing its harbour as a forward base to ensure the retention of Veglia, and perhaps retake Arba. Ultimately, however, such plans were abandoned due to a lack of sufficient naval support and the risk of inciting stronger Hungarian intervention, or even a response from one of the Imperial claimants.

    The final confrontation of the Istrian War was the Battle of Veglia, which began on the 20th of March 1203. In purely aesthetic terms it outmatched even the Battle of Zara, and has consequently been the subject of a far greater number of artistic pieces. The remnants of the Grand Fleet and as many other ships as the Venetians could muster were arrayed in the defence of the city of Veglia, from which the isle gained its name. Over thirty warships in total were assembled by the Republic, which set forth on the 18th once the approaching Dalmatian fleet was sighted. Enrico Dandolo had also seized many merchant ships, loading them with mercenary sailors and survivors of lost vessels. Present too were impressed sailors from Istria; some forced to fight for Venice, others who found Venetian rule preferable to the Aquileian alternative.

    Against Venice lay the combined Dalmatian fleet, which made up the largest portion of their force. Attached to it were ships of Genoa, Pisa, Gaeta and Ancona – few in number, but testament to the tacit support the merchant republics had lent to the League. There was even a contingent from Sebenico[2], under the command of their Comes, Domald of Sidraga[3]. However, in battle on the open seas, the larger and more deadly Venetian galleys held the advantage over the lighter, smaller Dalmatian vessels.

    Reports concerning the course of the Battle of Veglia are confused and contradictory. The events of that day are impossible to define without fault, primarily due to the close-packed, chaotic nature of the sea-battle. Few details are thought to have been preserved correctly by contemporary historians.

    It is known, however, that the Venetians were the first to act. As dawn broke on the morning of the 20th, Dalmatian lookouts espied the Venetians advancing with full sails towards their fleet. They swiftly roused their compatriots with horns, and arrayed themselves for battle.

    Pro-Venetian historians, such as Tobias Gruber[4] of Vienna, claim that the Venetians carved a swathe of destruction through the ranks of Dalmatian and allied ships, almost severing the enemy force in two. Pro-Zaratin scholars contrastingly maintain that the Venetian 'wedge' shattered against the resistance put up by the Dalmatians. The truth likely lies somewhere in between. Whatever the case, the battle was not one of motion and deception as the Battle of Zara had been. Rather, it was one of attrition and heavy casualties.

    When the smoke finally cleared, very late into the afternoon, the Dalmatians emerged as the victors – but only just. The Grand Fleet had suffered enormous damage, with its remnants fleeing to Pola once their position became untenable. But they had inflicted losses on the Zaratins nigh on as devastating as their own. Though the Venetians were forced to abandon Veglia and, on the 23rd of March, Crepsa, the battle was without doubt a pyrrhic victory. Nor, incidentally, was Venice crippled. The Republic, though it had suffered severe losses to its fleet, remained in a stronger position than it had before the Crusade with its new holdings in Istria.

    Neither Venice nor Zara had anything left to give. Without sufficient strength on either side to press an offensive, the war quickly dissolved into a stalemate. On the 6th of April, it was agreed that a treaty of peace would be signed in Venetian-held Pola, Istria.
    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    Extract from: Great Battles and How They Changed the World
    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    Footnotes:

    [1]
    Anconetan Italian is the dialect of Italian spoken in Ancona and the surrounding region.

    [2]
    Sebenico is the Italian form of OTL Šibenik. Sebenico was in 1203 a city of Croats, but had been 'Dalmatianised' to some extent, with its governing elite using the Dalmatian language and the city adopting much of Dalmatian Roman law. In 1203 Domald of Sidraga was Comes of the city.

    [3]
    Domald will show up later - he was an ambitious and powerful Croat-Dalmatian nobleman OTL who held the comital title in many Dalmatian cities and Croatian counties (Sidraga was one of the latter).

    [4]
    Gruber is entirely fictional. I threw him in to emphasise the ambiguity of events and different interpretations of the Battle of Veglia.
    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    Hope that was a good read. It was a challenge to write; I had to make some pretty heavy edits from the last incarnation of the TL, and the unreasonably warm temperatures in England right now aren't helping me focus. Next up, we'll be looking at the peace treaty and the impact the war had on the wider neighbourhood.

    I'm not sure when the next update will be out - most likely Tuesday because my fingers still haven't healed. Feel free to comment and discuss in the meantime - I always try to respond to comments if they seem to be directed at me or to all readers.

    See you in the next one!

    - Iluvatar
     
    Chapter 12 - Peace
  • __________________________________________________________________________________
    1200px-Peace-treaty_of_Zadar_1358.JPG

    The Treaty of Pola
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    Peace
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    The Treaty of Pola defined the balance of power in the Adriatic and the Mediterranean for many decades after the Istrian War. Within its text lay the foundations for Zara’s rise to pre-eminence in Dalmatia and the region’s subsequent ascendance to prominence on the Mediterranean stage.

    From Zara two principle envoys were dispatched, Berto Matafarri and Damian Varicassi[1]. In 1202 these men had been the city’s representatives to the Venetian invaders; now they were to discuss terms of peace with those who had turned them away. From each of the other Dalmatian cities came their own emissaries, operating autonomously but within the context of the Dalmatian League. To Antonio Begna, the Zaratin Comes, King Emeric of Hungary delegated authority to make a peace in the name of his own Kingdoms. The situation was complicated by the dominance of Emeric’s rebellious brother Andrew, who claimed the title ‘Duke of Zara and of all Dalmatia, Croatia and Hum’[2] in defiance of Begna’s status as Dalmacie Princeps (an action the King had taken in full knowledge that it would undermine his brother’s position).

    Also present at the peace negotiations were representatives from other Mediterranean countries, the influence of which could not be ignored. From the Empire of the Greeks ambassadors came, in attendance as part of the delegations from Ragusa and Cattaro. Though the Ragusan Rector was appointed by Greek representatives, even the incompetent Alexios Angelos III recognised that it would be best if Constantinople made provision for its own interests.

    The Venetians dispatched a sizeable legation, keen to emphasise to the world that the Republic had not been defeated, and that Pola remained Venetian territory. It was led by the Doge himself, but also included members of the Council of Ten learnèd in the arts of diplomacy. Commander Bragadin had hoped to regain favour by participating in the negotiations, but historians record that Dandolo was so enraged by his failures in the war (which were largely the result of poor fortune rather than personal fault) that he was sent back to Venice in shame, with a considerable demotion.

    Also present were small delegations from the Papal States (led by Abbot Guy of Vaux-de-Cernay[3]), Genoa and Pisa, there to ‘observe’ proceedings and lobby the negotiating parties. They had never engaged in state-level conflict against one another, but private citizens had been directed by their governments to seize Venetian assets where possible. Of course, as Zara had been under Papal protection at the time of the attack in 1202[4], the Vatican was keen to give the impression that it had honoured its commitments.

    Negotiations took several weeks, but terms were eventually agreed between the Venetians and the Dalmatians. Venice agreed to abandon all its claims to the Dalmatian coast, recognising the sovereignty of the King of Hungary over the northern cities and the Greek Emperor in the south. Zara in particular was reaffirmed as under the protection of both Hungary and the Papacy. The status of the city was reinforced by Venetian recognition of Comes Begna’s title as Dalmacie Princeps, which was also affirmed by Papal representatives. It can therefore be convincingly argued that this treaty laid the foundations on which the rise of Zara was built.

    In return for Venice’s concessions, the Dalmatians agreed to recognise Venetian rule over Istria, with the crucial concession of recognition of the Republic’s hold on Pola. The Dalmatian League had gone to war to liberate its conquered members, not to free the Istrians from the clutches of the Republic. Aquileia had not moved to aid Dalmatia, and thus (in the eyes of the Zaratins) deserved no territorial reward. Therefore Trieste, Muggia and Pola were integrated into the Republic of Venice, and remained under its rule for many years.

    Outside the Adriatic, Genoa and Pisa benefited more from Venice’s defeat than the Dalmatians did. The unofficial conflict had gone mostly their way, and yielded excellent return. Pisa became the dominant player in Cyprus, displacing the Venetians, whilst Genoa obtained a stranglehold over the Levantine metropoles of Acre and Tripoli. Only in the Greek Empire did imperial law, weakly enforced as it was under the Angeloi, preserve Venice’s commercial empire.

    Though not quite in its entirety. One small article of the Treaty of Pola ceded the Gate of Drungaries, part of the Venetian Quarter of Constantinople, to the Communitas Iadera[5]. This represented the establishment of the Zaratin, later Dalmatian Quarter of the City, and marked the modest onset of a Dalmatian presence in the Bosporus which lasted many centuries.

    In victory the Dalmatian League stood strong, bolstered in unity by their success. But now minds in Zara and elsewhere along the coast turned towards the future of the League – it’s potential for strength, and its underlying weaknesses.
    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    Extract from: The Decline and Fall of the Republic of Venice
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    Footnotes:

    [1]
    Matafarri and Varicassi were, as mentioned before, the two Zaratin diplomats who negotiated with Venice IOTL. Here they reprise their roles, but on equal footing with the Republic rather than under threat of invasion.

    [2]
    Andrew had obtained these titles from his brother, King Emeric of Hungary, as an appanage. He de facto ruled as an independent monarch, but was nominally subordinate to the King at Esztergom. ITTL the King's decision to grant Begna the title Dalmacie Princeps ('Prince of Dalmatia') is an attempt to weaken his rebellious brother by diluting his claims to be preeminent in the region. The tension between Emeric's Hungary and Andrew's Croatia will play a role.

    [3]
    Abbot Guy was a Crusader leader who refused to participate in the OTL Siege of Zara and forbade the Crusaders from doing so as a Papal representative, with the famous words, 'because it is a city of Christians, and you are pilgrims'. ITTL he was complicit with Simon de Montfort in unveiling the plot and now acts here as representative for the Papacy.

    [4]
    As previously mentioned, Zara had placed itself under Papal protection in 1183, after its rebellion against Venice.

