Crown Imperial: An Alt British Monarchy

GV: Part Three, Chapter Fourteen: Courts and Courtings
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Fourteen: Courts and Courtings

    As the King prepared to leave Burg Rheinstein for Coburg, a rather brusque note reached Trechtinghausen from Rosenau. Hereditary Duke Ernst conveyed his sincere regrets that “circumstance makes it impossible that we might receive you at this time” and suggested that George V might “wish to call upon us at a future time when we are better suited to accommodate Your Majesty as we would wish”. The King was not pleased, neither did he believe Charlie Phipps when he suggested that the cancellation might be because there was “rather a lot of flu about”. George knew better. Though he could not confirm his suspicions, he was right to suppose that the Hereditary Duke had been forced to withdraw his invitation on the orders of his father, the Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. Ernst I had little cause to show any kind of hospitality to the British Royal Family and from his sickbed at Ehrenburg, he declared “That boy shall never set foot inside a palace of mine whilst I still draw breath”. His prejudices were not entirely without foundation. It must be remembered that King George IV and Queen Louise had subjected Ernst I’s sister Victoria (Duchess of Kent) to little more than a smear campaign which saw her flee into exile without a penny to her name. Though Victoria was partly responsible for what came next, the fact remained that she died in an asylum in Bonn in 1833, kept away from her daughter and her reputation in tatters. [1]

    Then came Dowager Queen Louise’s vicious treatment of Prince Albert, Ernst I’s youngest son, who might have married Princess Charlotte Louise had things turned out differently. The situation had been far more complex than that but clearly, just as he blamed the British for what had happened to his sister, Ernst held a grudge that Albert had been sent so far away to marry a woman he barely knew, despite his successes since that time. [2] But even if Ernst was fair-minded enough not to rest the sins of the parents on the shoulders of their son, the last twelve months had hardly given the Duke cause to warm to George V either. Not only had he snubbed Ernst’s brother Leopold by refusing to call on him in Brussels during his last tour of the continent (something which was now a favoured topic of gossip at the courts of the minor German states) but he had also nearly wrecked the chances of the Hereditary Duke marrying Alexandrine of Baden because George V wished to force a marriage between the now Hereditary Duchess of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha and George’s controversial Cambridge cousin. In other words, it was little wonder that Duke Ernst was not as forgiving as his son and that he put pay to any suggestion that the King might use Coburg as a stopover on his journey to Leipzig.

    It was therefore decided that the King should remain at Trechtinghausen for two more days whilst Charlie Phipps replotted the royal progress, the new travel plans taking the party from Trechtinghausen to Rumpenheim instead where George could spend a few days with the Hesse-Kassels before moving on to Leipzig via Eisenach instead of Coburg. Prince Frederick and Princess Louise of Prussia were delighted to have the King in their company for a day or two longer and as the weather was particularly fine, they arranged a grand picnic to be held on the river bank below their castle. The guests at Schloss Sooneck were invited to join Frederick and his houseguests as they made their way down the mountainside to a carefully selected spot but though the word ‘picnic’ might suggest images of tartan blankets on the ground and a few rounds of hastily prepared sandwiches, royalty in the 19th century prove that even the most informal of meals could be transformed into something truly magnificent.

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    Burg Rheinstein.

    A small army of servants were dispatched from the castle above to carry down heavy wooden tables with extra leaves inserted which were then draped with fine linens of white and scarlet upon which fine Meissen porcelain in white and gold hand-painted with flowers and cherubs was carefully laid out with military precision. Hampers arrived bearing vast quantities of food that included consommés of chicken or vegetables, poached turbot and wild salmon, thin slices of smoked beef from Hamburg served with creamed spinach, a whole saddle of venison, roast woodcock and a boar’s head stuffed with the forcemeat, wrapped in bacon and glazed with cognac, all topped off by the puddings and sweet courses with generous offerings of fruits, jellies and ice creams. Nobody sat on the ground because antique chairs were carried from the ballroom of the castle, down the mountainside for their comfort and arranged at small round tables. Whilst the guests were encouraged to serve themselves, each little group had two footmen to clear their dirty plates and to keep their crystal glasses topped up with champagne, Riesling or Sauternes as the courses dictated.

    Despite his impressive luncheon, the King seemed distracted. He was allowing his irritation at the change in his travel plans to dominate his mood and he became a little sulky as a result. Try as she might, Frau Wiedl could not lift his spirits but she suspected someone else could. With the extended Prussian family present, Wiedl began to circulate when the meal was concluded and proposed to one or two of the guests that they might take a riverside walk after luncheon. Most declined politely, perhaps the thought of such an excursion after such a heavy meal was weighing on them just as much as the rich and buttery foods yet to be digested. But Wiedl headed for one guest in particular – Agnes of Anhalt Dessau. Wiedl was no fool. She had watched the King dance with Agnes at the gala at Burg Rheinstein the previous evening and how, when the waltz concluded, the King invited the Princess to come and sit with him, Frau Wiedl and Charlie Phipps to help Agnes get over any residual embarrassment from her little tumble. Agnes made the King laugh. She was bright and outspoken, a little too energetic maybe, but she had helped to put George in a much better mood than he had been after his own stumble earlier that day which left him sodden with the waters of the Rhine.

    Initially, the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau refused to allow her daughter to go with Frau Wiedl as the party assembled. Prince Alexander and Prince George led the troupe, promising to point out the Clementskapelle on the other side of the river bank, Prince Carl of Solms-Braunfels and his mistress Madeleine Buhr walking behind them with Charlie Phipps and Frau Wiedl. The King languished behind, kicking at the ground as he walked away slowly from his table.

    “Oh very well”, the Duchess suddenly snapped, spying the King wandering alone, “You may go Nessa. But do not talk too much and do not dirty your gloves”.

    “Might I go too Mama?!”, an excited Princess Maria Anna asked.

    “Of course not!”, her mother snapped, “They do not want silly children underfoot, really girl, you are too ridiculous. Go on now Nessa. And for goodness sake, do not slouch - or run!”

    Beaming with every step, Agnes was too excited to pay any attention to her mother's cries and dashed towards the back of the group – placing her directly beside the King.

    “Ah”, he muttered, his tone not altogether a welcoming one, “It’s you...”

    “Mama said I might join the walk after all”, Agnes said, noticing the King’s dull mood, “So here I am!”

    “Yes. Here you are”

    After a few moments of silence as Frau Wiedl seemed to rush the rest of the group forward, the effervescent Princess clearly felt the awkwardness of the situation too much to bear.

    “You’re very grumpy today”, she said matter-of-factly, “Mama is grumpy too. But then she’s always grumpy”

    “Is she indeed…”, the King said, scowling a little and staring at the ground.

    “Yes she is”, Agnes said, hopping a little, “Papa says it’s because she has a lot of headaches but then Mama says I cause the headaches so I don’t know what I should think about it all”

    In spite of himself, George felt the corners of his mouth lift a little.

    “What do you do to cause such headaches?”, he asked, somewhat playfully.

    “I never know”, Agnes prattled on, “Mama won’t tell me. She tells me lots of other things but never that. Do you like swimming?”

    “I-“

    “I can’t swim”, Agnes said looking up into the sky, “I tried once but Mama didn’t think it was proper and I swallowed lots of sea water so I didn’t try it again. I should like to though. I think...”

    George felt his shoulders relax slightly. Frau Wiedl looked back for a moment and smiled as she pretended to be totally immersed in Prince Carl’s description of a Roman mosaic he had seen recently at a castle in Rottweil. She gazed upon the scene just long enough to spy the King burst into a peal of laughter as Princess Agnes seemed surprised by her achievement.

    “How very interesting”, Frau Wiedl said out loud, turning quickly back to Prince Carl, “Very interesting indeed”.

    From Trechtinghausen, the King and his group moved on to Rumpenheim, the atmosphere there proving a little tense as the family prepared for Princess Auguste’s wedding to Prince George of Cumberland in two months’ time. Princess Louise Charlotte had given her assurance that she would give her blessing to the marriage if Auguste waited until her 20th birthday. That had not yet come but still, Prince William was holding his wife firm to her promise – which didn’t please her much. Princess Louise Charlotte had very firm opinions on what sort of gown her daughter should wear, what flowers she should carry and whom should be invited. She was determined not to allow Princess Mary to dominate the arrangements as she had for Princess Augusta’s wedding earlier that year to the Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz. Mercifully, the King was only to stay at Rumpenheim for a night or two and he joked to Charlie Phipps that he had visions of “my two aunts, swords drawn, right there in the aisle of the Chapel Royal – and it may well come to that”. [3]

    Then it was finally onto Leipzig, or more precisely to Gaussig, the palladian manor house in Bautzen leased for the Princess Royal by Queen Louise in 1839. Gaussig had been home to the Princess Royal for nearly five years and the King was greatly impressed by “the comfort of the house and the efficiency of the staff” when he arrived there. This efficiency was the achievement of Lady Dorothy Wentworth-Fitzwilliam, daughter of 5th Earl Fitzwilliam, Governess to the Princess Royal and a close friend to Princess Augusta of Cambridge who had shared the house at Bautzen with ‘Dolly’ until her recent marriage. Indeed, the sole purpose of the King’s visit to Gaussig was to ensure that the departure of Princess Augusta as grand chatelaine of the estate did not cause any disruption to the Princess Royal’s progress and he was greatly relieved to find that whilst Augusta had provided a key link to Missy’s family in her development, his daughter had formed a strong attachment to Lady Dorothy too. But the King was aware that others in the household may resent Dolly for her lack of status, after all, an order from a Princess would always be taken more seriously than that given by the daughter of an Earl - and a foreigner to boot. To that end, the King decided to create Lady Dorothy Wentworth-Fitzwilliam ‘Lady Steward of the Household of the Princess Royal’. Lord Steward was an ancient office granted to senior royal household staff members who served as the heads of other royal households such as that belonging to the Prince of Wales or the Duke of York but never before had there been a female appointed to such a lofty position. Whilst this would have been considered the thin end of the wedge at Buckingham Palace, Dolly's counterparts consoled themselves with the fact that at least this new ‘Lady Steward’ was far away from their cloistered private dining room in Windsor to cause them any bother.

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    The only surviving portrait of Lady Dorothy Wentworth-Fitzwilliam (later Princess Dorothea von Botticher) taken some time in the 1890s.

    Lady Dorothy took her new role extremely seriously and her devotion to her charge (coupled with her discretion) made her an invaluable asset to the Royal Family but also, a much-loved friend. When Missy finally returned to England in 1853, Dolly accompanied her and climbed even further up the household pecking order when she was appointed Mistress of the Robes to the Princess Royal and in this position, became a kind of honorary aunt to both Missy, her siblings and half-siblings [4]. Yet nothing good lasts forever and when the Princess Royal married in 1861, Dolly elected to remain in England where she became a lady-in-waiting in the Queen’s Household. This did not please Princess Marie Louise one bit and she sulked for months but Lady Dorothy’s decision was a boon to historians for it is from Dolly that we gain a unique and invaluable insight into the life and times of King George V, his family and his court [5]. From her appointment as Lady Steward in 1843 until her death, she kept an extensive (some might say exhaustive) set of journals in which she diligently recorded the lives of those she served. These diaries offer more than catty gossip or opinions on evening gowns too. In the case of the Princess Royal, they show us just how well she was progressing at the Heinicke School in her childhood and Dolly even kept a list of the words and phrases the Princess was learning, remarking on their clarity of sound or highlighting which of them Missy struggled with – she would then use these in every day parlance until they were perfected.

    In one of her first entries, Lady Dorothy recounts the visit of King George V to Herrenhausen for Hanover Week in August 1843 which saw the Princess Royal make her very first appearance in public at the age of just 5 years old.

    HMK instructed that PR should ride out with Dss of Cambs and Pss MA – I sitting beside – crowds most appreciate and kind. PR in pale blue with lace trim, basket-weave hat and white flowers. All very pretty. Much taken with the crowds and waved gaily and happily which they met with applause. She did not care much for the horses who were most restless – much reassurance given. [6]

    But true to form, Dolly does not concern herself only with the trappings of royalty or pomp and pageantry. Another entry reveals that the atmosphere at Herrenhausen was “really most unpleasant”…and she tells us why.

    D&Dss Cambs very sombre pair. She has not smiled since our arrival and her greeting very cold, almost perfunctory. He far warmer as he always is but so drawn and clearly v. tired with everything. All talk here behind closed doors is of the FritzCambs who have caused yet more unpleasantness. Both D&Dss very quiet. Am told she is to go to N/Str within the week b/cos she cannot bear to be at H/hausen for much longer. All gossip and whispers. Very unpleasant for them. Supper good, sat next to Chips – plum cake steeped in white brandy with cream – GR 3x! [7]

    Lady Dorothy was perfectly astute in her assessment of the mood at Herrenhausen (though the King may not have approved of her keeping a tally of the number of servings he had at dinner) and she was quite correct in attributing the Cambridges’ sour mood to yet another stab at their dignity from their disgraced son and heir. When the Cambridges left Herrenhausen for London for the wedding of their daughter earlier that year, they stayed on a week or two longer than they might have done ostensibly because they had matters to settle at their Piccadilly mansion but in fact, they had been advised to drag out their absence from Hanover until a rather unfortunate matter was settled. George Cambridge had relocated to Erfurt, some 160 miles away from his family home in Hanover and yet now, despite his father forbidding him to ever darken the Cambridge door again, the Earl of Tipperary was on his way back to resolve a dispute which he hoped might, quite literally, improve his fortunes.

    Upon his marriage, the Duke of Cambridge handed over the princely sum of £500 to his son with which to disappear off into the night with his bride. This was hardly chump change when one considers that the average annual wage of the working man in England in 1843 stood at just £15. The Earl of Tipperary however, was not used to living on a budget. He had already displayed a severe ignorance of frugality and was no stranger to amassing debts. Whilst he had the common sense to spend a decent amount of his windfall on securing a ten-year lease on a farm house in Kirchheim as a marital home, the remaining monies quickly dwindled as he attempted to maintain the style to which he had become accustomed – and as his wife determined to prove that whilst she was no Princess, she had every intention of living like one. Indeed, the FritzCambridges' (as the couple were nicknamed in the courts of Europe) servants were instructed to call Franziska Her Royal Highness and that, if anybody called, they were to say “I shall see if the Princess can receive you”. It was symptomatic of the delusions of grandeur the couple had in common but delusions can be expensive fancies, as the FritzCambridges quickly discovered.

    With an estimated £230 now owing to a Prussian bank, time was running out and George Cambridge had to act quickly to avoid the shame of destitution. He could not ask his father for more money, he doubted it would be given if he did. Thus, he decided to use the remaining funds he could muster to hire a lawyer to represent him in a legal case whereby he intended to secure the FritzCambridge fortune for life. When Franziska’s uncle, the Bishop of Hildesheim, died in 1840 he bequeathed his entire estate to his niece – a bequest which amounted to some £22,000 (the equivalent of £1.3m today) and which was to be released to her in full when she reached the age of majority or when she married (which in legal terms amounted to the same thing). The executors of the Bishop’s estate (the monks at the Benedictine Abbey of St Godehard) had allowed the Bishop’s brother to administrate the trust that had been established and though we do not know what their terms were, by 1843 Franziska’s father had barrelled his way through two thirds of the inheritance. Now, the Earl of Tipperary determined that not only would he petition for the remaining third to be handed over to his wife but that she was also entitled to the Fritz estate at Emmerke which had been purchased by the trust, supposedly in her name and interest.