    [5]
    Communitas Iaderan is Latin for 'Zaratin Municipality'. Unfortunately, because so few Dalmatian words have been preserved after its extinction, I was unable to find the equivalent. Presumably it is something like Communita Zadratina, somewhere between the Latin and Italian ('Comunità Zaratino'). Thoughts? Anyway, the description is based on Ragusa's pre-Republican title 'Communitas Ragusina' ('Ragusan Municipality').
    __________________________________________________________________________________
    Here is a map of the Adriatic with the end of hostilities. There will be more territorial changes coming up, however, as King Emeric will seek to weaken his brother Andrew by granting certain territories to the Dalmatians. You will notice that Pago is for the time being shown as Croatian, as the end of the war led the Zaratins to allow a return of civil administration from the Croatian zupan. However, Emeric is quite keen to keep Pago outside his brother's control and under loyalist Zara, so its ultimate status is yet to be decided:

    2r40kf6.png


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    That's the peace treaty; up next, internal League politics! Any comments, ideas or predictions welcome.

    I'll answer comments tomorrow and aim to have the next update out by Thursday. Yes, I know it's technically now past midnight and Wednesday 4th BST, thus breaking my commitment to releasing on Tuesday - but it's only 20 minutes late! I stayed up to get it out ASAP :p.

    See you in the next one.

    - Ilu
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter 13 - Hinterland
  • Just a very short update for today. Unfortunately my week has very suddenly became rather busy, so I was forced to keep this one particularly short. This is not in the usual 'history book' format.
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    118036-004-BA47C549.jpg

    The Dinaric Alps
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    Hinterland
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    A letter patent:

    (From Emeric, King of Hungary, to the government of the Communitas Iaderan)

    28th April, 1203.

    Emeric, by the grace of God King of Hungary, Croatia, Dalmatia,
    [1] Serbia[2] and Rama[3].

    To all to whom these present letters shall come, Greetings. Know that as well for and in consideration of good true faithful and acceptable service to the Crown and kingship of Hungary, it is our good pleasure to have given and conceded all of our City of Nona in our county of that name in perpetuity to the
    Communitas Iaderan, our loyal subjects. In addition to this high and noble gift, it is our will that to the same municipality be granted the southern districts of our Županija[4] of Pago, encompassing all its territory north to the township of Pago; as well as our isle of Ugliano in its completeness.

    ...

    In witness of which thing we have made these our letters to be patent. Witnessed by myself at Esztergom the 28th day of April in the 8th year of our reign in Hungary.

    Emeric, King of Hungary
    __________________________________________________________________________

    Based on this.

    __________________________________________________________________________

    Footnotes:

    [1]
    'King of Dalmatia' was a kind of 'subsidiary' title attached to the crown of Croatia, which was in personal union with Hungary. Plenty of people laid claim to Dalmatian titles during this period (the Venetian Doges sometimes styled themselves 'Dukes of Dalmatia'; Vukan of Serbia had ruled 'Dalmatia' as an appanage during his youth; Andrew, the 'Duke of Zadar and of all Dalmatia, Croatia and Hum'; and now the Comes of Zara, as Dalmacie Princeps) so his claim to Kingship was nominal and legally almost unenforceable (in the specific case of the eight Dalmatian cities + Sebenico).

    [2] When Emeric assisted Vukan of Serbia into power, he became its overlord. Vukan himself became 'Grand Prince', as was the title at the time, but Emeric took the title of 'King' over Serbia to emphasise its vassal status.

    [3] 'Rama' was a small tributary of the River Neretva. This title was made part of the Hungarian royal style in 1137 and represented its legal claim to overlordship over Bosnia. In reality this was mostly nominal, though it seems that heirs apparent to the Hungarian throne recieved the title 'Duke of Bosnia' (basically performing the function of the title 'Prince of Wales' among British royalty).

    [4] The Croatian word Županija is approximately equivalent to 'county' in English. Each was ruled by a Župan, meaning 'count', 'earl' or 'county prefect' (basically on the same level as the Dalmatian comites). Many Croat-Dalmatian noblemen (such as Domald) were simultaneously Župan of Croatian counties and Comes of Dalmatian municipalities.
    __________________________________________________________________________

    Here is a map, showing territorial changes. They include:
    • The annexation of the district of the city of Nona (Nin), the southern half of Pago (Pag) and the island of Ugliano (Ugljan) to Zara.
    • The annexation of northern Pago to Arba (there is a small black line marking the division).
    • The incorporation of the whole of the island of Bua (Čiovo) into Tragura.
    • The addition of parts of the Castelli (Kaštela) region to Spalatro.
    Emeric made these changes for two reasons: (1) to buy the loyalty of the Dalmatians and bind them to himself as recipients of royal favour; and (2) to weaken his brother Andrew who is consolidating his power in Croatia and the Dalmatian hinterland.

    729jlj.png

    __________________________________________________________________________

    Hi guys, hoped that was enjoyable. I apologise that it was so much shorter than expected - my life has suddenly become rather hectic! It's possible that the next update may have to wait as long as Sunday or further as I have lots of work shifts coming up.

    Any thoughts, feelings, suggestions, or vibes are welcome. I'll answer comments when I get the chance - as usual I will follow my pattern of alternating comment answers with updates, hence why this is out before I address some of the comments.

    Next we should be moving on to the immediate political future of the Dalmatian League. As that's quite a beefy topic it may have to wait a while, as I said. I want to make sure it's right before I post it, because it will be the foundation for much of the political scene for a number of posts after that.

    See you in the next one!

    - Ilu
     
    Chapter 14 - Council
  • Here it is at last!
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    Urban_II.jpg

    The Council of Zara

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    Council
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    With the onset of peace came the task of forging a new political order amongst the cities of Dalmatia. In their victory over Venice, they had proven that they did not need to depend upon submission to foreign masters in order to provide for their own defence. Perhaps the only unifying factor amongst the cities was their recognition of this simple fact - that they had protected their own people and institutions, for all intents and purposes under their own strength.

    A second General Council of the Dalmatian League was called in the aftermath of the Treaty of Pola, to be held on the 20th of May, 1203. By this time the King of Hungary, Emeric, had already issued a number of letters patent to the various communes, increasing the territorial extent of many of them - especially Zara, which now boasted a substantial hinterland and the Royal City of Nona[1]. The 'Devotion of Nona to Zara'[2], an oath of feudal loyalty made by representatives of Nona to the Zaratin court, took place on the 7th of May.

    This in itself was of enormous benefit to the enhancement of Zaratin power - Nona (known also as Nin or Nina) was itself a great maritime city, and its harbour and position would provide a valuable base for the soldiers and ships of Zara in years to come. Furthermore, the city had at times been prone to piratical acts[3] against the communes of the Carnaro archipelago, especially Arba, so Zaratin rule both extended its prestige amongst the northern isles and ended Arba's former dependence on Venetian aid forevermore[4]. Possession of the town itself also increased the influence of the Archbishop of Zara, Nicolò Manzavini[5], over the Bishopric of Nona, extending the commune's ecclesiastical reach across a large portion of the Dalmatian littoral and archipelago.

    In truth, the only reason why Emeric, King of Hungary saw fit to grant to Zara such a great prize was to weaken his rebellious brother, Andrew, the Duke of Croatia. In retrospect the decision of the King can be seen as a wise one, as it reduced Andrew's ability to receive aid and reinforcements by sea whilst buying the loyalty of Zara during his subsequent rebellion. Whatever the case, it certainly empowered Zara to retain its position as the principle power in Dalmatia.

    It was in this context that all eight of the cities were able to reaffirm their mutual acknowledgement of one another's autonomous status as communes, with legal foundation in the ancient recognition of their municipal status as remnants of Roman Illyria. It is from this point on that the cities came to be known in Latin as the Communitates Dalmatiam, the 'Communes of Dalmatia'. Each polity was styled as a 'Communitas - ' with the Latin demonym of each following. As a part of this, all agreed to recognise one another's territorial additions gifted by the King - which also played a role in establishing Dalmatian solidarity by finally resolving the age-old dispute over the island of Pago[6].

    However, beyond this agreement, division became the norm. Perhaps the most fundamental disagreement concerned the loyalty of the League. In its wartime state, all eight of the cities had fought as one, with assent from representatives of both Hungary and the Greek Empire. In peace, however, the varying allegiances of each polity threatened to activate centrifugal forces, potentially tearing the Dalmatians apart.

    Emeric of Hungary, whilst supportive of the League, desired that it be explicitly loyal to the Hungarian Crown. He preferred to think of Dalmatia as the naval 'arm' of his realm, a subordinate entity with which his Kingdom would have a symbiotic relationship. Certainly the idea of a sovereign Dalmatia, with its capital at Zara, was an antithesis to his conception of the League. The most fervent supporters of this view were Tragura and Spalatro - both were at this time heavily involved with dynastic struggles in the Croatian hinterland, and both had benefited enormously from previous years of Hungarian suzerainty. The governments of the these cities saw a closer alignment with inland authority as a benefit, both defensively and economically.

    Zara was a softer supporter - though they were heavily indebted to the King for his favours to the municipality, Comes Begna was also keen to establish Zara as the unquestionable overlord of Dalmatia. In effect, Begna wanted Zara to be the 'lens' through which Hungarian power over the region would be focused; whereas the King's preference was to exert power over each polity as a separate entity. It seems that Emeric was playing a cautious political game at this time - he needed to maintain Dalmatian loyalty to him directly, but could not push too hard for fear that Andrew would offer concessions which could lure the Dalmatians to his side.

    Crepsa, Veglia and Arba were largely in favour of loyalty to Hungary, but feared the creation of a permanent rift with Venice. In times past the islands had depended on the Venetians for their defence[7], and they were unwilling to abandon this as an option looking ahead to an uncertain future. It is important to remember that this was an era before Zara had proved itself consistently powerful at sea - certainly it had won independent victories before, but its ability to project power across Dalmatia was still in its infancy. The three cities preferred that the League remain a simple military alliance, with matters of foreign policy and trade left outside the authority of any central body.