    Franz_Ferdinand_Fritz.jpg

    Ferdinand Fritz, Bishop of Hildesheim

    In the usual way of things, this would be a simple dispute to be mediated by the provincial government where the will of the late Bishop was read – but there was a complication. This meant the petition would be presented in Hildesheim, where Franziska’s father August was High Bailiff. So it was that George Cambridge was advised to take his case directly to the Hanoverian parliament, the Lantag. Just as in England where the House of Lords provided a Committee of Privileges to oversee disputed claims of inheritance (mostly concerning peerages), the Assembly of the Estates had a similar committee which took up unresolved petitions from the provincial governments as a form of appeal. The problem was that this would undoubtedly bring even more attention to the case, something which the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge desperately wanted to avoid. As a concession, the hearing was at least scheduled for when they were out of the country so that they would be spared the worst of the gossip but the outcome of this petition was to ensure the FritzCambridges remained a topic of interest for weeks, even months, to come.

    At the heart of the case was a very simple question; had the conditions of the late Bishop’s will been met so as to warrant an order from the committee that the trust and all its assets established on Franziska’s behalf should now be handed over to her? On the first condition, Franziska failed – she had yet to reach the age of majority. But on the second, she stood a much better chance and this is what the FritzCambridge lawyer focused upon when he presented the Earl of Tipperary’s case – Franziska was now a married woman and this entitled her, or her husband on her behalf, to claim her inheritance in full. The Committee were presented with an unenviable task. This went far beyond the usual family squabble over a few hundred thalers or disputed ownership over a plot of farmland. What the Committee would now have to unpick, stitch by arduous stitch, was whether Franziska Fritz was legally married in the Kingdom of Hanover. The affirmative was likely to rouse royal displeasure. The negative may well suggest that Hanover’s parliament was not as sovereign as the constitution declared it to be. And just like that, George Cambridge had given the Herrenhausen gossips yet another scandal to feast upon. Indeed, some courtiers at his parents’ palace even placed bets on the outcome.

    In 1819, the Kingdom of Hanover (recently elevated from the status of an Electorate at the Congress of Vienna in 1814) adopted a new constitution. This constitution was strengthened in 1833 when the Duke of Clarence, acting as Regent for King George V, promulgated a new constitution which replaced the royal patent which allowed the Hanoverian aristocracy to govern through provincial diets and to provide a bicameral parliament with an upper and lower chamber loosely modelled on the Westminster system. This parliament, the Landtag, had the right to make laws, set taxes, approve a budget and to take on ministerial accountability previously the sole domain of the absentee Chancellery based at St James’ Palace in London. The legal status of Hanover was no longer in any doubt; it was an independent, sovereign nation with its own parliament and its own judiciary. Practically, this meant that the British government could still encourage the Hanoverian parliament to take a view or legislate along similar themes to that being pursued in England but the British parliament could not force its counterpart at the Leineschloss to do so. [8]

    But the question before the committee in 1843 was not whether the British parliament could legislate for Hanover (it clearly could not) but whether legislation passed before the new constitution was granted could be said to apply in the Kingdom, specifically, the Royal Marriages Act of 1772. Ironically, the House of Lords had already considered this exact question just months earlier when Augustus d’Este presented his case to claim the Sussex Dukedom. He claimed that whilst his father’s marriage to Lady Augusta Murray was invalid in the United Kingdom, it was valid in Ireland and Hanover and that as a result, he was entitled to assume the peerage. The Committee of Privileges in London resolved that the Royal Marriages Act of 1772 did not apply to Ireland or Hanover but that the Royal Marriages Act did not apply to a territory or a dominion per se, but rather to individuals. The law clearly stated that the terms of the bill applied to the descendants of King George II and thus, whether those descendants chose to marry at Westminster Abbey or on a beach in Honolulu, they were still very much bound by its consequences. [9]

    The Committee in Hanover however, had a different angle to consider. George Cambridge and Franziska Fritz had married in Erfurt. Erfurt was a possession of the Crown of Prussia and thus, under Prussian law, the couple were required to apply for a civil license to marry which, having been approved, could then be presented to any official or minister who had the authority to conduct a marriage ceremony. But there was something else too. The FritzCambridges had married according to the rites of the Roman Catholic Church and according to Hanoverian law, all such marriages were to be recognised in Hanover as valid under the terms agreed when the Catholic hierarchy was established in the Kingdom in the early 19th century – which somewhat ironically had led to Franziska’s uncle becoming the Bishop of Hildesheim in the first place. With both of these factors in mind, the Committee could not declare the FritzCambridge marriage to be invalid. For one thing, domestic law stated that it wasn't. But for another, custom dictated that marriages contracted in one German state were automatically to be recognised in other states, regardless of the social consequences of that marriage in terms of rank or inheritance [10]. Whilst in England the Earl of Tipperary was considered a bachelor living in sin, in Hanover the law was crystal clear; he was married to Franziska Fritz and as a result, she was perfectly entitled to claim her inheritance.

    The Committee issued its ruling. Worded carefully, it stated that it “considered that Franziska Fritz has the legal status of a married person and that, as such, the terms of the last will and testament of the late Otto Fritz, Bishop of Hildesheim, are fulfilled in accordance with the law; and that she may receive the inheritance therein bequeathed to be released to her by the executors and trustees as named in the sums and deeds hereby recognised”. George Cambridge had much to celebrate and (rather indecorously) gloated to friends that nothing would please him more than to see his father-in-law evicted from Emmerke by the same agents who were to place the property on the market for the vast sum of £30,000 – apparently August Fritz had at least improved the estate enough for it to appreciate in value. The Cambridges were kept informed of developments but even delaying their return to Hanover was not enough to provide sufficient time for the public interest in the case to subside. Once again, the Duke and Duchess made their way home to their palace where even those closest to them could be found whispering unkindly in corners. But there was also the added embarrassment that many in Hanover felt that the Duke had behaved badly. What had his son done that was so wrong that he should be left penniless, forced to embroil himself in costly and unnecessary legal battles to save himself from ruin? The conversation had now shifted from the FritzCambridge marriage to the apparent cold-heartedness of the Earl of Tipperary’s parents. Neither the Duke of Cambridge nor his wife could understand why they had suddenly become so disliked or why the public had any sympathy with their son whatsoever.

    The FritzCambridge inheritance may have been the subject on everybody’s lips when the King arrived for Hanover Week but any mention of it was strictly verboten. Unfortunately, this was far too serious a matter to be ignored and as the King hosted politicians and privy councillors alike at Herrenhausen, it did not take long for news of the Landtag’s decision to reach his ears. It was played down as nothing more than a dispute over an inheritance but the King was wise enough to know it meant far more. The parliament in Hanover had openly defied him. Whether they had the legal right to do so or not was immaterial. All remaining public appearances and private audiences in the royal diary were immediately cancelled as the King summoned his most senior ministers to his presence. He wanted a full account of what had transpired and why the decision had been taken. Their answer did not please him. It was made abundantly clear that under Hanoverian law, the Committee had been given no choice but to rule that the FritzCambridge marriage was valid – and as such, the inheritance had to be granted. The King didn’t care a fig for the inheritance. He only cared that the parliament in Hanover had involved itself on a matter which the King considered to be closed and which risked opening up yet another can of worms on the subject of royal marriages. George fumed on the subject all the way home to London. [11]

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    Augusta, Duchess of Cambridge, c. 1850.

    Left at Herrenhausen, the Cambridges had reached breaking point. They were fast becoming an object of ridicule in Hanover and neither could see a way forward. The Duchess took the situation particularly hard, already sinking into a depression sparked by the feeling that she was somehow responsible for the wrongs committed by her son. Hanover had been home to the Cambridges since their marriage in 1818, indeed some speculate today that Augusta would never have accepted Adolphus (he was after all her senior by 20 years) had she been forced to live in England [12]. Herrenhausen brought independence but it also kept Augusta away from the pettiness of the English court, not to mention that it also allowed her to live in reasonably close proximity to her own family and meant that she could be among people who shared her views, values, language and customs. This in turn enabled the Cambridges to look past the rather hasty and hurried circumstances of their marriage and build a happy life together, interrupted only by a brief sojourn back to England during the Long Regency. Back then, they had longed to return to Hanover and begged the King to allow the Duke to resume his post as Viceroy. Now, they would ask His Majesty to withdraw that appointment. At 69 years old, the Duke had held his office for almost 30 years. But now, his time at Herrenhausen looked to be coming to an end. “When all is said and done”, he wrote sadly to his sister Mary in England, “How much time do I have left to me? Our dear brother was just a little older than I. I do not wish to spend the years remaining living under a shadow”. [13]

    The Cambridges would have the perfect opportunity to present their case personally to George V six weeks later when they returned to England for the wedding of Prince George of Cumberland and Princess Auguste of Hesse-Kassel. Despite their low spirits, they could not excuse themselves from the occasion given that Adolphus was the uncle of Prince George and Augusta was the aunt of Princess Auguste. But they were also under strict orders to attend under the command of the formidable Princess Mary. She had totally ignored Princess Louise Charlotte’s instructions and had compiled a guestlist of her own according to the arrangements she had made for the wedding of Princess Augusta of Cambridge and the Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz earlier in the year. Mary was not merely being obstinate. She was fond of Prince George and had a serious concern that he may find his side of the Chapel Royal a little sparse. After all, his father the Duke of Cumberland lived in exile and his mother was dead. He was an only child and had few friends in England beyond members of the Royal Family and their staff, who were due to attend anyway. By contrast, the Hesse-Kassels were a numerous bunch and all would expect an invitation. Mary had to cast her net wide and decided that quantity was more important than quality, dispatching a summons to the half-siblings of Prince George of Cumberland with a few Strelitz and Thurn und Taxis relations thrown in for good measure.

    The King had returned to England in bad temper and the last thing he wanted to discuss was another royal marriage. However, when Princess Mary sent him the guest list, he quickly made his way to her rooms at Buckingham Palace to discuss the arrangements.

    “I know what you’re going to say”, Mary said, chomping on slices of hot buttered toast and marmalade, “But I had to invite him Georgie. With any luck, the old prig will have the decency to decline but short of calling in the chimney sweeps, I cannot fill the Chapel any other way”

    “What are you talking about Aunt Mary?”, George sighed.

    “My brother, of course!”, she exclaimed, sending crumbs tumbling, “If all I hear is true he won’t have the money for his passage anyway. Or his boat may sink. But if he does come, we shall just have to grin and bear it”

    “Oh that”, George said distractedly, “No, I wasn’t talking about that…though let us both pray for bad weather on the channel…I was talking about this…you’ve got the Anhalt-Dessaus in at St James’?”

    “Well what’s wrong with that?”, Mary huffed, “There isn’t room here Georgie, not if you insist on giving the Strelitzes their usual suite and after all, they’re no relation of ours…”

    George shook his head and rolled his eyes.

    “Really Aunt Mary, sometimes I despair, honestly I do…”

    He took out a red pencil from his pocket and began to put thick lines through some of Princess Mary’s handiwork.

    “Put the Prussian lot at St James’…and then…we’ll have the Solms-Braunfels at Clarence House…and the Anhalt-Dessaus can go to Marlborough House…there”, he concluded proudly.

    “Well I really don’t see what all the fuss is about”, Mary sighed, “But I shall tell the Master of the Household just the same”

    “St James’ indeed”, the King said frustratedly, “It’s cramped enough as it is and the Anhalt-Dessaus were very kind to me when I was at Trechtinghausen, it won’t repay them much by tucking them away in that draughty old mausoleum”

    “It’s good enough for my sister”, Mary sniffed.

    “She’s mad as a march hare”, the King mused, then noting his somewhat insensitive description of his Aunt Sophia, apologised, “Sorry. I would just like there to be some order to these things. Now I must go…”

    “Oh? Where are you off to? To Lisson I suppose? Georgie, they are working as fast as they can…”

    Charlie Phipps entered the room and handed the King his hat and coat.

    “No no, I have to go to Marlborough House”, George said hurriedly, heading out the door, “To make sure it’s ready when the Anhalt-Dessaus arrive”

    “But Georgie!”, Mary called after him, “They won’t be here for…”

    Astonished, the Princess looked up at a smirking Charlie Phipps.

    “Really Phipps…what on earth has gotten into that boy?”


    Notes

    [1] A flashback to George IV’s reign here.

    [2] If there’s interest, I’ll try and give a brief summary of what Albert has been upto in Brazil since his marriage but at the moment, I can’t shoehorn it into a future chapter without it feeling forced or proving a diversion!

    [3] Louise Charlotte was his aunt by marriage of course, as the wife of the King’s uncle William of Hesse-Kassel.

    [4] Mistress of the Robes is an office more associated with the Household of the Queen (it existed for some 500 years until last year and has now seemingly been abolished in the new reign) but Mistresses of the Robes were also appointed to the Households of the Princess of Wales, the Duchess of York and others.

    [5] Hold that thought!

    [6] & [7] Dolly’s code here equates to:
    • -HMK, His Majesty the King
    • PR, the Princess Royal
    • Dss Cambs, the Duchess of Cambridge
    • Pss MA, Princess Mary Adelaide of Cambridge
    • D&Dss Cambs – the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge
    • N/Str – Neustrelitz
    • H/Hausen – Herrenhausen
    • Chips, Charlie Phipps
    This was a popular style of journal keeping at the time and some of these abbreviations have been taken from the OTL journals of Queen Victoria.

    [8] This took some researching (hence this week’s delay!) because there’s very few reliable sources out there on how the legal system of Hanover worked in terms of the personal union etc. Fortunately I was able to find some but it took some doing!

    [9] This is the same ruling passed in 1844 in the OTL which raised the same questions in Hanover on this subject but in our TTL, there’s someone to actually press it further.

    [10] Though it must be said this did not make a marriage equal - but that’s a whole different kettle of fish we won’t go into here…

    [11] Reform of the Royal Marriages Act 1772 incoming…and a very important mechanism for the future of TTL.

    [12] The OTL Queen Victoria actually speculated this too.

    [13] An important issue raised here as who could replace Cambridge and does this end the permanent presence of a member of the Royal Family in Hanover?

    Just a quick sign off to say that this chapter is laying the groundwork for future events which includes royal marriages (and their validity) and the relationship with Hanover. I'm sorry there's only been one update this week and that it doesn't move us on terribly far but this one took an awful lot of research (and headstratching!) and is sort of vital to underpin future themes in TTL without making them seem implausible!

    That said, I hope you enjoyed it and as ever, many thanks for reading!
     
    GV: Part Three, Chapter Fifteen: A House Divided
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Fifteen: A House Divided

    It was a misty morning on the 28th of October 1843 when a packet steamer docked at St Katharine’s in London, a small collection of weary travellers descending from the passenger deck to the cobbled street below. Peddlers carrying trays of hot pies and paper bags filled with roasted chestnuts yelled out into the haze, coachmen jostled for position along Mews Street hoping to pick up a generous fare and beggars leaned against soot-stained walls holding aloft tin mugs for a few coppers from London’s latest new arrivals. Amid the scene, Charlie Phipps stood looking anxiously towards the ship, desperately trying to avoid the hawkers and vagrants alike, the bite of the October morning kept out by a thick beaver-fur coat. After almost every passenger had disembarked, Phipps looked down at his pocket watch. Had he been given the wrong time, he wondered. Then, he gazed back up at the deck where a sailor was struggling to pull a large trunk down the ladder. Another stepped in to help him. Then, a third emerged, a wizened figure in a black frock coat with fur trim around the neck holding on to the sailor’s arm. He was tall and thin with a strong roman nose under which a bushy grey moustache twirled at the edges. He used a cane and the support of the sailor to make his way to the ladder, animatedly chatting away as he followed his trunk down onto the dockside. He gave the sailor a coin. The sailor smiled and shook the old gentleman’s hand. Phipps took a deep breath and made his way across the cobbles.