    Ragusa and Cattaro, the most southerly cities of the League, were stubborn in their resistance to Emeric's demand. They owed their loyalty to Constantinople, not to Esztergom[8]. The Rector of Ragusa was appointed by representatives of the Greek Emperor, not the Hungarian King. For their loyalty, the cities were rewarded with preferential trading rights within the Empire, a lucrative relationship which far exceeded any benefit from switching allegiance to Emeric. Though Ragusa was not yet the great carrier of trade that it would become in later centuries - a rival even of Venice and Zara - it still saw its mercantile interests as paramount. The Emperor made it expressly clear that the secession of the cities would leave them shorn of their commercial rights and their place of honour in Constantinople. Furthermore, the instability of Serbia and the sheer distance between Ragusa and Venice vastly reduced the severity of external threats to the cities, making the defensive functions of the League an unnecessary luxury.

    The issue came to a head when the matter of Sebenico arose to trouble the members of the League. Sebenico was a Croatian city, but one which had adopted the language and legal customs of the rest of Dalmatia (though, unused to political liberty, they elected their comites to rule for life rather than the usual two-year terms). It had even been granted the same privileges as the Communitates Dalmatiam by the Kings of Hungary, eager to build up a port to rival the traditional centres of trade and commerce on the Adriatic littoral. With this in mind, it was proposed that the city be invited to ascend to the League as the ninth of the Dalmatian city-states.

    In was here that Emeric played his most powerful card. If Sebenico were to join the League, it was argued, then the League must express its loyalty to the King of Hungary. The thought of ceding further Croatian territory - not to mention such a crucial port-city, the last remaining under the direct control of the King - without this prerequisite was unthinkable.

    The ultimatum brought chaos to the negotiations. Zara, Tragura and Spalatro were adamant; Sebenico must join the League. The city was just too strategically and commercially important to leave out, if its membership was on the table. The northern isles were also supportive, though less vocally so - some of their comites held possessions in mainland Croatia[9], and were therefore vulnerable to confiscation by Andrew (who wished to keep Sebenico under his control). Ragusa and Cattaro remained utterly opposed to the demand. On the 2nd June 1203, the representatives of Ragusa (led by members of the prestigious noble families of Bonda and Gradi[10]) and Cattaro withdrew from the Council and returned home, sundered from their Dalmatian brethren[11].

    With the shocking departure of the southern cities, the central and northern Dalmatians were left to decide on common policy. Though differences remained, none were great enough to precipitate a second breakdown in negotiations. Talks moved on from the loyalty of the League - now unquestionably to Hungary, though the form this would take remained ambiguous - to the political structure it would have.

    It was decided that the Dalmatian League would model itself after the preexisting Lombard League of northern Italy - ironically an entity which bore resentment to the Dalmatians, not only because of Venice's prominent membership but also because of the actions of the dispersed 'Crusaders' in their chaotic and violent return home across the region after the failure of the Crusader of 1202[12].

    In light of this, it was agreed that a central confederal body would be established in the form of a Universitas, a reflection of its Lombard counterpart. However, its power would be limited and the sovereignty of each commune would remain paramount. The function of the Universitas - which was to be seated in Zara - was restricted to common consent to the accession of new members and collective agreement on foreign policy. In time, nevertheless, its power would expand and become the foundation for the later consolidation of Dalmatia into a single political unit.

    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    Extract from: The History of Dalmatia
    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    Footnotes:

    [1]
    Nona (Nin) was the first Croatian Royal Town (a municipality granted autonomy from loyal nobility in the name of the King). It is thought that the first 'Croat' polity may have coalesced around Nona, which was a seat for several Croatian Kings before the unification with Hungary.

    [2]
    I based this event off the similar 'Devotion of Verona to Venice' which occurred (rather later in time) IOTL.

    [3]
    The citizens of Nona did from time to time adopt piracy as a means of accumulating wealth. Arba was a target of these activities.

    [4]
    There is record of Venice mediating between the Arbesans (inhabitants of Arba) and the Nonan pirates, suggesting that Arba (and therefore presumably the other northern island cities) relied at times on the intervention of Venice for its defence.

    [5]
    Nicolò Manzavini was a real figure. He was Archbishop of Zara until the capture of the city by the Venetians, during which the archdiocese remained unoccupied (perhaps indicating that the Archbishop was killed, as he would otherwise presumably have fled into exile along with many other Zaratin citizens).

    [6]
    As previously mentioned, Zara and Arba had long disputed control over Pago - at one point Arba even allied with Venice against Zara in a war over this issue.

    [7]
    See footnote [4].

    [8]
    Esztergom was the capital of Hungary at this time.

    [9]
    The family of Dujam, the ruling clique in Veglia (Krk) at this time, had extended their holdings to include the mainland district of Modruš in Croatia.

    [10]
    These are real examples of Ragusan patrician families which were powerful at this time.

    [11]
    I had actually decided that Ragusa and Cattaro would probably break off before the contributions of @Shevek23 and others - though these musing were still helpful in conceptualising it! To all my readers, please contribute thoughts like these because they really do help to formulate ideas about how the TL will go.

    [12]
    A small reference to the activities of the Crusaders ITTL, as considered by @Shevek23 and @MakiRoc very early on in the thread. Expect the ultimate state of affairs in France with regards to the eventual role of these men to crop up eventually, again probably as an obscure reference (which I shall endeavour to point out in the footnotes!).

    __________________________________________________________________________________
    Here is an updated map for the region post-establishment of the Dalmatian League as a true - if very loose - confederation. Ragusa and Cattaro are displayed in lavender to emphasise their loyalty to the Basileía Rhōmaíōn, shown in purple. In orange are the seven member-communes of the confederal League; from north to south these are: Veglia, Crepsa, Arba, Zara, Sebenico, Tragura, and Spalatro.

    2cwkh2h.png

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    I hope that was an enjoyable read! I apologise that it took so long to come out - I've just had a billion and one things to do lately, so I haven't had the time I thought I'd have to write. For a while at least expect the gap between updates to be several days, as I have to fit writing around work and other distractions.

    Please feel free to comment on the events of this update - as I have mentioned before, the internal politics of the League as they currently stand will be an important foundation for the rest of Dalmatia's political development. If there are any questions, doubts or suggestions, I'll happily hear them.

    Coming up will be the response within the League to the rebellion of Emeric's brother, Andrew.

    See you soon!

    - Ilu
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    Chapter 15 - Overlords
  • When the next update?

    Now!
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    ImrichEmeric_of_Hungary.jpg

    Seal of Emeric, King of Hungary
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    Overlords
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    The order and peace established by the consolidation of the Dalmatian League was not to last long. Less than a month after the end of the Second Council of Zara, Duke Andrew of Croatia rose in rebellion against his brother, King Emeric of Hungary. The uprising was not unforeseen - the Duke had committed such treason in 1197, defeating his brother the King at the town of Mački in Slavonia. It was from this victory that Andrew had acquired the Duchy of Croatia and the overlordship of Dalmatia, thereafter styling himself "By the grace of God, Duke of Zara and of all Dalmatia, Croatia and Hum". The antagonism between the two had persisted ever after, manifesting in the Duke's defeat at Lake Balaton in the summer of 1199 and his subsequent expulsion from the realm. Emeric had only permitted his brother's return from exile in Austria due to the intervention of a papal legate[1].

    Thus, on the 4th of July, 1203, Duke Andrew led yet another rebellion against his brother[2]. Many of the Croat noble houses supported his uprising, including the great magnates of the Frankopan and Babonići families[3]. It is said that Andrew's wife, Gertrude of Merania, may have been responsible for persuading her husband to plot against the King[4]. Chief among the reasons for rebellion was "the unlawful confiscation of the rightful and well-beloved lands of Dalmatia", a reference which most historians believe refers to the establishment of the Dalmatian League as an entity with Royal, rather than Ducal authority.

    It is certainly true that Emeric saw the League as a means of tying the Dalmatians to the Crown rather than to Andrew, who had previously exerted more influence there than the King himself. Andrew, in turn, was understandably incensed by Emeric's political manoeuvring. Zara in particular was the jewel for which the Duke hungered, even taking it as part of his title (for their part, the inhabitants of Zara took little notice of Andrew's pretensions of power), but the 'loss' of Sebenico and Nona to the League was also a jarring blow which left Croatia with few useful ports. Indeed, Andrew was compelled to rely largely on the port of Floim[5] (known also as Fiume and Rijeka), ruled by his ally and father-in-law, Berthold, Duke of Merania.

    The brother of the King was not the only threat to the realm faced by the court at Ezstergom. To the south, the self-styled 'Emperor' of Bulgaria, Kaloyan, was on the warpath. In 1202 Emeric had heavily defeated the forces of Bulgaria; placing Vukan Nemanjić, župan of Zeta, on the throne of the Grand Principality of Serbia; and seizing various Bulgarian territories including Belgrade and Branicevo. The city of Niš was also captured by the forces of Vukan of Serbia. Now Bulgaria was seeking revenge.

    Taking advantage of the civil war breaking out in Hungary, Kaloyan ordered his soldiers to assault Niš in support of the claim of Stefan Nemanjić to the throne of Serbia. Stefan had been granted refuge in Bulgaria by Kaloyan after the Hungarian-backed revolt under Vukan managed to overthrown him. Simultaneously a strong Bulgarian force marched north from the fortress-city of Sredets[6], with the aim of reconquering the lands lost to Hungary, and perhaps even extending the authority of their 'Emperor' north across the Danube.

    The Universitas of the Dalmatian League was therefore plagued with disunity and strife in its infancy. The resolution of the Istrian War had brought hope for peace and prosperity, but the actions of Duke Andrew destroyed any expectation of stability in the immediate future.

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    Extract from: Wars of the Haemus
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    Footnotes:

    [1]
    Everything in this paragraph was OTL.

    [2] This occurred earlier than IOTL, as the addition of Nona and Sebenico to the Dalmatian League provided a convenient casus belli for the rebellion.