    “Your Royal Highness”, he said softly, giving a small bow of the neck, “I am His Majesty’s Private Secretary, welcome to London”

    The Duke of Cumberland narrowed his eyes and looked Phipps up and down.

    “What a curious thing it is to be welcomed back to one’s own country”, he mused, reaching out his gloved hand to offer a friendly greeting, “Might I take your arm sir? I am weary from my journey”

    Phipps gallantly helped the Duke out toward Mews Street where the cabbies looked on with some curiosity. At the end of the road stood a carriage painted in light grey with rich blue velvet curtains at the windows. On the door was painted the Royal Coat of Arms in silver, almost glowing as the gas lamps picked it out in the gauzy morning light. Phipps opened the carriage door and helped the Duke of Cumberland inside. Climbing in after his charge, Phipps rapped on the top of the coach and it began its slow trundle away from Mews Street into Tower Hill.

    “His Majesty apologises Sir; he would have liked to have welcomed you personally but he is otherwise detained this morning”

    “Humph”, the Duke snorted, “I should wager he’s still in his bed, what? My father would never have allowed it. The best of the day wasted in a pit. Young men today simply do not appreciate the enemy of time. Where am I to lodge?”

    “St James’ Palace, Your Royal Highness”, Phipps explained kindly, “Princess Sophia will receive you”

    “I am glad”, Cumberland nodded, “It has been too long since I saw my sister. She was always kind to me”

    A brief silence descended, the Duke holding on to a rope on the carriage door to steady himself as the coach swayed to and fro along the bump and rattle of the London streets.

    “This girl my son is to marry…a pleasant young lady is she?”

    342243-1354542561.jpg

    The Duke of Cumberland

    Phipps was taken aback by the question. He was suddenly reminded of just how much a stranger to the Royal Family the old Duke had become. Cumberland had once been a figure of great public interest, not because he inspired affection but because he was so very much despised by the press, politicians and people alike. His efforts to unseat his elder brother as Regent for King George V had finally seen him evicted from the country he loved. In his self-imposed exile in Berlin, the Duke’s only real connection with his former life came by virtue of his wife’s family, the Prussian Royal Family extending the odd dinner invitation to the Cumberlands bringing a rare opportunity for the Duke to don his uniform, orders and decorations and remind himself of what it was to be a Prince at court. His son and heir, Prince George, had rehabilitated the Cumberland family reputation somewhat, becoming a much-loved friend to the King and well-liked by other members of the Royal Family. But this was not extended to the Duke who, now a widower, lived on a meagre allowance (by royal standards at least) with a skeleton staff. He rarely entertained and had not seen his son for months. Such a life seemed to have knocked the fight out of the old man. Phipps noticed his hands shook a little and each of his 72 years seemed to be etched on his wrinkled face.

    “The Princess is delightful”, Phipps replied, feeling a little sad for Cumberland, “She arrives tomorrow”

    “Not consulted”, the Duke said with a sigh.

    “Sir?”

    “I was not consulted”, Cumberland said, fishing for his handkerchief to mop his teary eyes, though whether this was from emotion or the harshness of the morning chill Phipps could not tell, “Such is my station now”

    At St James’, Phipps helped the Duke out of the carriage, across Friary Court and through the Queen’s Door which led to the modest apartment where the Duke’s sister Princess Sophia lived. The 66-year-old was seated on a chair in the lobby, a lady in waiting at her side, dressed in her finest awaiting her guest. Sophia was now completely blind, her hair totally white under it’s lace cap, her hands unsteady.

    Meine liebe schwester…”

    Cumberland pottered his way toward Sophia who leaned against her lady in waiting to rise from her chair. She held out her arms before her and waited to feel her brother’s kiss on her cheek. Both stood for a moment, weeping and holding on to each other’s arms.

    “Come inside now dear”, Sophia said gently, “I have so very much to tell you”

    Phipps watched as brother and sister walked away into Sophia’s apartment. The pathetic scene left him feeling quite sullen.

    Contrary to his uncle’s assessment, the King was actually wide awake and busy with his morning papers at Buckingham Palace – he simply didn’t wish to spend a moment longer in Cumberland’s company than was absolutely necessary. Despite this unwelcome arrival however, George was in good spirits. His day had begun with a letter from Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau, a brief note saying how much she had enjoyed their meeting at Trechtinghausen but which was accompanied by a drawing of two cats dancing on a roof. Underneath, Agnes had written the caption “Cat Dance!”. It was so charming that the King set it among the objects on his desk, grinning each time it caught his eye. It made the rather tedious report from the Treasury bearable. JC Herries was predicting another difficult winter ahead. The harvest was poor and some grains in short supply. A rise in prices was inevitable and the cushion of the dreaded income tax was soon to dissipate as the government had to honour its promise and phase it out within the six-month time frame agreed in Cabinet.

    George puffed on a cigarette and turned his attention instead to his Foreign Office briefing, a school of politics that interested him far more than economic policy (which he never really understood). It was not exactly edifying reading. The King of Afghanistan was once again squeezing British traders, the Russians now gaining the upper hand there. In Hong Kong, there was growing animosity to the British in their new colony. The Straits Pact was holding. Just. Meanwhile in Spain, Espartero had been ousted as predicted but the situation was described as stable. Isabella II had been declared to have reached the age of majority, though she was only 13, approving the 1837 Spanish constitution and installing a liberal government led by Salustiano de Olózaga – a much needed boost for the Anglo-Spanish trade agreement being negotiated in Madrid.

    Away from the King’s Study, Princess Mary was bounding through the corridors of Buckingham Palace ensuring that all was ready for the wedding of Prince George of Cumberland and Princess Auguste of Hesse-Kassel. For all her faults, Mary was proving to be an excellent hostess and on her watch, the Palace had recaptured the glitter of the past which Queen Louise had sought to curtail somewhat. Though the Royal Household found Mary to be a formidable mistress, she was not unkind or unnecessarily demanding unless her orders were not carried out to the letter – in which case she could erupt until matters were settled to her liking. The wedding of Prince George was to take place in two days’ time and so it was that Mary paid particular attention to the Chapel Royal. Whilst carrying out her inspection, she spied the Bishop of London (who was to perform the marriage ceremony, the Archbishop of Canterbury being unwell) casting his eye over the altar. Catching Princess Mary’s eye, the Dean bowed and smiled.

    “Your Royal Highness…”

    “Now I shan’t have a thing changed”, Mary boomed accusingly, “Why are you here?”

    “I have an audience with His Majesty, Ma’am”, the Bishop explained, “But it has been delayed as I believe the Prime Minister has not yet been dismissed”

    “Dismissed?”

    “Yes Ma’am, he is still in audience with His Majesty”

    “How disappointing”, she sighed, “Well do not clutter yourself in here, I have much to do and I can’t have Bishops under my feet”

    “Quite Ma’am”, the Bishop smiled awkwardly, “I shall…”

    He looked about for some kind of indication as to where else he might wait.

    “I shall…wait in the corridor”

    Mary smiled and nodded approvingly, turning her attention to the altar where the Bishop had just put a cushion on which the wedding bands might be placed. She sighed and moved the cushion an inch to the left, patting it for good measure.

    The Prime Minister’s weekly audience with the King had been brought forward, the wedding gala for the Cumberlands knocking it off the agenda at it’s usual time. It marked the first since the King’s return from Germany and there was much to discuss. Sir James Graham had resolved to curtail the King’s foreign travels for a time and had seemingly found a way to enforce the new restriction without appearing to exert too much authority. Charlie Phipps had defended his master well when the topic had been raised before George V’s departure for Germany and Graham had promised that the King would be “kept busy”. The Prime Minister wished to hush criticism that the Sovereign was spending too much time abroad whilst also keeping His Majesty’s interests diverted away from the Foreign Office. To affect this, Graham proposed a royal progress which would see the King visit Scotland for the first time since his coronation. There had not been an official tour north of the border since the reign of George IV because much of George V’s reign thus far had fallen under the Long Regency. George had very little interest in Scotland, his only memories associated with it being a brief holiday or two spent at Abbotsford with his estranged mother.

    But the Scottish tour of 1822 had been a huge success, a display of pageantry and pomp choreographed by the late Sir Walter Scott to introduce King George IV to his people in Scotland in a series of galas, fetes and public appearances that all agreed had done much to endear those who saw His Late Majesty to the monarchy. Indeed, the only place George IV’s wife was ever received warmly by the majority of the British people was in Scotland. She had even planned to build a new palace for herself there, her assessment being that the Scots were far friendlier than the English (though it must be said she saw little of Scotland beyond the country estates of friends). King George V was less enthusiastic about the idea of touring Scotland and even more so when the Prime Minister proposed that his tour should be extended well beyond the fortnight his parents had spent there. Graham suggested that the King spend eight weeks in Scotland, recreating the visit of his father in 1822 in Edinburgh but then moving on to tour Glasgow, Stirling, Dundee, St Andrews and finally Aberdeen. Officially, the motive of the tour was to introduce the Scots to their King but in reality, Graham simply wanted the King to be elsewhere when the new parliamentary session opened in February, something that didn’t suit the King’s purpose at all. If anything, he intended to watch parliament all the more closely because he intended that they should assist him in bringing some resolution to recent headaches.

    George_IV_on_the_steps_of_Hopetoun_House.jpg

    King George IV and Queen Louise at Hopetoun, Edinburgh, 1822.

    Understandably, the King was furious when he discovered that the Landtag in his “other Kingdom” had confirmed the validity of his cousin’s marriage. But that was merely the overture. Buoyed by his success (and a healthy cash injection to his beleaguered finances), George Cambridge had decided that there was only one thing outstanding yet to be settled following his marriage to Franziska Fritz; he wanted his royal rank back. He was advised this was a hopeless case for in the United Kingdom, there was no such thing as birthright when it came to royal titles and styles. These were in the sole gift of the monarch and whilst convention dictated that George was indeed entitled to be styled as a royal prince of the United Kingdom of Great Britain etc, the King was well within his rights to remove that style if he so wished. But George Cambridge had other ideas. He had already instructed a solicitor in England to look into the possibility of approaching the Committee of Privileges on the matter, news which quickly reached the Palace and sent the King into one of his temper tantrums. The King had been warned that George Cambridge was by no means done with his attempts to restore his reputation but even before this, the recent difficulties borne of his decision to recognise his late uncle’s marriage had inspired the King to take action in some way to prevent a similar situation ever arising again. The rumours coming from Erfurt made the matter both pressing and urgent. George V consulted the Attorney General to help him put together a plan of attack and now the King wished to put these proposals before his Prime Minister with a view to Cabinet approval and a parliamentary vote.

    Though in later years George V would insist that he had always reacted to events rather than to proactively affect change, this wasn’t entirely accurate for in November 1843 he took a monumental decision which would perhaps become remembered as George V’s biggest contribution to the British monarchy, certainly during his early reign. Pragmatic and with one eye on the future, what the King was about to do would forever change the way the monarchy operated and it would have very tangible effects in the decades to come. He was not motivated by spite in this, he did not act simply to prevent his cousin from causing yet another scandal – though it must be said that George was advised that if Cambridge did press his case in England, the public mood may well be on his side – rather, the King acted as he did because in the last fifteen years, the only real scandal to affect the monarchy emerged from one thing and one thing only – the Royal Marriages Act of 1772. He admitted that he had not handled the fallout of these incidences well and that, whilst he tried to act out of kindness where his late uncle was concerned, he had effectively proven the act to be a catalyst for crisis. What George III had intended to protect the monarchy from scandal had actually set it on a direct course for public humiliation. The Royal Marriages Act could not be allowed to stand a moment longer.

    It should be remembered that the Royal Marriages Act had never been popular in England, indeed, it was only narrowly passed by Lord North in the first place. When George III introduced the bill, the aristocracy were immediately offended because they believed that it was little more than a legal reminder that the Royal Family were a cut above any Duke or Earl not in terms of rank but in terms of pedigree. The message sent to a gentry which had actually provided one or two royal consorts in their time was that the royal bloodline was far too precious to be sullied with commoner blood ever again and that, much like the Stuarts, the Hanoverians considered themselves to be an impeccable breed for whom the mere daughter of a Duke or an Earl would never do. One of the most ferocious opponents of the bill was the Whig titan Charles James Fox. He believed George III’s behaviour was autocratic, even tyrannical. He fought to repeal the bill once it had passed, almost succeeding but for 18 votes. But at the time, the legislation delivered exactly what George III wanted and so, for the next 72 years, the status quo was redefined on royal authority regardless of the troubles it caused for two of George III’s own children. Now, George V had had enough. Something must be done, and quickly, before the Royal Family became caught in a spiral of controversy relating to a bill which had ultimately caused more harm than good.

    George V’s objective was a fairly simple one: to relax the harsh restrictions of the Royal Marriages Act (and to contain the fallout of the disagreements it caused) whilst keeping the monarchy itself protected from marriages which would be seemed unsuitable or unacceptable by the Crown, parliament and people alike. At first, he believed the way to affect this was to ask parliament to introduce a new bill which would allow members of the Royal Family to contract morganatic marriages [1]. Morganatic marriage was relatively common among European royalty and though it was still unwelcome, it spared many families the unwelcome attention brought to the British Royal Family’s doorstep in recent years. In most German states, a Prince could marry a beggar if he wished and the marriage would be valid – but there was a price to pay. In most cases, an unequal marriage resulted in the bride taking on an inferior courtesy title (which might be created for her) with special remainder to her children who were considered legitimate but who had no succession rights beyond the title created for their mother. It led to a kind of “Within but without” scenario whereby a Prince might become a Grand Duke without an heir but with children who were nonetheless legitimate. This opened the door to some difficulties in certain royal houses when those affected might try to erase the stain of the morganatische from their family tree – something we have already come across where Alexandrine of Baden’s ancestors were concerned and which ironically affected George V’s descendants in Darmstadt in the early 1890s. [2]

    But the Baden example also reveals that morganatic marriages, and the offspring of such unions, were not well received in royal circles. The Duchess of Cambridge could never countenance Alexandrine as a daughter in law because she was the product of a morganatic marriage and in practical terms, Europe had a two-tier system of royalty in operation whereby some Princes and Princesses were more equal in stature than others - and thus, received differently. So though morganatic marriage was a viable option in many European courts, it was still discouraged. Each royal house had its own way of regulating these marriages and instituted house laws, a set of legally binding rubrics established by an ancestor to govern the way the royal house would operate in certain situations. The House of Hanover had no such laws but in most other courts, they served as permanent reminders of royal authority derived from a very different source than parliamentary sovereignty. For example, in Russia, the Romanov dynasty was governed by the Pauline Laws of 1797, a set of imperial regulations that acted as divine commandments imposed by an autocrat upon his own family. But even the smaller German courts had house laws as their “code of conduct”. In Coburg for example, the House Laws forbad the accession of a Roman Catholic which posed a serious threat to that particular family in 1893 when Duke Ernst II of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha died without legitimate issue [3].