    [3]
    These are examples of the real Croatian noble families.

    [4]
    It is thought that Gertrude was also at least partly responsible for convincing her husband to revolt IOTL's parallel. Incidentally, I found out about this marriage by accident, but it nicely ties in Merania (about which we have spent so long discussing) to the TL! Andrew's current supporters include Berthold of Merania and Leopold of Austria.

    [5]
    This is Dalmatian for 'river', the root of most languages' names for what is today Rijeka, Croatia.

    [6]
    'Sredets' is an older Slavic name for Sofia, Bulgaria.
    __________________________________________________________________________________
    And after a long wait, here is the next update! Unfortunately it's rather short, but it's needed to set up the events to come regarding Dalmatia's response to the Hungarian civil war. I am very grateful for everyone's patience in waiting for this - life has been extremely hectic lately.

    I also think I've figured out how I want to structure the TL hereafter. In just a few weeks I am heading off to University, having achieved the required grades, so I want to have this wrapped up by then. However, that might not leave much time to go as far into the story as I want to. So I've decided that the best course of action may be to make the TL a 'two-parter', bringing this up to the end of the Hungarian civil war, and then resuming the story (assuming demand) in a new thread once I'm settled in at Uni.

    What are people's thoughts on this? Would a second thread be the best course of action, or would you prefer a fairly long hiatus in this thread? Is there even much interest in taking this much beyond 1204?

    Thanks for reading!

    - Iluvatar
     
    Chapter 16 - Attack
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    ZadarMedival.jpg

    The fortress-city of Zara
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    Attack
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    The disunity of the Dalmatians was immediately evident. At the Universitas in Zara, the delegates from the northern islands of Arba, Veglia and Crepsa supported a motion proposing the acceptance of Duke Andrew as overlord. They found support from Tragura in the south, which was ruled by a comes of the Croatian Šubić family. They, along with most of the noble families of Croatia, had joined Andrew's revolt in the hope of acquiring favour and privileges from a new King. Additionally the Šubić heartland in the župa of Breber - as well as Tragura itself - were threatened by a strong presence of rebel troops occupying the Zagora[1]region in the name of the Duke.

    Zara, Sebenico and Spalatro remained loyal to their King. Zara owed its position of preeminence in Dalmatia to the patronage of Emeric, and they were under no delusion that Andrew could make any better offer. Indeed, the Comes suspected that a King with a stronger base of support among the Croatian nobility would prove more able to impose unwanted control over Zara itself. Similarly Sebenico, ruled by Comes Domald of Sidraga (of the house of Kačić), saw no benefit in Andrew's stated desire to reattach the city to Croatia. The family had benefited from Sebenico's membership of the Dalmatian League, taking a share of profits from taxes on tonnage and poundage usually reserved for the higher echelons of nobility. Various other Kačić holdings, including the town of Clissa[2] (held by Domald himself) and much of the župa[3] of Sidraga also remained loyal to the rightful King.

    Andrew raised his banner at the great fortress of Tinin, known also as Knin, in the Dinaric Alps. His stated reason for rebellion was to remove 'wicked counsellors' from the court of his brother in Esztergom, whom the Duke blamed for the loss of Nona and Sebenico to the League. It was clear, however, that Andrew's aim was higher; those who rallied to his cause were those most dissatisfied with Emeric's rule. His underlings began to refer to him as 'his Majesty the King', and he made no move to prevent them. Near all Croatia rose in his favour, with the exception of the aforementioned Kačić family; and he had foreign help from his father-in-law, Duke Berthold of Merania, and his ally Duke Leopold of Austria.

    After a month spent consolidating his power in Croatia and Hum, Andrew chose to strike. With Emeric distracted by an Austrian incursion close to Lake Balaton in Hungary - not to mention a war with Bulgaria at the Danube - the Duke marched south across the mountains and laid siege to Zara. At first glance this move seems foolish - his brother, the target of the revolt, was in the opposite direction. But there was method to his apparent madness. Zara was the key to Dalmatia, and possession of Dalmatia would grant both enormous legitimacy to his cause and enable supplies, arms and mercenaries to flood into Croatia. It seems that Andrew's plan was to cow the Zaratins into changing allegiance.

    Zara was not unprepared for the attack. Although Comes Begna had concluded that the Duke would most probably strike north first, he had still ordered the garrison strengthened and the walls reinforced. Stockpiling of food began almost as soon as the rebellion started, though Croatia's lack of significant naval power meant that imports from overseas could continue unabated. The Comes also sent soldiers to defend Nona, as well as to empower the Zaratin bailo to arrest and exile potential troublemakers in the newly-acquired and restive town.

    Andrew's army reached Zara on the 9th of August 1203, and began a siege. The Duke himself took up residence in the 'royal town' of Belgradon[4], a short distance south along the coast. Unfortunately for the Duke, the town had yet to recover from the Venetian conquest in 1125[5], and still lacked a good port. Nevertheless, the symbolism of his new seat was not lost on the Croatian nobility, nor on King Emeric[6]. At the same time, Andrew strengthened his garrisons at Scardona[7] and Almissa[8], drawing support and manpower from the Zagora region.

    The siege itself was one of attrition for the Ducal army, but failed to seriously threaten the security of Zara. Situated on a peninsular, the city proper was reachable only across a relatively narrow isthmus, which formed a natural harbour. The Comes ordered his ships to take up positions in this harbour and had them lashed together to form platforms, from which archers shot deep into the besieging ranks. At the same time the women and children were mostly evacuated to the island of Ugliano, where they would be safe should the city fall.

    On the 17th of August, Andrew launched a direct assault on the city walls. After a week of waiting the Duke was impatient; evidently the communitas leadership had not felt threatened by the army's mere presence. He had sent for two siege towers after the Zaratins rejected his demand to capitulate, hoping that their arrival would intimidate Zara into submission, but now he acted to use them. Under the cover of darkness the two towers were manoeuvred into position at the city wall, and a rude battering ram of hewn tree-trunks was assembled and dragged into position.

    Andrew, who left Belgradon to command the assault personally, assigned two separate companies to the siege towers. One was directed on a course just south of the gate-road, which lay on the port-side of the peninsular and led to the coastal gate commonly known as the 'Port Gate'[9]. Andrew wisely decided against moving the tower itself along the road due to the noise it would create - instead, the grass muffled the sound of the approach. The main gate of the city was positioned roughly halfway along the land-wall, but Andrew adamantly refused to deploy any forces to attack it. He recognised the strength of the central gate and knew that it would be a mistake to commit forces to such an impossible task. The weaker Port Gate was a much easier target.

    The second siege tower was positioned opposite the wall of Zara at the small harbour of Fosa. The towers began to approach the wall at approximately two o'clock in the morning, but their weight and the need for secrecy meant it took two hours just to reach the fortifications.

    The wall-guards failed to notice the enemy's activities in the gloom until they were close to the wall. Once seen, the city's bells were rung to summon the men of Zara to battle. The Comes had predicted an assault on receiving word of the siege towers' arrival, but remained confident that the attack could be beaten off. Begna remained calm and collected on being awakened, and departed quickly from his chambers to take command of the defences. His own quiet preparations for escape in the event of disaster (including a ship stocked with provisions and much of the city's treasury) may have aided his composure.

    Nevertheless, the Comes had good reason to be optimistic. Zara's walls were the most formidable in all Dalmatia and few armies from the interior had ever overcome the city's defences. The city was well-provisioned and the soldiers were motivated, if somewhat wearied by the lateness of the hour. As the Ducal army was without sea power there was no risk of a landing at the seaward walls. Begna had taken advantage of this long before the battle at the beginning the siege, and had redeployed much of the port-guard and the garrison of the sea wall to the principle defences at the land approaches.

    The battle can truly be said to have started at around 3 o'clock in the morning, when the Croatian battering-ram was sent forward and the siege-towers neared the walls. Andrew ordered a general advance on the city, and he himself established a headquarters on the gate-road to direct his forces. The Zaratins deployed many archers to the walls, and sent volleys of arrows into the mass of soldiers manning the battering ram at the gate. In the darkness, however, many missed their mark.

    The gate was strong and did not give way to the ram, but it did distract the Zaratins long enough to enable to siege-towers to reach the walls. At approximately 4 o'clock, the Croatian assault began in earnest and men began to ascend the towers. They were well-built and reinforced with animal hides, making them difficult to burn or break. Flaming arrows and boiling oil, whilst dangerous, could only hurt a few soldiers at a time, rather than compromising the entire structure. The battle entered its most dangerous stage.

    Dawn came early on the 17th. By six o'clock, the sun was just beginning to slide above the horizon, and the Croatian catapults opened fire. With two siege towers still in action and the gate becoming weaker with every stroke of the ram, the addition of artillery was a severe threat to Zara's defences. Soon thereafter, the gate itself burst asunder and the defenders were forced back to a secondary doorway; a more rudimentary affair which could not withstand the hours of abuse which the first had endured. At the same time, Croatian soldiers began to gain a proper foothold on the walls.

    The situation was desperate. The Comes, once confident, was suddenly struck with the terror of defeat. He, and his people, risked losing all they had to the Duke. The accounts of what happened once this realisation struck Begna are conflicting and unclear. What is known is that the siege towers were destroyed by fire. Exactly how this was achieved is disputed - some have postulated that 'fire-bundles', a defensive weapon composed of straw and wood (sometimes with nails hammered into them to help them 'stick' to siege towers), were responsible. One rather more interesting theory is that the Zaratins used Greek Fire in the defence of their city. The legend was recorded by one Niketas Choniates, a Greek historian who took a particular interest in the Empire's lost weapon:

    'Realising the threat that was closing in on Zara, Begna summoned three of his most loyal servants and departed from Well Square[10], where he had established his command pavilion. The four marched on the Comital Palace[11] and entered in swiftly, as the building was close to the city walls. Here the Comes bade the men wait in the antechamber of the palace whilst he himself passed within to certain secret chambers.