    The United Kingdom had no need of such laws because unlike the Emperor of Austria or the Tsar of Russia, the King was subject to parliamentary sovereignty as a constitutional monarch. Parliament had settled the succession in 1701 and only approved the Royal Marriages Act because they saw the benefit of it – not because the King demanded it. But recent events had shown that though he had no claim to the same authority as the Russian Tsars or the Austrian Emperors, King George could still make use of certain royal privileges to shape the monarchy as he wished. In removing royal rank from his cousin the Earl of Tipperary, George V had established a new precedent; that those who married in defiance of the Royal Marriages Act of 1772 would lose their style of Royal Highness and Prince of the United Kingdom, etc. But he had confused that precedent by trying to retroactively give his consent to the marriage of his late uncle the Duke of Sussex. When the King met the Attorney General, he was given the following advice: there was absolutely no possibility of parliament ever agreeing to establish the concept of morganatic marriages in England. The aristocracy would never stand for it and besides, it would go against centuries of English law concerning not only marriages but inheritances too. However, Sir Frederick Pollock did see a way forward that could provide the King with the outcome he wanted but which did not infringe too much on the status quo.

    374px-Sir_%28Jonathan%29_Frederick_Pollock%2C_1st_Bt_by_Samuel_Laurence.jpg

    Sir Frederick Pollock, 1st Baronet, 1840 by Lawrence.

    First and foremost, Pollock’s advice (if followed) would see the wholesale repeal of the Royal Marriages Act of 1772. Instead, it would be replaced with something called the Succession to the Crown Act, so called because the major platform of the reform was to put in place consequences serious enough to deter George V’s family from contracting unsuitable marriages even if a mechanism allowed them to do so and have those marriages recognised in law. The Royal Marriages Act was unpopular but it’s penalties rather lacklustre, designed to penalise the bride rather than the groom. Those who married in contravention of it had their marriages declared invalid but they retained their place in the line of succession, their titles, styles and other royal privileges such as continued annuities. The Succession to the Crown Act would change this, giving with one hand but taking with another. Under this new legislation, only the first twelve individuals in the line of succession would be required to seek the Sovereign’s consent for their marriage. If that consent was declined, the individual in question could still go ahead and marry, a marriage that would be recognised and their children considered to be legitimate – but they would lose their succession rights and whilst their children might inherit peerages, they could not inherit a claim to the British throne. They would also forfeit their royal rank, and a second bill was to be introduced alongside the Succession to the Crown Act to regulate this. The two acts together marked the biggest change to the succession since 1701 and would require the approval of the Cabinet before going to parliament for the approval of the Commons and the Lords.

    The Royal House Act would supplement the Succession to the Crown Act in creating a new legal entity and was considered a way to convince parliament that unlike King George III, King George V was not acting autocratically. This act stated that the Royal Family was to be restricted in number to the King’s children and grandchildren in the male line. Everybody else was to be considered a member of the Royal House. This was intended to serve as a kind of royal insurance policy with the legislation determining that the King had the right to extend or withdraw membership at any time via Letters Patent as Head of the Royal House. In effect, this meant two things. In the future, the King’s children and grandchildren in the male line would remain Royal Highnesses and Princes and Princess of the United Kingdom. They would also be members of the Royal House of course but their primary status was as members of the Royal Family. They could hold Crown appointments and be granted annuities accordingly and so long as they toed the line, their status would never change.

    But the most important adjustment was for those who might be born into the Royal House (not the Royal Family) in the future. These individuals would be entitled to the style of His/Her Highness Prince/Princess XYZ of Hanover [4]. Despite a lesser rank, they would retain their succession rights and if they fell into the first twelve in the line of succession, they would still be required to seek the Sovereign’s consent before their marriage. For example, the children of Princess Marie Louise. But what of those members who, by their own actions, were “ported” over to the Royal House? To understand how this would work, we may imagine a situation where George Cambridge married after 1844 and in which his chosen bride was not a Roman Catholic.

    The Earl of Tipperary would have fallen under the provisions of the new Succession to the Crown Act and we shall suppose that consent was withheld but that George chose to marry anyway. George would have lost his succession rights and have ceased to be His Royal Highness Prince George of Cambridge from the moment he married under the terms of the Succession to the Crown Act. But his marriage would still have been valid and under the terms of the Royal House Act, he would have become His Highness Prince George of Hanover, his wife becoming Her Highness Princess George and his children styled accordingly because they would be legitimate. Also, they could inherit the Dukedom of Cambridge even if they could not inherit the Crown itself and so, whilst the new approach under the Succession to the Crown Act was harsher than that of the Royal Marriages Act, it affected fewer individuals and was far more generous in it's consequences. Of course, none of this could have applied to George Cambridge’s case if he married a Roman Catholic as he did when he took Franziska Fritz for his bride. The Act of Settlement determined that and restrictions on Catholics were to remain. Indeed, Pollock was forced to address this directly, perhaps with George Cambridge's example in mind.

    The Attorney General's concern was that parliament may overlook the benefits of the new legislation because it was a distinct possibility that it’s provisions may inadvertently give rise to Catholic cadet branches of the Royal House in the future. Though they could not inherit the throne, this could be taken as a step too far among a population which still held very strong anti-Catholic views despite Catholic emancipation a decade earlier. To resolve this, the Royal House Act was to include a clause which specifically excluded Catholics from becoming members of the Royal House and if an existing member married a Catholic, they would forfeit their membership immediately, no longer afforded the style of Highness or Prince/Princess of Hanover. Naturally they would already have lost their succession rights under the terms of the Act of Settlement which neither the Succession to the Crown Act or the Royal House Act replaced in any way. It remained on the statute books unaffected [5]. The King asked if there was any possibility that this new approach may strengthen the case of George Cambridge specifically if he sought to appeal to the Committee of Priveleges as it was rumoured he stood poised to do. George V worried that his cousin may now seek to claim membership of the Royal House. Pollock reassured the King that whilst Cambridge may indeed appeal [6], the new legislation would not be applied retroactively and as such, the Earl of Tipperary would walk away empty handed.

    The King personally made a few additions to the Royal House Act. He wanted to make it clear that members of the Royal House were not to be deprived of their nationality, that they were still eligible to be created peers of the realm and that just as the Sovereign could “demote” a member of the Royal Family to membership of the Royal House, he could also raise a member of the Royal House to membership of the Royal Family – for example, if a grandchild in the female line was to become heir apparent, it therefore being entirely appropriate that he or she be styled Royal Highness etc with all the privileges associated. But he also made one important stipulation which had never before been installed in British law; that members of the Royal House to whom consent did not apply, were free to marry as they wished with one exception; they were to be forbidden from marrying divorcees. In doing so, they would immediately forfeit their membership even though their marriage would be considered legally valid.

    A provision was also made that, even in the event of the accession of a female monarch, the Royal House would maintain the name of Hanover. The Succession to the Crown Act and the Royal House Act combined would serve to secure the monarchy’s reputation for decades to come and would become known in history as the King’s Laws, a moniker which originated among opponents to the legislation but which now has even been adopted by the Royal Family itself on their website in the telling of this episode in the monarchy’s history. George V was determined that his solution was logical, “dignified” and “wholly appropriate to prevent further disruptions which may continue to arise from the Royal Marriages Act of 1772”. He was confident it would be adopted and passed and in his journal prior to his audience with the Prime Minister, he wrote “Pollock’s advice v. sound. All things considered well and the case made for their inclusion most strongly”.

    When the King presented these reforms to the Prime Minister, Graham was quietly impressed at just how thoroughly George had prepared his proposals. He had sought advice from the Attorney General, from the Prime Minister and would (pending Graham’s consent and departure) seek the advice of the Church of England too. But Graham wanted a very important reassurance before taking the proposed measures to Cabinet for their approval. Whilst George V had shown a far more magnanimous attitude to the Civil List than his predecessors, a recent bill to provide Prince George of Cumberland with an annuity upon his marriage was not well received in the Commons, even though it passed. The Prime Minister believed he could use the new legislation proposed to ringfence royal spending in the future to some extent, arguing that the Royal House Act should make clear that no dowries or annuities would be considered in parliament for members of the Royal House and that, if a member of the Royal Family married without consent and was granted membership of the Royal House they should be required to forfeit any financial assistance from parliament that would see a rise in the Civil List. In practise, this meant that if a member of the Royal Family married without consent, he may well become a member of the Royal House but he could never be granted an annuity by parliament and his only recourse to a payment from the Civil List would depend on the generosity of the Sovereign from existing funds. The King was wary but agreed when Graham suggested this alone would be enough to convince any opponents to other clauses in the two bills. Graham promised to introduce the reforms to Cabinet and “test the waters”.

    But there was a catch. Graham looked down at Pollock’s handiwork and sipped at his port, mulling over his next move.

    “Of course Your Majesty, even if the Cabinet approves of these measures and the government sponsors this legislation, I can give no guarantee that my colleagues in the House of Commons will vote in favour”

    “I quite understand Prime Minister”, the King replied, “But nonetheless, I believe we have presented an approach which is eminently fair and practicable”

    Graham gave a wry smile.

    “Parliamentarians do not always favour things because they are fair or practicable Sir”, he said, “And I feel it my duty to warn Your Majesty that when parliament has considered such legislation before, the Royal Marriages Act for example, some members chose to vote the legislation down because they believed it was not correct, in principle, to pass a bill simply because the King wished it. Your late grandfather was himself accused of intimidating members into adopting the very legislation you now wish to repeal”

    “Oh but that is intolerable – and most unfair”, George sighed frustratedly, “I should never intimidate and I recognise that parliament has the right to deny this legislation’s passage. I should like you to make that clear to your colleagues if this is to be considered on the floor of the House”

    “And I shall do so Sir, I assure you…”, Graham enthused, “But if Your Majesty wishes me to introduce this legislation, I could not do so until the State Opening next year and if I may be so bold, it might serve our purpose far better if Your Majesty were…to remove yourself for a time…many of my colleagues come to the Palace on a regular basis, members of the other place too, I should like to ensure we leave no door open to those who may suggest pressure was being exerted”

    “I would never do that!”, George barked, “Good God man, I’m no tyrant”

    “Oh perish the thought Sir”, Graham replied hurriedly, “But you do see my meaning? We must chart the course carefully if we are to have success”

    “Fine”, George grumbled, “Introduce it when I go to Hanover next year”

    “Alas Sir”, the Prime Minister sighed, “Parliament shall be in recess then. But if Your Majesty were to take my proposals for a tour of Scotland next April…it would coincide with the anniversary of the visit of Your Majesty’s late father…a perfectly reasonable pretext…”

    The King fixed Graham with a glare. He knew exactly what the Prime Minister was trying to do, though of course he didn’t yet grasp the true reason Graham wanted him to go to Scotland in the first place.

    “Oh very well. Give Phipps the papers on the blessed tour”, the King said, a hint of steel in his voice, “We shall consider them”.

    Graham stood up and bowed.

    “Very good Your Majesty”, he said, “And meanwhile, I shall put these proposals to the Cabinet and report back at the earliest opportunity”

    The King said nothing of all this to his family as they assembled for the Earl of Armagh’s wedding on the 3rd of November 1843. He decided that he would hold a small family summit before the act was introduced in 1844 instead. However, as monumental as his decision was, his attentions were quickly diverted with the arrival of the Anhalt-Dessaus to London. Though he had not set out to welcome the Duke of Cumberland personally when he arrived at St Katharine Dock, George V did so for the Anhalt-Dessaus when their ship arrived, even providing a phaeton in his own livery to convey them to Marlborough House. The same courtesy was extended to the Hesse-Kassels but not the Solms-Braunfels or the Prussians who were offered carriages decked out in the most junior royal livery and who had to make do with the Deputy Earl Marshal to greet them.

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    The Chapel Royal, Buckingham Palace, 1843.

    The allocation of accommodation told its own story too. Whereas the other guests were squeezed into the relatively uncomfortable suites of St James’, the Anhalt-Dessaus were given two suites at Marlborough House; the Duke and Duchess (and their son the Hereditary Duke) took the apartment once used by the Dowager Queen Louise whilst the Anhalt daughters, Princess Agnes and Princess Maria Anna, were given an apartment all their own with two ladies maids provided for their comfort. In this apartment, the King had personally selected the floral arrangements, hand chosen the pages of the backstairs who would care for the girls and even put a landau at their disposal should they wish to travel independently – which did not please the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau who was used to keeping her daughters under her careful watch at all times.

    This special treatment did not go unnoticed, neither could anybody fail to spot that at the welcome luncheon given at Buckingham Palace the day before the wedding, Princess Agnes was seated far closer to the King in between Prince George of Cumberland and the Duke of Cambridge than precedence might otherwise allow. The Duke of Cumberland meanwhile was pushed as far down the table as possible, tucked in between the Bishop of London’s wife and Princess Marie Louise of Anhalt-Dessau, a princess of Hesse-Kassel by birth (and a first cousin to King George V) who had married Prince Frederick Augustus of Anhalt-Dessau in 1832, he being the brother of Duke Leopold IV, Princess Agnes’ father.

    But among these Anhalt-Dessaus were also a whole host of Mecklenburg-Strelitzes, Hesse-Kassels, Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburgs and Hohenzollerns. It was one of the biggest assemblies of European royalty for quite some time and reports shared with the general public spoke of the grandeur of the occasion where “every guest can claim a castle or a crown of his own whilst ladies vied with each other to display their finest jewels”. A footnote mentioned that the Duke of Cumberland (“mercifully now a stranger to these shores”) was present but that immediately after the wedding ceremony itself, he left and did not attend the wedding breakfast given in honour of the Earl (and new Countess) of Armagh.

    This was rumoured to be because the Duke was horrified to see that as his son made his way to the altar that morning, he had been granted the Order of the Garter which he proudly displayed on his Windsor uniform. This was not in any way unusual of course, Cumberland himself had the Garter (as did all of his brothers) but it seemed to have irritated the old Duke, presumably because it was a further sign that his son enjoyed the favour of the monarch and Cumberland did not. To make matters worse, not only had the Earl of Armagh been given an annuity by parliament of £5,000, but it was also gazetted on the morning of his wedding that he had been appointed Royal Colonel of the 13th Regiment of Foot which was renamed The Earl of Armagh’s Light Infantry in his honour. As if this wasn’t enough, in addition to serving His Majesty as the Ranger of Bushy Park and the Lieutenant of Hampton Court Chase, the King had appointed the Earl of Armagh to take over as the new Ranger of St James’ and Hyde Park. This increased the Earl of Armagh’s income to £18,000 a year – the same figure Cumberland had once enjoyed and which had been increasingly cut over the years. [7]

    Citing tiredness in his old age, Cumberland returned to St James’ Palace where he gave a small supper for an old friend, the former Solicitor General, Sir Charles Wetherell. Wetherell was one of Cumberland’s staunchest supporters, a passionate opponent of Catholic emancipation who had seen his parliamentary career tumble when he took against the Duke of Wellington on the issue. Wetherell was now old and bitter, furious that he had not been elevated to the Lords by Sir James Graham – he had even selected his title, Earl of Boroughbridge – when the Prime Minister introduced an army of new Tory peers to the upper house. Wetherell had been asked to St James’ Palace by the Duke of Cumberland for far more than a helping of pilchards on toast, a bowl of potage and a slice of madeira cake. Cumberland was on manoeuvres once more.