    When he returned, he gave to each man a vial of a very precious substance, the making of which is now a mystery to all men, even the Romans. Each of the three vials were wrapped in cloth soaked in alcohol. The Comes gave instruction to each man, bidding them take the vials, light them, and cast them at the siege towers and the battering ram.

    This the three men did, and won a great victory for their people. The vials contained a form of liquid fire, and once they burst open on the wooden siege towers, the fire entered through the animal hides and set the towers alight from within. Both were destroyed before the seventh hour of the morning - as was the ram, with many Croatian soldiers suffering terrible burns. Some cast themselves into the waters of the harbour, which was close at hand, but to no avail - the flames could not be extinguished that way. In any case, the Croats were swiftly driven from the walls with arrows, and those who had made it atop the fortifications themselves were slaughtered.
    '​

    The reliability of this legend is rejected by many historians; though, as a former Greek possession, the presence of Greek Fire in Zara is not beyond the realm of the feasible.

    Andrew was disgusted and angered by the defeat, but did not have time to make a second attempt. The day after the attack, on the 18th of August, word came from Slavonia that Emeric had defeated Leopold of Austria and forced him to return to Vienna, and that the King was now advancing on the important town of Eszék, known also as Mursa[12]. With no choice, the Duke ended the siege and withdrew north to Tinin, preparing to make a stand in the north of his duchy.

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    Extract from: Hungary, Croatia and Dalmatia - A Potted History
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    Footnotes:

    [1]
    'Zagora' refers to the Dalmatian hinterland. It literally means 'behind hills'. Many Croatian župa were centred in this region.

    [2] 'Clissa' is the Italian/Latin name for Klis. Presumably the Dalmatian equivalent is similar or identical.

    [3] The 'župa' were the Croatian counties.

    [4] 'Belgradon' is an early named for modern Biograd. The city was known in Latin as Alba Maritima, but I chose 'Belgradon' as a compromise to emphasise how it was indisputably a Slavic city. Sidenote: IOTL Biograd came to be called Jadra Nova ('New Zara') and then Zaravecchia ('Old Zara') because the survivors of the 1202 Sack of Zara fled mostly to Biograd, and then returned home after the reconquest.

    [5] The Venetians effectively razed Biograd in 1125. I couldn't find any specifics about the state of the city in 1203, but given that it was renamed 'Old Zara' (as explained above), I chose to interpret it as being effectively abandoned, or at least much less significant than its former status. Whatever the case, the Venetian attack had been devastating.

    [6] This symbolism has to do with the fact that the first Hungarian King of Croatia was crowned in Biograd. Andrew establishing his seat there sends a clear message about his intentions, even if he has not openly stated his desire to be King himself.

    [7] 'Scardona' is modern Skradin. In 1203 it was a possession of the Šubić family, a Croatian house which has joined Andrew's rebellion ITTL (not sure about OTL).

    [8] 'Almissa' is modern Omiš. Most likely the name at the time would have been something like Olmissium or Almiyssium, as 'Almissa' was used after the Venetian conquest. I have used the more modern term for simplicity's sake.

    [9] This is what is today known as the 'Port Gate'. Resident of Zadar please correct me if I'm wrong, but my understanding is that the more dramatic Land Gate was built by the Venetians (and was thus not in existence until that point) whereas the Port Gate contains elements of an ancient Roman triumphal arch, indicating its use as a gate far earlier - i.e. during 1203. I chose to depict Zara with only one major gate, the Port Gate. Perhaps @MakiRoc can help correct any mistakes, as I understand that he is a resident of Zadar?

    [10] IOTL this square is known as 'Five Wells Square', because the Venetians constructed a large water cistern with five ornamental wells to assist in withstanding Ottoman sieges. ITTL the Venetians don't rule Zara so the wells are never built. Instead, a single well exists.

    [11] This is the 'Rector's Palace ' IOTL. Venetian appointed governors ('Rectors') lived here, but it is known that the palace was used earlier than this. ITTL, the building remains the property of the native Zaratin comites and becomes known as the 'Comital Palace'.

    [12] This is OTL Osijek.
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    A bit of a long one, in contrast to previous. I always seem to stretch out battles! Anyway, I hope you enjoyed :). I might get a map out at some point to help with visualising the conflict.

    Comments, ideas, thoughts and constructive criticism is encouraged!

    Next up: the Civil War continues.

    Thanks,

    - Iluvatar
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter 17 - Submission
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    Croatia447Trogir-296x300.jpg

    Tragura's Old Town
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    Submission
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    Immediately following on from previous post*

    With the siege broken, Zara quickly reasserted control over its hinterland. As Andrew's army was now out of the picture, the only opposition came from local Croat nobles who supported the Duke's rebellion. Perhaps the most prominent of these families was the House of Šubić, which held the key stronghold of Breber and also possessed the municipality of Tragura in Dalmatia. Several patricians from Zara left the city and joined the army of the loyalist Kačić family, chiefly as a means of defending or recovering estates they held in the hinterland. After the Ducal army's withdrawal, much of the coastline fell under the control of Domald, Comes of Sebenico and župan of Sidraga - one of the most prominent members of the House of Kačić. He led the loyalists in battle against the Šubićs, defeating them at Scardona[1] and advancing to besiege Tragura - though he was unable to prevent a rebel advance down the River Cherca[2] from tying down a large loyalist garrison at Norzi[3]. He also managed to retake Belgradon, thus bringing all Sidraga back under his control.

    Zara itself did not raise an army to campaign in Croatia. The Istrian War had drained the city's coffers, making expensive armies infeasible. During the Siege of Zara, the Zaratin soldiers had been defending their homes, but an advance inland would require a force paid in gold. However, the Comes and governing Council were prepared to deploy the Zaratin fleet against coastal strongholds held by the rebels. On the 26th of August, several ships of Zara assisted in the aforementioned capture of Scardona; and five days later a flotilla was assembled at Zara to reimpose the authority of the King over the Carnaro Islands.

    The Zaratin fleet arrived at Arba on the 4th of September. The Arbans did not offer battle, but agreed to submit to the King and to the Dalmacie Princeps on the condition that their territories on Pago be retained. From there, the Zaratins sailed north and assembled themselves outside of the city of Veglia, from which the island gained its name. It would have been risky to assault the city in force with ships alone, but fortunately for the Zaratin flotilla the devastation of the Istrian War had left the Vegliot fleet unable to mount any sort of significant resistance. They too submitted. Shortly afterwards, Crepsa also conceded after a Zaratin envoy arrived at Ossero and threatened the isle with conquest in the name of the King. The three islands had rebelled primarily due to their economic dependence on the Meranian port of Floim[4], but faced with a loyalist armed force, they were unable and unwilling to lose the protection of the only city able to defend their commercial interests elsewhere.

    Comes Begna demanded that the Comites of the northern islands come to Zara at once to give oaths of allegiance to the King and to the Princeps. There are established accounts of the event; it seems that the three travelled as a group and arrived together on the 11th of September before submitting to Begna at the Comital Palace. This was certainly a turning point in the political structure of the Dalmatian League, as it established the precedent for regarding the Zaratin Comes as of a status similar to that of the viceregal ban of Croatia; i.e. as a representative of the King himself. It also implied that Dalmatia was a cohesive and separate polity, whereas in constitutional reality each city was treated as a separate, privileged municipality usually considered as a part of Croatia (the truth of this matter is unclear and disputed by historians).

    With the north subdued, Zara turned its attention to Tragura. Comes Domald of Sebenico had begun besieging the city on the 28th of August with his army of Sidragan Croats and Sebenzani[5] citizens. However, like Zara, Tragura was a formidable fortress. Its fall would require a combination of land forces and naval dominance, especially as the core of the city was actually on a small offshore island (Domald was attacking the settled littoral of the Castelli[6] region). Nearby Spalatro had skirmished with their Traguran counterparts around the island of Bua[7], but they were unable to decisively defeat them. Nevertheless, the bravery of the Spalatrin sailors was frequently celebrated on anniversaries for many years afterwards.

    In this context the Zaratin fleet turned south, leaving a small number of ships to enforce a light blockade of Floim. After a brief halt for supplies in Zara on the 13th, the force continued on towards Tragura. The exact conditions of the resultant Battle of Tragura are unclear, but most scholars agree that the Spalatrin fleet was most likely placed under Zaratin command - specifically under the well-known Zuane Zorzi. Zorzi wasted no time in acting and, as a forbear to his later mastery of pincer-movements, caught and destroyed the rebel fleet on the 16th of the month to the east of Bua. Despite moderate casualties among the Zaratin-Spalatrin combined force, the destruction of Traguran sea-power was the key to undoing the city's defences. The rebel Šubić Comes held out for another week before loyalist elements within Tragura - perhaps bribed by Domald - rose up and deposed him. The city's gates were opened and the rule of the King was reimposed across all Dalmatia. Zara's work was done.

    Meawhile, Kaloyan of Bulgaria had not been idle. In mid-July he had invaded the Grand Principality of Serbia and seized Niš, reclaiming it from Vukan Nemanjić, a vassal of Hungary. With supporters of Vukan's exiled brother Stefan pressing an offensive towards the capital of Ras, the 'Emperor' was emboldened to strike north and retake territories lost to Hungary the year before. Kaloyan assembled his army at Vidin and marched on the fortress of Ram[8], which lay close to the Danube. With the civil war ongoing, the Hungarian garrison was divided and weak, and the citadel was swiftly taken. Soon afterwards Branicevo also fell to the advancing Bulgarians. By the beginning of August Belgrade itself was under siege, and Kaloyan began to establish a footing north of the Danube. His Cuman vassals began raids into Erdély[9]

    King Emeric needed to eliminate the threat from his brother quickly if he was to face the threat from the south. Having defeated Duke Leopold of Austria at Lake Balaton on the 10th of August, forcing his return to Vienna, the King reassembled his army and marched south into Slavonia. By capturing the principal town of Eszék, it was hoped that Royal authority could be reestablished south of the River Drava[10]. A secondary motivation was to try to persuade the
    ban of Bosnia, Kulin, to openly side with the loyalists - thus far, he had remained silent on the subject. Emeric crossed the Drava on the 16th and established a stronghold at the village of Valpó[11], intending to receive further reinforcements from the city of Pécs before continuing his drive towards Eszék.