    Notes

    [1] Something considered by almost every British monarch by George I in fact but which has never been allowed to get a foothold. The most obvious example was the proposal that Edward VIII be able to marry Wallis Simpson morganatically. This was rejected because it was felt that morganatic marriage could not be introduced for one individual alone, even if that individual was the King, and that it could have disastrous consequences in a world where peers had the hereditary right to sit in the legislature. It was also considered (by the 1930s anyway) to be a continental custom which could not easily be imposed on the UK without tearing up centuries of existing legislation, something no government was mad enough to embark upon.

    [2] Missy’s children…

    [3] In the OTL, Coburg was inherited by the Duke of Edinburgh as the second son of the late Prince Albert, brother of Duke Ernst II. But in TTL, Albert’s children cannot succeed to Coburg because under the terms of his marriage both he and they must be in communion with Rome. He was also required to relinquish claims to Coburg for himself and his children, regardless of Coburg's House Laws. So what happens to the Duchy in 1893? We shall see.

    [4] Which they all were anyway but this makes primary was previously secondary. The use of Highness was also not new to the Royal Family. This was granted to princes and princesses who were great-grandchildren of the sovereign in the male line with the exception of the children of the eldest son of the Prince of Wales. Had George V and Elizabeth II not made changes to this approach, the Cambridge children would have been styled as His/Her Highness until their grandfather acceded to the throne.

    [5] Heavy stress on the AoS remaining in place!

    [6] He wouldn’t have got anywhere if he did. Parliament has no authority over styles which can only be granted or revoked by the Sovereign as hons honorum. Once again, Prince is not a title but a style – only a peerage is truly a title.

    [7] The Ranger post here would particularly sting for Cumberland as he fully expected to be given the post in the OTL by William IV and was overlooked for it with the Duke of Sussex appointed instead. In TTL, the likely trajectory would have been that the Duke of Clarence as Regent would have made the same decision and with Sussex’s death just before Armagh’s wedding, it makes him a natural for the post. But Cumberland still holds his post as Ranger of Windsor Great Park…for now. As stated in the chapter, these posts were highly valued because they came with an annuity for the duration – usually set at £5,000 a year.

    So, why this change to the Royal Family/House?

    This was never intended to be a wander through the OTL with new faces. The purpose of TTL is to showcase an alternative to the British monarchy under Queen Victoria (and beyond). I believe this is the first of many big changes which sets the course of the monarchy in TTL on a very different path to that of the monarchy in the OTL. Possibly for the better…possibly for the worst. I had always intended to introduce this theme in TTL (a theme actually considered by the OTL King Edward VII which sparked the concept) but I had to wait until now to lay enough groundwork to make it plausible. I needed the King to have a strong motive (George Cambridge/the Duke of Sussex) but I also needed him to be in a position where the succession was more secure than when he first came to the throne. He has three children after all. Now a counter argument would be, what if all three marry in contravention to this new act? They’d all lose their succession rights? Well, I’d consider that to be an unlikely outcome anyway but I would argue that by taking this action, George is actively thinking about what he might do if his own children followed Cambridge’s example and installing a deterrent to ensure they do not. That said, what if an Edward VIII hoves into view? Could he manipulate this to get his way?

    Equally, there are more subtle changes here which could inspire dramatic events in the future. Note that George V has forbidden a successor to change the name of the Royal House – though an amendment to the act would make it possible. If we go down the same OTL route, how does this affect things in 1917? Equally, more intimate relations to the Sovereign, even his own grandchildren, could be deprived of their titles were the situation in TTL the same as that in the OTL. What of a Princess Margaret type figure? Is her life made easier or more difficult with this system? Does the future bring changes to the legislation on the position of Catholics or divorcees? How would a future Charles III be affected? Has George V taken an action that spares the British Crown years of scandal or has he unwittingly opened the door to more complex clashes long after his time? We shall see…

    One final point – an important one – is how these reforms (if indeed they are passed) would be taken in Hanover. At this stage in TTL, George V has done much to repair the broken relationship between the British Sovereign and his people in Hanover. Yet Hanover may well be looking at a situation whereby they lose their permanent royal representative at Herrenhausen for the first time in decades…and there is no obvious successor given that George V may very well want the Armaghs to stay in England to carry out royal duties. Will that weaken the bond? Equally, what if Graham gets his way and manages to curtail the King’s annual visits to Hanover? And on these reforms specifically, how will the people of Hanover take it when they see that (even though the styles relate to the Royal House and not the Kingdom itself), their homeland seems to be nothing more than a dumping ground for the spares and the sinners?

    This isn’t an approach I’ve invented. It’s one many monarchies have taken over the years for different reasons and with different outcomes. But I think it’s one that’s fascinating to explore in a UK context. I hope I’ve done enough to make this change feel plausible and that the groundwork makes it a logical conclusion. But also, that it shows just what sort of King our George V is shaping up to be. He’s maturing into his role and thinking about the future. And naturally, this may also lead him to conclude that his future may be a happier one with someone else in it…

    And for those who wanted a Prince Albert update, stay tuned, it's on it's way in just a short while!
     
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    GV: Part Three, Appendix I: A Brief Trip to Rio
  • King George V

    Part Three, Appendix I: A Brief Trip to Rio

    In another world entirely, the winter of 1843 might have seen the Duke and Duchess of Kendal preparing themselves to take up residence at Herrenhausen [1]. After some initial reluctance, King George V would no doubt have taken to his new brother-in-law and by 1843, accepted the Duke of Cambridge's resignation as Viceroy of Hanover opening the door to a new role for Prince Albert. The parting would no doubt have been easier to stomach than that of the real events, the King's sister maintaining her London residence and spending her summers at Claremont [2]. Children would no doubt have followed, the result of a happy marriage between teenage sweethearts. Yet this was not to be. As we now know, the romance between Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha was cut tragically short and his marriage to Princess Charlotte Louise of the United Kingdom prevented by the Dowager Queen Louise and King Leopold of Belgium. As she became Tsarevna Maria Georgievna of Russia by her marriage to the heir to the Russian throne, Albert too found a new life far away from his ancestral homeland with another.

    Image-1-754x1024.jpg

    Albert.

    In 1838, Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha was studying at Bonn when he was summoned to his father’s palace at Ehrenburg. Under relentless pressure from his uncle (the King of the Belgians), his father (the Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha) and the family’s most senior advisor (Baron Stockmar), it finally became clear that Albert could never marry Princess Charlotte Louise of the United Kingdom and that a suitable alternative had been found for him instead. Negotiations began for a marriage between Prince Albert and Princess Januária, Princess Imperial of Brazil which took some time as the finer details were worked out. The Brazilians had strict conditions and were unrelenting; Albert must become a Roman Catholic; he must sign away his inheritance in Coburg and agree that his children would belong only to the House of Braganza and not to the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. But Albert really had no say in the matter at all. With King Leopold and Duke Ernst accepting on his behalf, Albert was finally engaged to Princess Januária.

    Upon his arrival in Rio, Prince Albert immediately questioned his decision to follow the course charted for him by his family. Januária was not the beauty he had been led to believe and looked very different from the portraits he had seen. She was also just 16 years old, a capricious personality who was starting to understand her position and what it could bring her. She was somewhat imperious at her first meeting with Albert but admitted that she thought him very handsome indeed. The couple married in October 1838 at the Imperial Chapel in Rio de Janeiro (also known as the Church of Our Lady of Mount Carmel of the Ancient See) to great public interest and acclaim but in the Imperial Court, Albert was not universally welcomed. Many wished to see the Princess make a far more impressive marriage and though the union brought a link to Belgium, it was felt by some that Januária may have found a more inspiring husband among the other Catholic courts of Europe. Albert was regarded with suspicion in some circles, particularly among the so-called ‘courtier faction’ at the Imperial Palace, who were concerned that the new Duke of Paraiba (as Albert became on his wedding day) might try to interfere in Brazilian politics – most notably, the contentious issue of the majority of the Emperor. [3]

    Pedro II became Emperor of Brazil in 1831 when he was just 6 years old. The only legitimate male heir of Pedro I to survive infancy, he was recognised as heir apparent to the Brazilian throne as Heir Imperial in 1826 when he was little over a year old. Then tragedy struck. His mother, Empress Maria Leopoldina, died following the birth of a stillborn child. Two years later, his father married Princess Amélie of Leuchtenberg whom the young Prince Imperial liked very much and forged a close bond with. Yet Pedro I would soon pursue a disastrous course and determined to restore his daughter Maria II as Queen of Portugal (usurped by his brother Miguel), without political support in Rio, he was forced to abdicate and go into exile. The Prince Imperial was left behind and immediately proclaimed Emperor Pedro II. But he could only assume his constitutional prerogatives upon reaching the age of majority when he turned 18 in 1843 and so a regent was elected to act on the Emperor's behalf. This regent did not come from the Imperial Family but from the Brazilian parliament which installed a triumvirate to maintain balance between political rivals. This changed in 1835 when the liberal Diogo Antônio Feijó was elected sole regent after introducing the Additional Act to the General Assembly in 1834. But Feijó proved unpopular and he was quickly replaced by the conservative Pedro de Araújo Lima who was created Marquis of Olinda and regent for Pedro II in 1837. [4]

    Olinda was a curious figure, a staunch monarchist who was driven by a desire to see Imperial Authority restored as he believed the Crown was the only stabilising force to secure Brazil’s survival as a sovereign nation. To this end, Olinda was keen to restore the traditions and ceremonies of monarchy lost with the death of Pedro I to instil deference and loyalty to the Crown among the populace. An important example of this came in 1836 when the 14-year-old Princess Januária was declared Princess Imperial of Brazil as heir presumptive to her brother, the Emperor. Carried to the Palace of the Senate in an open landau to the cheers and applause of enormous crowds, Januária appeared before the deputies clad in a rich gold gown bearing the insignia of the Grand Cross of the Imperial Order of the Southern Cross to declare an oath of allegiance to “keep the Catholic, Apostolic, Roman religion; Observe the Political Constitution of the Brazilian Nation and be obedient to the laws and the Emperor”. For Januária, this ceremony was incredibly important as it was perhaps the first time that serious consideration was given to the idea that she may be declared to have reached the age of majority instead of her brother, allowing her to be named regent on Pedro II’s behalf. [5]

    The issue of the Emperor’s majority was a controversial one causing much division among Brazil’s leading figures. The Marquis of Olinda was prepared to introduce a bill which declared the young Emperor to have reached the age of his majority regardless of his actual age but this was opposed by the liberals who believed that Olinda simply wanted to make the monarchy beholden to the Conservative regime when Olinda stepped down as regent. Likewise, the courtier faction opposed the move because they foresaw the same situation as the liberals did, only with the Crown now obligated to that party instead. The proposal that Princess Januária be declared regent for her brother was offered as a middle of the road compromise but the courtier faction (led by Aureliano Coutinho, the Minister of Justice) were unconvinced. Alongside his brother Paulo and the Emperor’s former supervisor Mariana de Verna, this faction saw that both Conservatives and Liberals could just as easily exert authority over the Princess Imperial as they might do over the young Emperor. But one of their chief objections was that the Princess (though clearly intelligent and sensitive to the current situation) was simply not mature enough to assume the regency. [6]

    As the liberals continued to oppose Conservative plans to declare the Emperor to have reached the age of majority early, Olinda listened to the objections of the courtier faction and set about finding Princess Januária a suitable husband. So it was that in 1838, she married Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. Albert had no great ambition to see his wife achieve power through a regency but he did see a window of opportunity to prove his worth in his new homeland. If Albert and Januária could show themselves to be an asset both to the three factions and to the Emperor personally, this may secure the Paraibas a greater role to play when Pedro II turned 18, married and had children [7]. To affect this, Albert sought to befriend those who headed each faction. He already had Olinda’s respect but he had to convince others that he was keen to play a part in Brazilian affairs in a way that did not see him labelled a foreign interloper. At the Paço de São Cristóvão, Albert and his wife hosted Aureliano Coutinho and Paulo Barbosa and the two men were impressed by Albert’s enthusiasm for his new homeland. They also saw a more mature Januária but most importantly, a changed Pedro II.

    305px-Felix-Emile_Taunay_-_Retrato_de_Sua_Majestade_o_Imperador_D._Pedro_II%2C_1835.jpg

    A 9 year old Emperor Pedro II.

    The young Emperor was a deeply unhappy child left totally bewildered by his parent’s abandonment and prone to anxiety attacks and fits of tears. Whilst this vulnerability endeared him to the people, the courtier faction was deeply worried that this may never change and that Pedro II might lack the confidence needed in his future role. Though intelligent and capable, he had few friends and even his servants were forbidden from talking with him unless he asked them a question. Painfully shy and desperately lonely, Prince Albert’s arrival in Rio was a miracle as far as Pedro was concerned. He had always been fond of Januária, yet here was an exciting young man from across the sea who could empathise with Pedro’s situation and could also bring some joy into his life simply by keeping him company [8]. Albert encouraged Pedro’s love of reading, the two studying together as Albert tried to improve his knowledge of his new country’s history and customs. But Albert also managed to ease Pedro’s anxieties, even persuading him to make public appearances which Pedro agreed to do if Albert and Januária accompanied him. What was quickly emerging was a united trio who could bring the Imperial Family’s presence out from behind palace walls and into the public arena. This deeply impressed the courtier faction who saw a way forward to remove the political stronghold over the regency.

    The Liberals also quickly gained an appreciation for Albert’s efforts. He first introduced himself by inviting liberal figures (including some former Restorationists) to the Palace when the Paraibas held large dinner parties, Albert carefully steering the conversation away from politics and into shared areas of interest. In late 1839, the liberal faction once again voted down a Conservative bill to declare the Emperor to have reached the age of majority but they signalled that they would reconsider their position on a bill to declare the Princess Imperial regent instead. Prince Albert was consulted on this proposal but asked all factions to delay their decision on the matter. He knew that many still regarded him as a foreigner, barely acquainted with his new home land and urged “a period of calm whilst I prove myself a trusted friend to the people, for if my wife is to be successful in her position as regent, she must be protected from rumour and gossip that I have in any way exerted unreasonable or unwanted influence over her decisions”. There was another reason Albert sought to delay the bill too; the Paraibas were expecting their first child. In February 1840, Januária gave birth to a son who was named João Carlos. Under the terms of his marriage contract, Albert now became a Prince of Brazil in his own right with the rank of Imperial Highness and this, combined with his seemingly unambitious approach, won over the final nay-sayers. In April 1840, the Princess Imperial was named regent for her brother Pedro II. [9]

    480px-Armand_Palli%C3%A8re_Dona_Janu%C3%A1ria.jpg

    Januária.

    Albert was keen to encourage both his wife and his brother-in-law to go among the Brazilian people. He took a lead role in reviving and restoring important traditions and ceremonies which had been allowed to lapse and in this way, he made the monarchy more visible in the capital but also encouraged the first tour of the provinces. He was proving himself to an invaluable asset to the Crown and though some die-hards resented him as “that pompous little Coburg”, the people seemed to take to him well. But most importantly, he became a vital presence in the life of the young Emperor who came to rely upon Albert for advice, consolation and entertainment. Many spoke of the relationship that developed between them as “a glorious friendship” and the courtier faction was particularly pleased at the positive influence Albert had on the young Pedro II. By 1842, the Paraibas were entering their last year of regency, an important year for the couple as Januária gave birth to their second child, a daughter named Maria Luisa. All eyes now turned to the impending coming of age of the Emperor in December 1843. Plans were drawn up for the coronation of Pedro II which Prince Albert studied carefully, making suggestions but recognising that he must be careful not to be seen to take advantage of the new position he had carved out in Rio.

    He suggested that the coronation should be treated as a grand declaration to the world that Brazil had survived a tumultuous period and that it was entering a new golden age. He proposed inviting key figures from across Europe to attend and that the Emperor should play host to the Great Powers. This was even more important, Albert argued, if the Brazilian government was intent to see Pedro II married as soon as possible. A large royal gathering in Rio might help to secure a better range of options, the Brazilian Imperial Family not exactly being the first port of call for the Great Powers in the royal marriage market. The Brazilian government had serious concerns that, though Albert and Januária had now provided the line of succession with two children, this was supplemented only by Januária herself, and her sister Francisca. Pedro II would have to marry urgently and secure the succession in the direct line. The government made clear that their first choice was a Habsburg and as such, they dispatched Bento da Silva Lisboa to Vienna to open marriage negotiations in 1842. But Lisboa couldn't get an audience with the Prince von Metternich for love nor money. Indeed, he was openly refused. Metternich had favoured Pedro II's uncle Miguel I in the Portuguese Civil War and saw no reason why he should extend the hand of friendship to Pedro I's son as he sought to find a wife.

    When news of Lisboa's failure reached Rio, Albert stepped into the fray. Keen that his brother-in-law should be presented with a wide range of options to choose from (preferably resulting in a true love match which Albert himself had been denied) , the Duke of Paraiba proposed that he would go personally to Vienna to try and improve Metternich’s attitude toward a Habsburg match. The visit would take place on the pretext that Albert was visiting his Catholic Coburg relations who had settled in Vienna and thus, he might be able to use these connections to wangle an audience with the Prince. Albert departed Rio in January 1843 and made his way home to Coburg for the first time since his marriage four years earlier, briefly stopping at Brussels en route to visit his uncle, King Leopold of the Belgians. Wisely, he remained circumspect about the true nature of his return to Europe. He had good reason. At the same time as Albert sought to open negotiations with the Austrians on a marriage between his brother-in-law and a Habsburg Archduchess, King Leopold had been trying to secure a marriage between Prince August of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, Leopold’s nephew who belonged to the Catholic cadet branch of the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha-Koháry, and Princess Clémentine of Orléans, Leopold's sister-in-law and daughter of the Queen of France who in turn was the daughter of the Habsburg-born Maria Carolina, Queen of Naples and Sicily.

    Prince August was born in Austria, served with the Imperial Army and lived in Vienna. There was some difficulty however relating to how the bride and groom would be at court after their marriage and it fell to Metternich to settle the debate. He decreed that whilst Princess Clémentine would be received as Princess of the Royal Family of the Bourbons, August would not be recognised as a Royal Highness and thus, the marriage considered unequal in Vienna. In the event, August and Clémentine married anyway and settled in France, August retiring from the Austrian military to join the French Army, even though by his birth he remained an Austrian subject [10]. This entire incident had soured King Leopold toward Metternich whom he felt had snubbed the Coburg family (a popular pastime among the Royal Houses of Europe in the 1840s) and Prince Albert, well aware of the ongoing unpleasantness, knew it would be unwise to let his uncle know that he was about to request an audience with the orchestrator of this slight, Prince von Metternich.

    377px-Prince_Metternich_by_Lawrence.jpeg

    Metternich.

    Prince Albert was eventually received by Metternich in Vienna in June 1843. He had been given a list of suitable Habsburg spinsters to set his sights upon (on behalf of the Emperor of course) but soon found that Metternich wrong footed him. Though the Prince spoke of Albert as "an intelligent, capable and genial man who displays none of the aggressive traits of his uncle which is to be much welcomed", he knew very well why the Duke of Paraiba had come to Vienna and he was not about to be brow beaten into giving his consent to a marriage between the Austrian and Brazilian Imperial Houses he did not approve of. Though he was well prepared to fight the Brazilian cause, Albert was totally thrown off course when Metternich proposed that the Brazilian government should give serious consideration to a very different bride for Pedro II; the Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna of Russia, the daughter of Tsar Nicholas I. Such a marriage would secure an impressive dynastic match for Pedro II and besides, Grand Duchess Olga was widely renowned to be one of the greatest beauties in Europe, attractive, intelligent and highly cultured. From Metternich's point of view however, this match (whilst no doubt construed elsewhere as a friendly gesture to Russia) would give the Brazilians what they wanted in terms of a well-bred Empress whilst also severing any hopes for a marriage among the Habsburg Archduchesses. [11]

    All Albert could do was relay this back to the Brazilian government, leaving Vienna to return to Coburg until he was given some indication of whether he should remain in Europe on his mission or return to Rio empty handed…

    Notes

    [1] The most likely peerage for Albert as the King's brother-in-law, in the OTL the Prince Regent considered it for Prince Leopold when he married Princess Charlotte but never created it.

    [2] A likely wedding present from King Leopold of the Belgians.

    [3] This is a pretty similar situation to the one Albert faced in the United Kingdom in the OTL. Despite his links to the King of Belgium (the world's youngest monarchy at the time), most thought Queen Victoria could do much better. Even she called him "a Prince of the Wood" in their early years together when they quarrelled - as they did frequently - a reference to his limited credentials. But I think this would apply almost anywhere. Albert is unknown, junior but with powerful sponsors.

    [4] & [5] All as in the OTL.

    [6] Ironically they didn't feel the same way about the even younger Emperor assuming his majority...

    [7] Olinda actually felt that if Januaria married in the OTL, this may bring opponents of his regency plan on board but he also wanted to secure the succession which was then limited to three people - all of them minors. In this same bloc, I think this is true to Albert's character. He never seemed to want to marry Victoria in the OTL for power but he knew he had something to offer and quickly set about trying to carve out a role for himself - which I think he'd do in Rio too. For those who have forgotten, Paraibas is a reference to Albert's title 'Duke of Paraiba' which he received upon his marriage in TTL.

    [8] Albert's own childhood was no picnic. His parents' marriage was a wreck and eventually they divorced. Albert's mother was flung into exile, married her lover and was forbidden from ever seeing her children again. She died of cancer at the age of 30 when Albert was just 13.

    [9] PoD for Brazil.

    [10] As in the OTL.

    [11] In the OTL, Metternich did propose the Grand Duchess as a wife for Pedro II but he was too late. Because he delayed meeting Lisboa, the Brazilian government looked elsewhere and in a rush, accepted an offer from the government of the Two Sicilies that Pedro should marry Princess Teresa Cristina. Which in the OTL, he did. Metternich tried to offer his alternative but by that time, Pedro was engaged and the matter settled.

    This turned out to be a much longer update than I planned to give but I know lots of people were interested in Prince Albert's story in TTL and though we keep up to date with Victoria and Charlotte Louise every now and then, Albert has been overlooked because the paths just haven't crossed anywhere it could fit naturally into our British focus. I may well do one of these again in time if we get to a point where all goes quiet on the Albert front! And actually, I quite like the format and so potentially I might include similar posts in the future if things have been a little quiet where Victoria and Lottie's stories are concerned too. Many thanks for reading and I hope this goes some way to giving a productive update on what Albert has been upto!
     
    GV: Part Three, Chapter Sixteen: Boundaries
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Sixteen: Boundaries

    By the standards of European royalty, most certainly by those of the Prussian Royal Family to whom he enjoyed a close proximity, the Duke of Cumberland did not live a particularly comfortable existence. When his part in a plot to unseat his elder brother as regent for King George V was exposed, Cumberland was forced to go into exile leaving his luxurious London townhouse and his extravagant country estate behind him [1]. As punishment for his misdemeanours, he saw his annuity (which once stood at £18,000) dwindle down to £10,000 a year and whilst this was not exactly a modest income when compared to the general population (it was the equivalent of around £600,000 today) it was peanuts compared to the sums enjoyed by the Grand Dukes and Princes he surrounded himself with in Berlin. The Cumberlands leased a townhouse in Halensee, a mere half an hour’s stroll from the Charlottenburg, the Tiergarten and the Brandenburg Gate. In many respects, Haus Cumberland resembled one of those Belgravia mansions so familiar to Londoners with five storeys providing a basement kitchen, servant’s hall, butler’s pantry and bedroom, wine cellar, coal store and laundry closet. An elegant entrance hall on the first floor spread outward into a dining room, morning room, small library and study. On the second floor was the drawing room, ladies’ boudoir, music room and family dining room whilst the third boasted four large double bedrooms and two dressing rooms fully equipped with en-suite bathrooms. The top floor, far less richly decorated than those below, was made over to a warren of tiny single bedrooms with one shared bathroom at the end of the corridor where the servants slept.

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    The Duke of Cumberland.

    When they first arrived in Berlin, the late Duchess of Cumberland sent a list to England of the furniture and personal effects she wanted brought from Cumberland Lodge in Windsor. She quickly set about making the house fresh and bright with new colour schemes introduced into the gloomy rooms, new draperies, settees and rugs which made Haus Cumberland quite a comfortable and pleasant home. The Cumberlands had ten servants (a housekeeper, a butler, cook, coachman, two footmen, two maids, a tweenie and a bootboy) and in addition, the Duke had a Private Secretary who doubled as a valet whilst the Duchess had a ladies’ maid who accompanied her as a kind of general companion when she travelled [2]. The house was often filled with their Berlin acquaintances and for a time, their son Prince George lived with them in one of the four suites on the third floor. By 1843, things had changed. Rehabilitated by his cousin the King, the Earl of Armagh left Berlin for England and then, in a heavy blow to the Duke of Cumberland, the Duchess died. By the end of her life, the Cumberland finances had taken a heavy battering despite their best efforts to increase their fortune and when his wife died, the Duke seemed to give up. He had a modest amount of money left in the bank on which to live but the house in Halensee quickly declined in standards. Cumberland turned the morning room into a kind of barrack room bringing in an iron bedstead and a desk. The upper floors and their elegant rooms were closed up, the furniture covered with dust sheets and the windows shuttered. He retained the services of his butler, cook, a footman and a maid but he simply couldn’t afford to keep on anybody else. His situation was extremely depressing and one he never tired of complaining about.

    His loudest complaints in recent years had been directed toward the late Queen Louise, inspired by their brief meeting in Berlin in 1840 at the funeral of King Frederick William III of Prussia. The Duke insisted that he had somehow been duped of a significant inheritance left by his mother, an inheritance he now “reluctantly” pressed because if he did not, he may need to seek a hefty loan to keep the lights on at Haus Cumberland. He laid claim to two pieces of jewellery in the collection of the late Queen Charlotte – a pair of earrings and a ring – which he alleged were currently in the private collection of Queen Louise and which he insisted had been wrongly placed there by Louise’s aunt and predecessor, Queen Louise, the Queen Mother. His letters were not aggressive, indeed, he suggested that the Queen Mother had only failed to execute the late Queen Charlotte’s wishes properly because she had received “very poor advice at the time” and that it was all “an unfortunate oversight but one so easily corrected”. Louise made discrete inquiries in 1840 to source the precise nature of the inheritance the Duke was referring to but found that the situation was far more complex than Cumberland’s letters suggested.

    When Queen Charlotte died in 1818, she bequeathed most of her jewels to the House of Hanover. It was a vast collection acquired during her record breaking 57-year tenure as Queen consort and was rumoured to be so enormous that when her executors came to distribute the jewels to her instructions, they had to join three billiard tables together at St George’s Hall in Windsor where tiaras, necklaces, aigrettes, brooches, earrings, rings and bracelets were painstakingly laid out on a carpet of green baize. Each item was carefully catalogued by John Bridge (of Rundell & Bridge) who entered a description and a valuation into a special book before the pieces were wrapped individually, placed into small boxes, labelled and stacked accordingly on a long table where each member of the Royal Family was encouraged to come and collect what was theirs. The bulk of the collection went to the Crown of course. Queen Charlotte had left her biggest and most impressive pieces to “the House of Hanover” and thus, King George IV took ownership of them when he became head of the House in 1820 after serving as their "custodian" during the last months of the regency for King George III. For the late Queen’s remaining children (including the Duke of Cumberland), there were various boxes collected or dispatched but two items in the catalogue were not so easily disposed of.

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    Queen Charlotte.

    In a small anteroom, the surviving daughters of Queen Charlotte gathered to meet the Attorney General, John Bridge and the then Duke of York and Albany (later King George IV). Those assembled included Princess Augusta, Princess Mary and Princess Sophia (the spinster contingent) but what was discussed that day also affected the Queen of Württemberg (Charlotte, the Princess Royal) and the Landgravine of Hesse-Homburg (Princess Elizabeth) too. In a small box laid open on a pedestal were two pieces of jewellery which would have been very familiar to the sisters; a glittering pair of pendant earrings with two large pear shaped diamonds and a ring set with a sumptuous black pearl surrounded by three small diamonds and three white pearls. The Attorney General read from the late Queen’s will:

    I bequeath those jewels presented to me by the Nawab of Arcot to my four remaining daughters, or to their survivors or survivor, in case they or any of them should die before me, and I direct that these jewels should be sold and that the produce shall be divided among them, my said remaining daughters of their survivors, share and share alike”

    The three sisters stood in silence for a moment, Princess Mary’s eyebrows raised, Princess Augusta looking awkwardly at the floor, Princess Sophia gently weeping. The Duke of York explained that Rundell & Bridge had appraised the items and that they carried significant value. The pieces were to be broken up directly, the stones sold and the monies shared as Queen Charlotte had directed…that was until Princess Mary asked for a moment or two alone with her sisters. After a time, the Duke York, the Attorney General and Mr Bridge were invited back into the anteroom and Princess Mary delivered the verdict.

    “We are all agreed, and we believe we speak for our sisters in Germany too”, she said haughtily, “That these pieces must not be destroyed, neither must they leave our family. We should like to ask if they might instead be held in trust on our behalf?”

    John Bridge was instructed to take the jewels in question back to his vault at Rundell & Bridge and there they remained until 1834 when Bridge died and the company was sold. When the new owners (Bridge's nephews) revived the firm as Rundell, Bridge & Co, they took an inventory and in Bridge's personal safe, they found Queen Charlotte's jewels accompanied by a copy of her will. But they had no idea of the arrangement entered into in 1818 and so they wrote to the Duke of Clarence (as the King's Regent) apologising for the fact that there had been a terrible oversight and that the jewels would be sold as soon as possible and the proceeds from the sale directed as the late Queen had wished. In a mad dash across London, Clarence sent his equerry to Rundell, Bridge & Co with a copy of a note signed by the Duke's sisters and the jewels were brought to Buckingham Palace where they were stashed away in the Royal Vault for almost a decade. In Rundell, Bridge & Co's archives, we find a ledger entry; "1 pair diamond earrings, 33ct/23ct & 1 ring, three diamonds, pearl in black centred, white pearl without - returned to owner D/Cl for Crown". Added to this entry many years later in block capitals in red ink, stamped into the margin, we see the words ARCOT DIAMONDS. But what exactly were the Arcot Diamonds and where did they come from?