    Abandoning the siege at Zara, Andrew spent several week consolidating a force at Tinin before marching north into Croatia proper. Although he had received reports of the King's advance into Slavonia, the Duke had heard no more news from the province and assumed that Eszék had already fallen. Rather than assaulting the walls of a fortified city - the defeat at Zara still stung - Andrew instead advanced north to Varaždin, hoping there to join forces with the large number Hungarian magnates who had also rebelled against the King. Andrew established himself at the city on the 26th and awaited news.

    By the 24th, Eszék had indeed yielded to the loyalists, and much of Slavonia now fell into Emeric's hands. This was an important victory, but the King's position remained fragile. Despite Dalmatian successes in the littoral, almost all of the Croatian nobility had sided with Andrew. The greater portion of the Hungarian landholders also at least favoured Andrew - many refused to fulfil their feudal obligations to provide soldiers for the Royal army. The King had made great efforts to centralise his Kingdom, but now his magnates saw an opportunity in Andrew to regain much of their power. Andrew needed to be swiftly dealt with. On the 27th of August, the loyalist army marched west towards Varaždin.

    The historian, Thomas the Archdeacon[12], records what happened next in his text, History of the Bishops of Salona and Split:

    [All] the magnates of the kingdom and almost the whole of the Hungarian army deserted [King Emeric] and unlawfully sided with Duke Andrew. Very few men indeed remained with the King, and even they were terrified at the extent of the insurrection, and did not dare to urge the King to hope for success, but rather advised him to flee. Then it happened that one day both sides had drawn close to each other and were beginning to prepare themselves in earnest for battle. ... [After] much wise thought, with inspiration from heaven [King Emeric] found a successful way by which he might recover his right to the kingdom and still remain guiltless of bloodshed. So he said to his men, "Stay here a while, and do not follow me." Then he laid down his weapons, and taking only a leafy bough in his hand he walked slowly into the enemy ranks. As he passed through the midst of the armed multitude, he cried out in a loud and strong voice, "Now I shall see who will dare to raise a hand to shed the blood of the royal lineage!" Seeing him, all fell back, and not daring even to mutter, they left a wide passage for him on either side. And then when [King Emeric] reached his brother, he took him, and leading him outside the body of troops, he sent him to a certain castle for custody.[13]

    The King imprisoned his brother the Duke at Gornji Kneginec, and later had him taken to Esztergom. With Andrew's defeat, the remaining rebellious armies fell apart. The Hungarian nobles, seeing Andrew in custody on Emeric's return to the capital, were forced to submit themselves to their King. Having dealt with problems in the heartland, Emeric travelled south into Croatia and entered the fortress at Tinin, where his brother had first risen in rebellion. There he spent the winter months, and received renewed oaths of loyalty and submission from the
    župans of Croatia. Some lands he attainted and reattached to the Royal estates, or granted to other families - for example, the townships of Almissa and Scardona were taken from the Šubić family and given as a reward to Domald of Sidraga. It can be said that this event truly began the great rivalry between the House of Šubić and the House of Kačić. Andrew's ducal title was stripped from him, and the ban of Croatia, Martin Hont-Pázmány[14], was executed for treason as a key ally of Andrew during the rebellion. He was replaced with one Hipolit[15] (Hippolytus in Latin).

    Also present were envoys from the seven Dalmatian cities under Hungarian suzerainty; some who came to beg forgiveness for their city's rebellion, others who came to receive gifts for their loyalty. Damian Varicassi, the Zaratin envoy, was granted particularly luxurious gifts to take back to Zara for the
    Comes. This further cemented the assumption that Zara spoke for the King in Dalmatia.

    With Royal authority reestablished in Hungary, Croatia and Dalmatia, King Emeric could now turn to face the Bulgarians. But the Dalmatians' work was not yet done, and much was to be accomplished within the League if it were to recover from the travails of the civil war.

    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    Extract from: Hungary, Croatia and Dalmatia - A Potted History
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    *This was an addition suggested by @Shevek23. If you think it's worth doing for each update please let me know!

    Footnotes:


    [1]
    Skradin, Croatia.

    [2] This is the Italian name for the River Krka in Croatia. The Dalmatian name would have been more similar to the Italian form than the Croatian.

    [3] Norzi is the Italian name for the Croatian settlement of Nos Kalik. The Dalmatian name would have been more similar to the Italian form than the Croatian.

    [4] This was mentioned a while back but, in case you've forgotten, Floim is the Dalmatian name for Rijeka, Croatia.

    [5] Sebenzani is the demonym for inhabitants of Sebenico/Šibenik.

    [6] Castelli is the Italian name for the Kaštela region of Croatia. The Dalmatian name would have been more similar to the Italian form than the Croatian.

    [7]
    Bua is the Italian name for the Croatian island of Čiovo. The Dalmatian name would have been more similar to the Italian form than the Croatian.

    [8] Thank you @isabella !

    [9] Erdély is the Hungarian name for Transylvania.

    [10]
    The River Drava is a tributary of the Danube which forms much of the border between Hungary and Croatia, both today and in 1203. Also, I use the British (i.e. correct :p) way of writing river names; i.e. [river]+[name], as opposed to the US; [name]+[river]. So sue me!

    [11]
    Valpó is the Hungarian name for Valpovo, Croatia.

    [12] Thomas the Archdeacon was a real historian who recorded Emeric's OTL defeat of Andrew.

    [13]
    All this is from Thomas the Archdeacon's OTL telling of the event. It can easily be found here.

    [14] Martin Hont-Pázmány was also a friend and ally of Andrew IOTL, as ban of Croatia.

    [15]
    IOTL Hipolit became ban of Croatia in 1204, but here he is given the honour a year early.
    __________________________________________________________________________________
    Here's a map of the campaign in Dalmatia over the course of the civil war. It's a bit confusing, so apologies for that. I'll put a simplified timeline of the whole war below to help explain:

    Key:

    Blue = Loyalists
    Red = Rebels
    Britannic Bold font = Places
    Arial font = Dates (each date represents the day on which a force arrived at the 'arrow' end of each arrow)

    24ch3sz.png


    Simplified timeline (British date format - DD/MM/YY):

    04/07 - Duke Andrew raises his banner at Tinin, beginning the rebellion.
    15/07 - Bulgarians capture Niš in Serbia.
    28/07 - Duke Leopold of Austria begins an invasion of Hungary.
    05/08 - Belgrade placed under siege by the Bulgarian armies.
    09/08 - Andrew takes Belgradon and begins the Siege of Zara.
    15/08 - King Emeric defeats the Austrians at Lake Balaton. Leopold returns to Vienna.
    16/08 - King Emeric reaches Pécs and begins to mass forces to invade Croatia.
    17/08 - Assault on Zara; the Ducal army is defeated.
    18/08 - Andrew withdraws to Tinin. He waits a month to reconsolidate his power in the wake of the defeat.
    21/08 - Domald of Sidraga recaptures Belgradon.
    26/08 - Scardona falls to the loyalists.
    28/08 - Siege of Tragura begins.
    31/08 - Rebel forces tie down loyalist garrison at Norzi until Andrew's defeat.
    04/09 - Zaratin fleet arrives in the Carnaro Islands.
    05/09 - Submission of Arba to Zara.
    07/09 - Veglia submits to Zara.
    08/09 - Crepsa submits to Zara.
    11/09 - The Comites of Arba, Veglia and Crepsa give oaths of allegiance to the King and to Comes Begna at Zara.
    13/09 - Zaratin fleet stops for supplies in Zara.
    15/09 - Zaratin fleet arrives at Spalatro.
    16/09 - Battle of Bua; Traguran fleet destroyed. King Emeric crosses the Drava and captures Valpó.
    23/09 - Fall of Tragura to the loyalists.
    24/09 - King Emeric captures Eszék.
    26/09 - Duke Andrew arrives at Varaždin.
    27/09 - The King marches on Varaždin.
    28/09 - Emeric captures Andrew. End of the civil war.
    __________________________________________________________________________________
    Well, I hope that was interesting! Now Dalmatia can spend some time sorting out its internal issues rather than fighting foreign wars.

    Hope you enjoyed!

    Thanks,

    - Ilu
     
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    Chapter 18 - Accord
  • __________________________________________________________________________________
    croatia_dalmatia_split_peristil_013.jpg

    Diocletian's Palace, Spalatro
    __________________________________________________________________________________
    Accord
    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    A few weeks later

    The winter of 1203-1204 saw a fundamental change in the balance of power within the fledgling Dalmatian League, and in the Croatian hinterland. With the departure of the King from the region in late September, power reverted to the hands of those who had held it before the outbreak of war - namely, the local nobility. However, with Duke Andrew out of the picture, a new order was emerging.

    At Tinin, now the de facto capital of Croatia, King Emeric's appointed ban sat as the royal representative throughout the realm of the Croats. His name was Hipolit, chosen for his loyalty and steadfastness in the face of Andrew's rebellion. The previous holder of the office, Hont-Pázmány, had merely been a pawn of the Duke, but his successor exercised his authority in the King's name. All Croatia submitted to his rule, willingly or otherwise.

    So too did the Comites of the Dalmatian cities, though as ever they gave allegiance out of free will and not under threat of force. In particular, Antonio Begna of Zara developed a close relationship with ban Hipolit. Constitutionally their relative positions were unclear - some held that the Dalmatian cities fell under the jurisdiction of the ban, others argued that the Dalmacie Princeps was the King's representative amongst the communitates. Whatever the case, his Majesty was not in a position to clarify the situation, as he was using the onset of winter to prepare his armies for a spring counterattack against Bulgaria.

    Within the League itself, a new order was emerging. In the short time between it's foundation and the outbreak of war a balance of power had existed, with three major blocs - the Carnaro Islands; the Spalatrin-Traguran partnership (with which Sebencio usually agreed); and Zara - acting as the basis for collective policy-making. However, the civil war had broken out so soon after the League's creation that the structure was ripe for remoulding with Zaratin hands. Little was formally or legally changed, as the purview of the Universitas was restricted to the loosest form of confederal government. Nevertheless, Zara's dominance was cemented as an undeniable fact.

    At the Dalmatian League's foundation, on the 1st of November 1202, its function had simply been to enable officials from each city to meet and coordinate the pan-Dalmatian war effort against Venice. In June 1203 it had been reshaped into a confederation with the Universitas as the central government. This body met in Zara and each city was entitled to send ten representatives of its prominent aristocratic families to vote on common issues. In the wake of the civil war the Princeps, who acted as the chairman of the Universitas' meetings, stripped the rebellious cities of two of their delegates each, reducing the membership of Arba, Veglia, Crepsa and Tragura to eight apiece. This proportionally increased Zaratin voting power in the League - functionally eleven, as the Princeps was not counted among Zara's total.

    One might suspect that such an imbalance would cause discord, but in the event Dalmatia remained remarkably free of further political strife in 1203. This was due to a number of factors; most importantly, the Dalmatians were used to foreign domination, so the preeminence of one of their number was no more troubling to them than any other hegemonic power. Furthermore, the rebels were aware that they had got off lightly, and that Zara could potentially have used its newfound power to impose its authority outright over some of the cities. The retainment of the League's structures was seen as a means of restraining Zaratin power whilst enhancing the collective power of Dalmatia. Historians are largely united in agreement that the formalisation of the constitutional realities of the League were key in providing the conditions for the development of Dalmatian proto-nationalism.

    [1]Dalmatia was therefore a paragon of calm amongst the realms of Emeric, whilst the Croatians quietly fumed at Royal interference and the Hungarians marched against the Bulgarian invaders. This was even in spite of important political events in Zara, as on the 22nd of November, 1203, an election was to be held to choose a new Comes. The Dalmatians had (and retain to this day) a long history of avoiding the concentration of power in the hands of one man, hence their insistence on two-year terms for their leaders. Antonio Begna therefore chose not to stand again, despite his impressive achievements whilst in office.

    Zara's principal institutions of government were the Greater Council (Maiori Consilio[2]) and the Small Council (Pedlo Consilio[3]). Unlike Venice, which restricted the franchise to forty electors appointed by the Mazor Consegio[4], Zara's election procedure gave every member of the Great Council a vote. This helped to distribute power amongst the patrician families of the city.

    Three main candidates were standing in the election. One was Zoilo Calcina[5], a man who was well-known in the city for his prominence among the merchants. Much of his commerce dealt with the salt-trade between Pago and Venice, and he was recognised as the obvious leader of the pro-Venetian faction in Zara. It is important to remember that to many in Dalmatia, Venice was not an implacable enemy, but a key partner. To Calcina, a rapprochement with the Republic was necessary to ensure Zara's continued commercial success, as well as to ward off any infraction of Zaratin sovereignty by the King of Hungary.

    A second candidate was Nicola Galeli[6], the leader of the pro-Croatian faction in Zara. The civil war had done much to damage the reputations of those with ties to the Croatian nobility (some, mostly political rivals of Begna, had even been executed or exiled), but Galeli was a known associate of Domald of Sidraga and emphasised the need to appease the local nobles of the hinterland. His cause appealed to those in the Maiori Consilio who had suffered with property destruction at the hands of rebel Croats - their estates inland had largely been pillaged, and they blamed the Zaratin government's confrontational approach during the conflict. Nevertheless, popular opinion among Zara's citizens (theoretically represented in the institution of the Arengo[7]) was firmly anti-Croat in the aftermath of Andrew's siege, a view which influenced many to cast their vote in favour of another.

    The third was a man called Damian Varicassi[8], an associate of Begna who favoured a specifically Hungarian alignment, deliberately sidelining any allegiance (nominal or otherwise) to the Croatian ban. His aim was to assert Zara's secured freedoms and build the city up, so as to increase its influence both in Dalmatia and elsewhere in the Mediterranean. In particular he aimed to expand Zaratin commerce with the Greek Empire[9] as a serious competitor to Venice, Genoa and Pisa. In this vein, Varicassi was an important promoter of Dalmatian solidarity, as he hoped to harness the collective power of the League as a means of enhancing Zara's strength.

    The electoral protocol in actuality took several days, as the laborious process of vote casting and then counting was a great deal more time-consuming without the technology of today. So it wasn't until the 25th of November that the victor was announced. The position of Comes, whilst lesser in power relative to the Doge's authority in Venice, would lend significant influence to whichever faction was the victor. The election would also indicate how elections for the membership of the Small Council would turn out, and thus foreshadow the direction of policy for the whole commune. The aristocrats of Zara waited with bated breath for the proclamation.

    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    Extract from: A Study of Zaratin Politics Through the Ages
    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    Footnotes:


    Firstly, I must again give credit to @MakiRoc for much of the information on Zaratin politics and historical figures here. He has certainly been a great help in writing this TL, so I want to make sure credit is given where it's due. Thanks :biggrin:

    [1]
    Beyond this point I look at internal Zaratin (not pan-Dalmatian) politics. Unfortunately due to the scant records from the era, I was unable to find concrete sources of information on Zara's actual government structure at the time. In light of this, I chose to model the system roughly on Venice's system. One possible useful source I found referenced was the Statute of Zadar, an historical document which contained the collated laws of mediaeval Zara, presumably including its constitutional structure. Unfortunately, I could not find an online version of this - and the sole surviving original document is currently resident in Dubrovnik (Ragusa), and thus rather beyond the usability limit of my bus pass! If anyone happens to know of one or finds a copy online, please let me know and I will happily retcon any inaccuracies.

    [2] 'Maiori Consilio' is Dalmatian for 'Greater Council'. It is known that Zara had a 'Big' and 'Small' council at the time. Here I have interpreted these as correlating to the Venetian 'Major Council' and 'Minor Council' ('Council of Six').

    [3]
    'Pedlo Consilio' is Dalmatian for 'Small Council'. I have interpreted its role as a Cabinet-esque part of the executive.

    [4]
    'Mazor Consegio' is Venetian for 'Major Council'. This body seems to have acted as the legislative organ of Venetian government.

    [5]
    Calcina is a fictional character.

    [6]
    Galeli is a fictional character.

    [7]
    An arengo was the name given to the body of 'freemen' or citizens of mediaeval Italian communes. As a neolatin city-state, it is likely that Zara would have had a similar body. I simply kept the same name.

    [8]
    Varicassi was a real person. He has turned up previously in TTL as a Zaratin diplomat. As previously mentioned elsewhere, IOTL he was one of two envoys sent from Zara to negotiate with the army of the Fourth Crusade.

    [9]
    For those just joining us, ITTL the name 'Byzantine Empire' never became as popular as a term for the mediaeval Roman Empire (Basileía Rhōmaíōn). Instead, historians favoured 'Imperium Graecorum', or 'Empire of the Greeks'. Personally I am well within the ranks of Byzantophiles and am firmly convinced that the Rhomaoi were the legitimate continuation of the Empire!
    _______________________________________________________________________________​

    Hope you enjoyed that. Lots of politics but not much fighting - hope the military historians among you didn't find it dull!

    See you in the next one!

    Thanks,

    - Ilu
     
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    Chapter 19 - Proclamation
  • __________________________________________________________________________________

    800px-Coat_of_arms_of_Dalmatia_%28early%29.svg.png

    The Dalmatian Coat of Arms
    __________________________________________________________________________________
    Proclamation
    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    The following day...

    The 25th arrived, and the communitas' officials completed their vote count. At midday on the 25th of November, Damian Varicassi was summoned to the steps of the Comital Palace. There, before the assembled townspeople, the city-guard, magistrates, civil servants, officials and the clergy, Antonio Begna took off the comital coronet[1] and placed it on the head of Varicassi. Nicolò Manzavini[2], the Archbishop of Zara, officiated at the ceremony and proclaimed, with a loud cry, the appointment of a new Comes. And there was much rejoicing in the city.

    But there was also discontent. Calcina's faction, who favoured the Venetians, were determined to oppose the new policies Varicassi had put forward. They saw them as leaning too far towards the 'barbarous' interior, ceding too much power to a faraway King whom they saw as having little regard for the liberties and customs of the Dalmatian metropoles. Though they were in a minority and had been outvoted, they were determined to demand pro-Venetian concessions in the Maiori Consilio[3]. It was no secret that some Venetian merchants, acting on the Republic's behalf, helped to fund Calcina's faction - their expulsion from the city in 1202 was not forgotten, and Venice was keen to keep a commercial presence in Zara.

    In contrast, Galeli and his following largely accepted the result. In their minds the King was many miles away, but the Croatian ban was near. Functionally, therefore, the Royalist leanings in Varicassi's party could be manipulated into serving their interests in Croatia. It is true that the new Comes saw little in the way of opposition from the 'Galeliti'[4] (as later historians labelled them) and many ended up elected to the Pedlo Consilio, and thus achieved some executive power. The name Galeliti survived the man himself, and has been broadly - and sometimes anachronistically - applied to pro-Croat patricians in Zara, and even Croat-Dalmatian aristocratic families generally.

    Meanwhile, as Varicassi celebrated his victory in Zara, King Emeric of Hungary was preparing a counterattack against the Bulgarian armies of the 'Emperor'[5] Kaloyan. The bitter winter of 1203-1204 made an assault impossible until spring - neither side would be able to extort food from locals to supply their troops. Kaloyan decided to winter in Belgrade and hold the Danube against the Hungarians. Although he had gained a small foothold on the northern bank, he was very aware that the parallel campaign against Vukan of Serbia needed to be bolstered if Bulgaria's western flank was to be secure come the spring.