    In 1777, Queen Charlotte was at Windsor when Captain Munro Elliot was received in audience to present her with a gift. He handed her a small wooden box inlaid with green velvet on which nestled five spectacular brilliants. Queen Charlotte’s eyes were immediately drawn to the two largest stones, an almost identical pair of antique oval shaped colourless diamonds which earned envious coos of approval from her ladies as she held them up on her palm to inspect them more closely. The three smaller stones were equally impressive in their quality of course but it was the two larger diamonds which sparked Queen Charlotte’s interest. Her Majesty was informed that these were a gift from Nawab Muhammed Ali Khan Wala-Jah, who had sent Elliot from the Carnatic Kingdom in South India to present these diamonds to the Queen as a personal gesture of loyalty and friendship to the British Crown for its assistance in unseating the French-installed usurper of his throne, Chanda Sahib, and restoring the Nawab to his seat at Arcot. This story added a certain exotic mystery to the diamonds but it was entirely fictitious, possibly dreamed up by Elliot on his passage home. Whilst it was true that the British had helped the Nawab beat back French forces from his palace, the diamonds were gifted some 27 years after that event. If they were a token of gratitude, they were very late in coming. In reality, the aide of the East India Company had come at a price – some £5,000 a year – and though much of this was met by the Nawab with land grants to the British, when he had nothing else to give Company directors went into his palace and seized anything they thought might be of significant value. The five diamonds given to Queen Charlotte were impressive but they were only a meagre offering compared with the other jewels, antiquities, paintings, furniture and antique weapons seized by the East India Company.

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    The Nawab of Arcot.

    Nonetheless, Queen Charlotte was thrilled with her present and immediately sent the diamonds to Rundell & Bridge who served as the Royal Goldsmiths. The larger “matching” pair of diamonds (one was 33 carats, the other 23) were set into a pair of earrings whilst the smaller three were set into a ring surrounding a large pearl sent to Queen Charlotte by the Sultan of Johor. The ring was a favourite and Queen Charlotte wore it almost every day until her death in 1818 but the earrings were considered so valuable that even Charlotte considered they be reserved for only very special occasions. The earrings (or rather the diamonds themselves) were nicknamed the Arcot diamonds, Arcot I being the larger and set into the right earring, Arcot II being the smaller and set into the left. In 1810, it appears the earrings were sent back to Rundell & Bridge when a smaller stone in the right clasp came loose. The firm was asked to clean the diamonds but also to reappraise both pieces. When John Bridge undertook this task, he reported back to the Queen personally; in his view, the Arcot diamonds had a market value of some £50,000 – the equivalent of a staggering £3.3m today. We have seen the fate Queen Charlotte planned for them and how her daughters stepped in to prevent the Arcot diamonds being lost forever and this may have remained the case were it not for the Duke of Cumberland’s interest in them in 1843. [3]

    The Duke’s relationship to his siblings was always a fractured one. His brothers considered him a petty and spiteful man, far too conservative and reactionary in his politics and (perhaps the most cardinal sin in royal circles) a tedious bore. His sisters mostly felt the same but for two exceptions. Cumberland’s relationship with Princess Sophia had always been a close one; the Duke’s most ferocious critics claimed it was unnaturally close. His political enemies alleged that Cumberland had begun an incestuous love affair with Sophia in the late 1820s and that she had given birth to a son as a result and though we have no evidence to support such a theory, it perhaps speaks to how deeply unpopular Cumberland was in England that most were willing to believe the story on face value [4]. When the Duke left England in the 1830s, Sophia continued to write to him but the only sibling he saw with any regularity was his sister Princess Elizabeth, Landgravine of Hesse-Homburg. Princess Elizabeth, the seventh child and third daughter of King George III and Queen Charlotte, frequently visited the Cumberlands in Berlin and they spent many summer holidays and Christmases as Elizabeth’s guests in Frankfurt where she relocated in 1829 when her husband (the Landgrave of Hesse-Homburg) died leaving her brother-in-law to succeed him. Much of Elizabeth’s dowry and annuity and had been spent shoring up the family fortune and allowed Frederick VI to remodel his palace and build a new royal residence (the Gotisches Haus) in the grounds of Bad Homburg. Frederick expected his widow would reside there but the Homburgs had other ideas and Elizabeth was forced to purchase a new estate for herself in Frankfurt where she died in 1840.

    In her will, the Dowager Landgravine Elizabeth ordered that her estate in Frankfurt be sold and the proceeds shared out between her siblings. But Elizabeth died in some considerable debt and so the Duke of Sussex, the Duke of Cambridge, the Duke of Cumberland, Princess Augusta, Princess Mary and Princess Sophia were left with just £6,000 to share between them. For the Cumberlands however, Elizabeth made special provision that the Duke should receive an additional sum of £5,000 (which could not be honoured by her executors) whilst his wife should receive the gift of “the diamond earrings bequeathed to me by my late mother”. The executors apologised that this bequest could not be met, not because the earrings had been sold, but because they could find nothing among Elizabeth’s personal effects which fit that description either in her collection at Frankfurt or at Bad Homburg. Cumberland believed he knew why. He insisted that the earrings Elizabeth had promised to his wife could only be the Arcot diamonds and so, from 1840 onwards he set about presenting his demands for Queen Charlotte's earrings to be handed over by the late Queen Louise. He threw in the ring for good measure, though Elizabeth's will made no mention of it.

    Louise summoned the Court Jeweller in 1840 to discuss this request but was informed that it was very unlikely Princess Elizabeth would ever have sought to gift jewels that were not hers to give. Records from 1818 showed that Queen Charlotte had indeed left Elizabeth several jewels in her will and that these did include a pair of diamond earrings - but that bequest had been honoured shortly after the late Queen died. Furthermore, the Court Jeweller produced a copy of the note concerning the Arcot diamonds and why they had not been sold as Queen Charlotte's will had directed. Augusta, Mary, Sophia, Charlotte and Elizabeth had all put their names to an affidavit in which they stated that as joint owners of the diamonds, they were in agreement that they were too important to be sold and that they should be held by the Crown “in perpetuity”.

    But now Cumberland claimed that this agreement had no legal validity. Indeed, he believed that he had inherited Elizabeth’s claim to the proceeds of the sale of the diamonds and that he had a perfect right to insist (on his late sister’s behalf) that the Arcot diamonds be put up for auction immediately securing him a portion of the proceeds to the tune of some £25,000 – the equivalent of £1.5m today. To save any further unpleasantness (and perhaps to keep the Duke from consistently pestering Queen Louise), George V instructed that the sum of £10,000 should be made over to the Duke of Cumberland from the King personally to compensate him for a bequest that could not be met. The Duke used this sum to purchase Schloss Elze, a 16th century manor house in Hildesheim. But renovations had gone way over budget and by 1843, Cumberland had still not relocated. He needed more money and he knew just where to get it. He began to pursue his ”lost inheritance” once more.

    At St James’ Palace, the Duke was staying with his sister Princess Sophia. She had not made the short journey to Buckingham Palace for her nephew’s wedding on account of her infirmity and when Cumberland skipped the wedding breakfast and returned early, he told Sophia that it was because he was feeling tired and would much rather spend some precious time with her instead. Inevitably, the conversation turned to things past.

    “The thing I remember most about Mama is her great style. Wouldn’t you agree?”, Cumberland mused, “Her gowns so very fine…and all those jewels…”

    Sophia nodded with a sad little sigh.

    “I remember a pale blue dress”, she smiled, “By the time it came to me, alas, it did not fit. But then Mama was always so slender, like a tiny little bird. I hear now the ladies of the court are quite modern in their dress, hardly any jewels at all in fact”

    She dropped her voice to almost a whisper.

    “Nouveau riche…”

    Cumberland grinned.

    “I had hoped to give my new daughter-in-law something suitable along those lines”, he complained, “But of course, money being what it is…and I have had to part with the few pieces Freddy left behind…”

    “That is too sad”, Sophia consoled him. A moment of silence prevailed.

    “Of course…sister dear…there were those jewels of Mama’s…”

    Sophia shifted uneasily in her seat.

    “Yes. Well I don’t know anything about that Ernest…”

    “They were to be sold when Mama died”, he continued, no trace of the shaking elderly gent about him now, his supposed infirmity replaced with a steely determination.

    “Oh really?”, Sophia replied airily, “I don’t recall. Shall I ring for tea?”

    “They were to be sold and the money shared between you”, Cumberland reminded her seriously, “You and Charlotte. Elizabeth. Augusta…and Mary…”

    Princess Sophia looked pained.

    “Yes, well....we decided…”

    Mary decided”, Cumberland interjected haughtily.

    “It was all for the best Ernest”, Sophia pleaded, “Now please, let us not speak of it anymore. It really is a very unpleasant subject for me and I really don’t know a thing about it”.

    Later that evening, the Duke of Cumberland met with the former Solicitor General, Sir Charles Wetherell specifically to discuss Queen Charlotte’s will, it’s terms and whether Cumberland may be able to lay claim to the jewels he was determined were truly his – at least in part. Wetherell believed the Duke had a case but that it would be significantly improved if he could gain Princess Sophia’s approval to it. Wetherell advised that if the Duke could encourage his sister to make a claim to her portion of the bequest, a court could force the Arcot diamonds to be sold and the proceeds shared under the terms of the late Queen’s will – with the late Princess Elizabeth’s inheritance passed to the Duke of Cumberland. But it was a very risky move, one bound to receive maximum publicity and to further damage Cumberland’s poor reputation in England, not to mention that it may encourage the King himself to “review” Ernest’s annuity and implement further cuts. Cumberland laughed at the suggestion.

    “My annuity may be cut but it cannot be withheld entirely”, he said confidently, stroking his moustache, “And besides, I shall have other sources of income..."

    Cumberland raised his glass of port and toasted his old comrade. He knew what he must do next and believed himself perfectly placed to deliver what Wetherell needed to proceed.

    Back at Buckingham Palace, King George V was in extremely good humour as his guests reassembled in the ballroom for the evening gala to celebrate the marriage of the Earl and Countess of Armagh. Amidst the quadrilles and gavottes, it was noted by those closest to His Majesty that there seemed to be only one partner for the King that night – Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau. This we know to be true thanks to Agnes’ squirrel-like obsession with “collecting” sentimental objects. Indeed, when she died in 1897, her two youngest daughters had to oversee a huge operation of almost military proportions in cataloguing and preserving over 50 years of not only letters and diaries but calling cards, wedding invitations, gift labels and menus. Among this enormous hoard of ephemera we find Agnes’ programme du bal from the gala given at Buckingham Palace on the 3rd of November 1843 which shows that of 14 dances, she was partnered for 5 of them by His Majesty the King. Princess Mary needed no aide memoir to tell her what was unfolding and from a settee in the corner of the ballroom, she chatted animatedly to the Duchess of Portland whilst keeping a close eye on her nephew who seemed genuinely delighted to be in Agnes’ company once again.

    To this end, Mary extended an invitation to the Anhalt-Dessaus to join the Royal Family and their guests when the court moved from London to Windsor a week later. At the King’s request, most of the Hesse-Kassel and Meckleburg-Strelitz contingents had been asked to stay in England to celebrate Christmas at Windsor Castle as the Royal Family had done during the days when the late Queen Louise had played hostess. George V always adored large family gatherings and in addition to the guests already present in London for the Earl of Armagh’s wedding, invitations were also sent to Het Loo and St Petersburg in the hope that the King’s sister Maria Georgievna and her husband the Tsarevich, and the King’s cousin Victoria and her husband the Prince of Orange, might join the happy band at Windsor. But both invitations were declined. Maria Georgievna was four months pregnant and once again, could not make the journey back to England in her condition [5]. This irritated George who muttered dejectedly, “Having babies is a most inconsiderate thing for all involved”. Yet the news from Het Loo pleased him less. Victoria apologised that she could not come to England for Christmas, not because she was enceinte, but because she could not bear to leave her son Prince William behind and he was far too young to travel. The King thought this a feeble excuse as his own children had crossed the seas in their first year without any ill-affect. “This sudden obsession with the child is quite boring”, George mused, “She never cared for the last one, why should this one be so important?”.

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    Victoria, Princess of Orange.

    Prince William of the Netherlands was born on the 22nd of April 1843 at Het Loo Palace, the second child of the Prince and Princess of Orange after his elder sister Princess Victoria Paulina. Named for his father, grandfather, uncle et al, he was known within the family as Wim and came as a much-needed balm to soothe his parents troubled marriage. The Prince was the result of a brief reconciliation between the Oranges but shortly after it was announced that a baby was on the way, his father disappeared to Switzerland with his mistress Elisabeth van Lynden. She too was expecting a baby and the Prince of Orange had arrangements to make for her in Geneva so that the birth of his illegitimate child would not cause scandal in Holland. When the Prince of Orange returned to the Netherlands without Elisabeth, he did not go immediately to Het Loo but returned instead to the Kneuterdijk Palace where he waited to be told that his wife had gone into labour with his second child. Not that the Prince intended to head for Het Loo to be with her of course.

    That was prompted only by the news that Victoria had been safely delivered of a son and so, along with his parents King William II and Queen Anna, the Prince raced to Het Loo to see the future Dutch Sovereign as a babe in arms. Queen Anna had concerns, not just because her son’s indifference to the wellbeing of his wife was indicative of a marriage broken beyond all repair, but because Victoria was not exactly renowned for her maternal instinct. She showed little to no interest in her daughter Victoria Paulina but a future monarch could not be ignored in the same way. The Queen was worried that her daughter-in-law’s aversion to small children (even her own) might inflict some untold suffering on the child which might have serious consequences later on. Thus, Anna intended that if Victoria showed the same reluctance to shower the baby with affection as she had when Linna was born, the King and Queen would bring the baby to the nursery in The Hague instead so as to ensure he had everything he might need.

    Queen Anna’s anxieties were immediately eased when she arrived at Het Loo to find Victoria reading to her newborn son in a bassinet set up at her bedside. “She spoke of nothing but the child”, Queen Anna recalled, “She was so very taken with him and said how delightful he was. We were all quite shocked by this but I confess I felt a great relief for I did not wish to part the child from his Mama and perhaps Drina has only been a little slow to the feelings of motherhood because she had no knowledge of it from her own childhood”. In letters to her sister-in-law in Russia however, we see how Queen Anna’s relief quickly turned to irritation. “Drina does not allow [the Prince of Orange] near the child and she refuses absolutely to allow the governess to do her work. She will not bring him to us because she says he is too fragile yet then she boasts of what a fine, strong constitution he has. It is most tiring and makes poor William (the elder) so very angry for he feels he is denied time with his son which is so very unreasonable on Drina’s part. Yet I do not seek to interfere in this for any rebuke may discourage what has become a very favourable change in Drina’s character, though she still makes no effort with poor little Linna at all”. Sour and dejected, the Prince of Orange quickly headed back to Geneva. At least there he could spend some quality time with his other newborn son, even if he was illegitimate.

    To understand Victoria’s possessive attitude towards the little Prince, we must consult the diary kept by Dr Pieter Sanderse, Physician to the Prince and Princess of Orange from 1840 until 1844. In a previous letter to King George V, Victoria had described the young Prince as “very loud” which she insisted was a testament to his good health. Indeed, Victoria’s letters to her relations describing the new addition to her family all make mention of just how strong and healthy her baby was. The reality was, tragically, somewhat different. When Prince William was just three weeks old, his governess noticed a large bruise on his right forearm. Dr Sanderse examined the baby and said it was probably the result of not being put to bed correctly, that he may have rolled near to the edge of the crib and injured himself. From then on, he was to be swaddled tightly and hourly checks performed by his nursery staff to ensure he was comfortable during the night. The bruise went away and no more was said of it until the Prince was five months old when two more bruises appeared, this time around his left knee. Dr Sanderse knew that he could not have injured himself under the new rules he had given the Prince’s night nurse but this, coupled with the baby’s loud and persistent cries, indicated that something was not quite right.