    In Esztergom, Emeric exercised his newly regained authority. With his brother Andrew in chains as an example of the fate of those who defied the King, the restive nobles were finally cowed into yielding up their soldiers to the Royal Army. As 1203 gave way to 1204, these men were summoned from across Hungary to the service of their lord. At the same time, the King made a decision which had profound implications for Dalmatia's future. As a new-year's gift to the newly elected Comes of Zara, Emeric dispatched an envoy to the city bearing a gift of great value. On the 1st of January 1204, the messenger was received at the Zaratin Court in the Comital Palace. There, in sight of the Maiori Consilio, he presented to Varicassi a crown and conferred upon him the title of Dalmacie Princeps, 'Prince of Dalmatia'.

    The crown was the famed Crown of Zvonimir[6], which had represented Royal authority in Croatia and Dalmatia since its inception in 1076, as bestowed by a Papal Legate. Now, with the shattering of Croatian power by the King's victory, he declared by decree that 'the Crown of Hungary shall suffice for our Realm of Croatia'. This was a fundamental constitutional shift which began the integration of Croatia into Hungary as a political (but not cultural) unitary state[7]; but it also made Zvonimir's Crown unnecessary. Now it would pass to the Dalmatians as a symbol of Royal trust in the Princeps, but also as a symbol of Dalmatia's subservience to the King. Although 1204 began the convention that all Zaratin comites receive the title of Dalmacie Princeps, the granting of this title has always remained the prerogative of the monarch.

    The crown was both beautiful and old, and those who beheld it remarked upon its very air of authority. The King had had his goldsmiths and silversmiths make a small addition to it; specifically, a silver leopard's head was affixed to the front of the piece. The leopard had been adopted as a symbol of Croatia, but its use had passed to Dalmatia during their time as a unified entity[8]. It is thought that the adoption of the crown - known thereafter as the Dalmacie Coronum, the 'Dalmatian Crown' - cemented the leopard as the emblem of Dalmatia and influenced the later incarnations of the region's arms and flag.

    However, Varicassi did not wear the crown after its presentation - as ever in Zaratin politics, concentration of power was heavily frowned upon. The Comes was adroit enough to know that his peers would never accept such an empowerment of the comital position. He is recorded to have said, 'let the Crown go to Zara - the Coronet is a burden great enough for me'. Since that time, the Crown has never been worn by the Comes, but has sat in an alcove of the Council Chamber of the Palace. It has come to represent the rule of Zara over Dalmatia, rather than the authority of one man.

    The coming of spring saw Zara settle into its position, ready to face the coming year with a new leader at the helm. But far to the east, the armies of a King and an Emperor glared at one another across the River Danube.

    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    Extract from: An Examination of Dalmatia's Relationship with the Haemus
    __________________________________________________________________________________​

    Footnotes:


    [1]
    At the time a coronet was the usual headgear of those of comital rank. Presumably the Comes of Zara would have had one to represent his authority, even if said authority was relatively limited.

    [2]
    I think I've mentioned this before, but I just want to reaffirm that Nicolò Manzavini was the real Archbishop of Zara until 1202, when the archdiocese became (and remained) vacant for many years. This may indicate that Manzavini was killed in the sack, or perhaps due to subsequent resistance to Venetian authority. Here he survives.

    [3]
    I managed to translate a small part of the Statute of Zara which revealed that the legislative body was called the Maiori Consilio, meaning 'Greater Council', as opposed to Gruond Consilio, meaning 'Great Council'. This has been corrected in the previous update.

    [4]
    Galeliti is Dalmatian for 'Galelites' - i.e. meaning 'those belonging/following Galeli'. Galeli was a Dalmatian family name (though the character ITTL is fictional) and '-iti' is the plural Latinate suffix equivalent to the English '-ites' (as in 'Israelites').

    [5]
    In case I didn't already mention this; Kaloyan claims an Imperial title, but the Pope did not recognise him as an Emperor, only a King. Hence the inverted commas.

    [6]
    The Crown of Zvonimir was the crown granted by the Pope to Dmitar Zvonimir, King of Croatia, in 1076. It became an important symbol of Croatian sovereignty, especially after the personal union of Hungary and Croatia. The Kings of Hungary were initially crowned as King of Croatia separately in Biograd (Belgradon, Alba Maritima), but this practice was eventually ended under King Bela IV, who had just one coronation as King over both realms. ITTL, Emeric's victory brings the Croatian nobility to its knees, leading him to adapt the separate crown and consider Croatia a more integral part of his realm.

    Below is a representation of the Crown of Zvonimir:
    150px-Traditional_Croatian_crown.png

    [7] See point [6].

    [8]
    Having badly translated the Croatian Wikipedia page on the Dalmatian flag, it seems that the association of leopards (later called lions) with Dalmatia and Croatia was already in existence before 1200. I think the easiest thing to do here would be to use a butterfly net and direct Dalmatia's heraldic history along a path similar to than of OTL. Unless someone has a more exiting (yet plausible) idea, in which case, please share!
    _______________________________________________________________________________​

    That took longer than expected, but there it is!

    This is the point that I will have to put this on a hiatus. I begin at Uni on this coming Sunday, and then there's Freshers' Week (for non-Brits, that's the first week of Uni during which most people get drunk - though I personally don't drink - and are introduced to some of the societies). After that it's the introduction to the History course, so I'll need to focus on that. Essentially, I'll write when I can! I would suggest keeping this in your followed list so you don't miss the next update, but I don't want to sound presumptive!

    It's possible that I can keep a steady pace, but have larger gaps between updates. In any case, I'll try to give a status report if there's going to be a large gap.

    Thanks for reading! Constructive feedback appreciated and encouraged!

    - Ilu
     
    Chapter 20 - Varicassi
  • As promised, I had not abandoned this timeline! Although it may have been almost two years of hiatus since the last update, I’ve always wanted to come back to it. I hope that you will enjoy what is to come. This is partly in celebration of the recent addition of a distinct Dalmatian culture to Europa Universalis IV!

    I’ve decided to compose this update in more of a ‘narrative’ style then I have previously favoured, so please let me know whether or not you approve.


    ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

    Varicassi
    _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

    With the Venetian threat averted and the rightful King restored to the throne in Esztergom, the city of Zara was blessed with a time of relative peace and prosperity. Damian Varicassi [1] governed wisely for his two-year term, and his part was chiefly to set to rights what the wars had put awry. He was also a man who took thought for those who would come in the days after him.

    Although the power of Venice had for a time retreated northwards, the Comes knew that they would one day return. Already the Venetian war fleet was being rearmed, and daily grew in strength. Therefore Varicassi sought to make Zara a stronghold against them, and took up the task of readying his people for the return of their enemy. In his day the walls of the city were repaired and the gates fortified, and the haven was expanded for the building and mooring of many ships.

    Yet even under his beneficent rule, stirrings of unrest began to appear. The faction of Calcina [2], which favoured Venice, laboured unceasingly to make trouble for the Comes. It was their influence in the Maiori Consilio [3] which saw the ban against Venetian merchants lifted, despite the efforts of Varicassi to thwart their scheme. In later years it was revealed that many spies and agents from the Doges had entered the city disguised as merchants, and much of what transpired in Zara was known soon after in Venice.

    The Galeliti [4] also began to murmur against the Loyalist faction [5], frustrated by their lord’s favour for the Dalmatian tongue and its customs. Instead, they contended that Zara was by rights a Croatian city, and that it should therefore acknowledge the authority of Hipolit, Ban of Croatia. Some preferred use of the Slavic speech, and began to shun the Dalmatian except for matters of state, although this part was taken as yet by few of their number. In this, they had the support of Domaldus, Comes of Sebenico, who ruled as a Croat lord over both Dalmatians and his own people.

    Still, few men had just cause for ill-will under the rule of Varicassi. Doubtless his prudence and foresight left Zara better prepared to face the trials which were to come. Never once did he overestimate his own power within the City, nor did he reckon the strength of Zara far greater than it was in truth. He knew well the might of Venice, Hungary, Rhomania and the many other realms which lay close to his own small state. He received many envoys, conversing personally with them in the Latin and Greek which he knew and loved, and sought their friendship and goodwill. The alliance with Ancona was renewed, and a bond of affinity began to grow between the two cities, even in those early years. Zaratin merchants travelled ever further afield, as far as Flanders in the north and Egypt in the south.

    The rest of Dalmatia also blossomed under his care, though he used the Dalmatian Universitas as little as he could to avoid disturbing the delicate status quo which had emerged in the wake of the civil war. As Prince he considered all seven cities his responsibility, and took special thought for the northern islands, near as they were to the Venetian holdings in Istria. His chief part as Prince was to keep Dalmatia out of the civil war for the throne of Germany and the Holy Roman Empire, and to placate Croatian magnates displeased by Emeric's territorial concessions to the Dalmatians.

    When his term came to its end in 1205 he willingly resigned the coronet to his successor, Berto Matafarri [6], a friend and companion of his for some years. The new Comes made him a chief councillor and secured his election to the Pedlo Consilio [7]. Prosperity and peace were the legacy of Varicassi’s governance.

    _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

    It has been a while, so some of these footnotes will be refreshers for those who have forgotten certain details.

    [1] Damian Varicassi was a real Zaratin diplomat, although he was never (as far as is known) elected Comes of Zara IOTL, as he has been ITTL.


    [2] Zoilo Calcina is a character of my own creation, and he represents the pro-Venetian political element in Zara.

    [3] Maiori Consilio is a Dalmatian term roughly translating as 'Greater Council', which was the primary legislative body in Zara.

    [4] The Galeliti are the pro-Croatian faction. Their name is taken from Nicola Galeli, who is a character of my own creation. Therefore the factional name is also fictional.

    [5] The Loyalist (or Royalist) faction is so named for their view that the Dalmatian city-states are subject to the King of Hungary as a distinct entity separate from Croatia

    [6] Berto Matafarri was a real Zaratin diplomat and associate of Varicassi, although like his colleague he is not known to have ever been elected Comes.

    [7] Pedlo Consilio is Dalmatian for 'Small Council', effectively the executive of Zara.

    I will post whenever I have something worth reading to share with you. Again, many apologies for the long hiatus!
     
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