    The Doctor informed the Prince of Orange that he had concerns that the infant Prince may have experienced fits, something he had no proof of but which might explain why he had bruised himself. After an examination, Sanderse gave a tentative diagnosis of “childhood epilepsy” [6]. Victoria was devastated and insisted that Sanderse was mistaken; "The doctor is an old man", she protested, "And he is wrong. My baby is perfect and I shall not let Sanderse see him again if these are the nasty things he says". Victoria became almost manic, refusing to be parted from the baby at any time and this became so exhausting, that she even made herself ill by skipping meals and trying to stay awake well into the small hours each night. Eventually her routine settled but what remained was a desperate fear that her son might experience another seizure and that he may die as a result. From then on, Prince William was destined to be cossetted and protected for the rest of his life, never allowed to stray beyond his mother’s sight and always forbidden to do the things other children of his age might enjoy. He certainly would never be allowed to travel. In later years, his sister Princess Victoria Paulina said sadly, "I believe Mama had her love weighed and matched in gold. She gave every scrap of it to William. There was simply none left for anybody else".

    But George V knew none of this and his only thought in December 1843 was how the rejection of his invitations by his sister and his cousin meant four-less at Windsor for Christmas that year. His spirits were lifted however when Princess Mary, on the grounds of not wishing to break up a happy party, proposed that the Anhalt-Dessaus and the Prussians be asked to stay on in England to join the British Royal Family at Windsor instead. This pleased the King no end as it meant he could spend more time with Prince Alexander of Prussia…but also with Princess Agnes. Before the court moved to London, the King offered to take the Dessau princesses (Agnes and her sister Maria Anna) to see the new Home Park at Lisson where George was constructing his new royal complex on the former Regent’s Park estate. Then he took them to the British Museum, to the newly installed statue of Lord Nelson atop his column in Trafalgar Square, to the National Gallery and even to the theatre, attending a matinee at the Theatre Royal Drury Lane [7]. This trio did not venture out alone of course, they were always accompanied by others; Princess Mary, Prince Alexander, Frau Wiedl etc. But one accompanying presence on these excursions was less welcome. In his diary, the King notes in very hasty penmanship (indicative no doubt of the strength of his feelings on the matter); “To the Abbey with the Dessaus. Agnes very appreciative and took a very keen interest in all we saw, keeping a little booklet of notes and drawings which were most charming and which we all enjoyed looking at after luncheon. Dss. Dessau on the other hand does nothing but complain and snipe, she is rude and snobbish and a bore and I wish most sincerely that the old gibface should b-gg-r off back to where she came from”. [8]

    At Windsor however, there was more freedom to be had away from “the old gibface” that was the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau. The unusually mild winter weather allowed the guests of the King to make full use of the Great Park and so the King was able to entertain the Dessau sisters away from the sour-faced disapproval of their mother. Yet the Duchess continually found a way to annoy the King and so Frau Wiedl stepped in. Though she had taken the nearby Radley House as a country residence, she was still very much the sole inhabitant of Fort Belvedere and with the help of Princess Mary, she orchestrated a divide between the two generations of royalty staying at Windsor that Christmas. Each night, the younger ones would head to Fort Belvedere for a light supper followed by raucous game playing whilst the older ones would remain at the Castle itself taking a more formal dinner presided over by Princess Mary before a poet, author or musician might be invited to give a more sombre recital. When the Duchess showed reluctance to allow her daughters to go to the Fort, Princess Mary boomed “Oh Freddy dear, do let the children go. They don’t want to be shut up with the old croaks when there’s so much fun to be had at the Fort”. When the Duchess suggested she might go to the Fort with her daughters, Mary said (somewhat unkindly) “Oh you wouldn’t care for it there my dear – you and I are far too old to play games”. The Duchess was in fact twenty years Mary’s junior.

    On Christmas Eve, the entire Royal Family and their guests gathered in the Great Hall for the traditional exchange of Christmas gifts ahead of a special musical performance given by the composer Michael William Balfe who had been specially invited to Windsor by Princess Mary to provide some post-supper entertainment. Mary was a little disparaging of Balfe calling him "the violinist" but in fact, he was one of the most popular composers of the day and in December 1843, was the toast of London society when his opera The Bohemian Girl opened at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane that November [9]. Mary had not seen the piece but the King had been humming tunes from it since his the matinee he saw with the Dessau sisters and in Mary's words, "It was either the violinist or the writer and I didn't think the latter at all appropriate". By "the writer", Mary was referring to Charles Dickens who had just had enormous success with his latest novella A Christmas Carol. Indeed, so popular was the work that copies had sold out by Christmas Eve 1843. Dickens had dedicated the work to the memory of the late Queen Louise whom had been so ardent an admirer of his work and though he had offered to come and read the piece to the King's guests at Windsor, Princess Mary had declined on the King's behalf. She did not consider Dickens a great writer, neither did she "believe a ghost story at all appropriate to celebrate the birth of the Christ-child". Balfe therefore received royal patronage that year instead of Dickens, which the man himself thought "very ungrateful". [10]

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    Michael William Balfe.

    Whilst many lovely presents were no doubt exchanged, readers may have a particular interest in the gift given by the King to Princess Agnes and it would be true to say that George V had spent many weeks pondering over exactly what to give her. Standing by the Christmas tree as the Great Hall spilled over with laughter and appreciate thankyous as gifts were exchanged, the King picked up a relatively small parcel from a table wrapped in bright pink paper and tied with a white ribbon which he took over to Agnes.

    “It’s just a little something…”, he mumbled, “I’m not very good at this sort of thing…choosing presents I mean…”

    Inside the box was a beautiful brooch in the form of a gold wreath studded with seed pearls (Agnes’ birthstone) surrounding a porcelain panel on which was painted a little bird surrounded by flowers. Without thinking, a clearly delighted Agnes leaned forward and gave the King a kiss on the cheek, immediately blushing and sinking into a deep curtsey before turning excitedly to her father and saying “Oh Papa! Look! Isn’t it the most beautiful thing you’ve ever seen?”

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    The brooch gifted to Princess Agnes by King George V in 1843.

    Duke Leopold looked down briefly at the brooch; “Very fine indeed my dear”, he said, nodding approvingly. Then he lifted his gaze to meet the King’s eye and nodded again. He said nothing but in that gesture, he seemed to indicate his approval not only for the gift but for the fact that the King was clearly showing a keen interest in his eldest daughter. Leopold did not push this, of the Anhalt-Dessaus he was always the quieter of the pair and perhaps at this stage he did not believe there to be any possibility of a serious outcome to this flirtation. Nonetheless, he did not object and even smiled as the King offered to pin the brooch to Agnes’ lace lapel. Princess Mary was also a spectator to the scene. Whereas before she had wondered why the King was paying so much attention to the comfort of the Anhalt-Dessaus, now she believed all was crystal clear; the King was in love.

    The following morning, the Royal Family gathered for church at St George’s Chapel. but the King returned to the castle a little subdued. He could never leave the chapel without being consumed by thoughts of his late wife who was buried there and naturally his mind turned to the upcoming anniversary of her death in just two months’ time. He headed to the nursery, dismissing the staff there so that he might spend a little time with his children alone. Missy had been brought by Lady Dorothy from Germany and the Princess Royal now sat on the King’s lap as he sang songs to her and Princess Victoria, the Prince of Wales sitting quite happily in the corner demolishing a wooden brick tower with great zeal. Amidst the scene came a quiet tap on the door.

    “Come”, the King said, launching back into the rhyme the little Princesses were enjoying so much.

    “I’m sorry Your Majesty but Princess Mary says it’s almost time for luncheon now…”

    Princess Agnes gave a polite little curtsey.

    “It is, is it?”, the King smiled, lifting the Princess Royal into the air, “Well we shall just have to keep Aunt Mary waiting shan’t we? Because I have promised my daughter we shall go and visit the puppies and I make it my business never to break a promise to my daughter. Now Agnes, why don’t you help Toria here, I think we had better let Nanny keep Willy…I do not think the puppies want to be bashed on the head with...whatever that thing is…”

    Agnes looked over to the Prince of Wales who was busy waving a wooden model of a soldier about quite boisterously. George thanked the nursery nurse who dutifully stepped into the room and picked up the Prince of Wales, bobbing to the King as he led Agnes and the two infant princesses out of the room and along the corridor to where the late Queen’s spaniel Diamond had given birth to six little puppies.

    1840-miss-theobald-margaret-sarah-carpenter.jpg

    Queen Louise and her puppy, Diamond, 1838.

    “Oh Sir!”, Agnes breathed as she saw the little dogs butting heads and bounding toward the door to welcome Missy and Toria, “Aren’t they just the sweetest little things!”

    “I hope you’re talking about my daughters and not the puppies”, the King said playfully, “And you know Agnes, you really do not have to call me Sir. You may call me Georgie, I shan't be offended in the least.”

    “Sorry Sir”, Agnes replied, then with a giggle, “I mean, Georgie. Why doesn’t my Mama call you that?”

    “Hadn’t really thought about it”, the King mused, “But she doesn’t call you Agnes, does she?”

    “No”, Agnes said, blushing a little, “She calls me Nessa. I suppose you might like to call me that, if I’m to call you Georgie? But never Aggie! Oh I can’t bear that, it sounds far too much like Eggy and who wants to be Eggy?”

    “Eggy!”, Toria parroted loudly with a shriek, “Eggy!”

    The King collapsed into hysterics as Princess Agnes teased her; “Oh how wicked you are! But how perfectly adorable too”. Agnes hugged the little girl and lifted a puppy toward her so that she might get a better view. The King looked down at the scene with a smile. At that moment, he wouldn’t have wished to be anywhere else for all the tea in China. Unfortunately ,his happiness was interrupted by a nervous looking page.

    “Excuse me Your Majesty”, he stammered, “But Princess Mary…that is Her Royal Highness…Mary Sir, she says…”

    “I know what she says”, the King sighed, “Come on now…we had better do as we’re told”.

    Later that night, peace and quiet descended on the castle. The grand feast of luncheon lay heavy and endless rounds of charades and hunt the slipper had taken their toll. In the green drawing room, a fire crackled in the grate and candlelight lulled those inside into a gentle slumber. The old Duke of Cambridge, a bright-orange paper hat tilted over one eye, dozed in a chair by the window, his wife set to a little embroidery, tutting disapprovingly when he snored a little too loudly. Princess Mary was wolfing her way through a plate of cold game pie and stilton as the King sat opposite her, staring into the flames of the fireplace. Everyone else had gone to bed and when the clock struck 11, the Duchess of Cambridge stood up and gently shook her husband awake.

    “I am not asleep Augusta”, he croaked out, “I was…”

    “Resting your eyes dear”, the Duchess said exasperatedly, “I know, I know”.

    “Don’t let her bully you Uncle”, the King taunted, “If you want to snore, you jolly well snore!”

    “I wasn’t snoring…I was…I think it’s time we retired for the – merciful heavens, Mary, you can’t still be hungry? That’s your third plate this evening!”

    Can’t is not a word”, Princess Mary boomed imperiously, lifting a handful of dried dates into her mouth, “And it is impolite to keep count...”

    The Duchess of Cambridge leaned in to kiss her nephew goodnight. Then she gave her husband an awkward glare.

    “What?”, the Duke said, still half-asleep, “Oh yes. Um…Georgie…I was wondering if you’d care to walk out with me in the morning? Before breakfast, what?”

    “Delighted to Uncle”, the King nodded, puffing at a cigar, “Not too early mind...”

    The Cambridges shuffled out of the room leaving the King alone with his aunt Mary. For a moment or two, all that could be heard was the crackle of the logs in the fireplace and the gentle ticking of the clock on the mantle.

    “Peace and quiet”, Mary sighed, finally lowering her plate and conceding defeat, “No doubt we shall have all the more of it when our guests leave”

    The King nodded.

    “Of course…you’ll miss some more than others”

    The King nodded again, half listening. Then as if he had just caught his aunt’s words in mid-hair, “What?”

    “I said, you will miss some of our guests more than others”, Mary repeated with an encouraging smile.

    “Yes I heard you”, the King replied, “And that is true. Alexander really has turned himself about you know, not so much drinking and all that. He’s a pleasure to be with. I was thinking of asking him to stay on a bit.”

    Princess Mary rolled her eyes a little.

    “No dear”, she corrected, “I meant our little Dessau friend. You like her I think...”

    “Agnes?”, the King said inquisitively, “Yes, she’s great fun isn’t she? Did you see her after dinner? Trying to get Aunt Augusta to play ‘Our Granny doesn’t like Tea’? [11] I don’t think my darling Aunt quite appreciated that. Very amusing though”

    “She is very amusing”, Mary nodded, almost willing the King to say what Mary believed she already knew, “And so good with the children. And with you”

    The King shuffled uncomfortably in his seat.

    “I think we were all quite taken with her…quite taken…and I wonder if-“

    The King stubbed out his cigar in the ashtray and leaned forward, fixing his aunt with an almost dangerous glare.

    “What do you wonder, Aunt Mary?”

    “Georgie?”

    “If I were you…”, the King replied tersely, “I’d keep my spiteful gossip to myself for once”

    Princess Mary looked genuinely pained.

    “But Georgie, I didn’t mean anything by it!”

    The King stood up sharply.

    “I’m going to my bed”, he snapped unkindly, “And I suggest you do the same. All that wondering must have left you very exhausted”.

    And with that, the King marched out the room leaving a stunned Princess Mary in silent shock.


    Notes

    [1] For those who may have missed the Cumberland Plot in my George IV TL, you can find the chapter with a little background to what occurred here: https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...-british-monarchy.514810/page-6#post-22561367

    [2] Only female members of the Royal Family at court (any court) had ladies in waiting as opposed to ladies' maids. A companion was a kind of in-between who was still technically a servant but was usually drawn from the middle classes and mixed far more freely with her employers than say, the housekeeper or cook. ‘Tweenie’ here refers to another fish nor fowl servant but in a different way; tweenies were basically the most junior female servant one could employ, “going between” the scullery and the kitchen – usually to handle the most unpleasant and arduous work which those above her in the pecking order thought beneath them.

    [3] This is a blend of OTL and TTL. Here’s what actually happened:-

    When Queen Charlotte died, the Arcots were held back from sale by George IV who wanted to pry them out of their setting and have them added to his coronation crown. But Rundell and Bridge kept the Arcot diamonds in their vault instead – possibly to protect them. There they seem to have languished unclaimed until 1834 when the OTL William IV agreed that they should be sold. Arcot I and Arcot II were purchased by the first Marquess of Westminster at Willis's Room in St. James on July 20th, 1837 along the Nassak diamond which later formed a tiara for his wife.

    But there was another ‘jewel’ story going on concerning Queen Charlotte’s collection directly concerning the Duke of Cumberland (aka the King of Hanover) in the OTL which I wanted to introduce a version of here. In 1837 when Ernest Augustus became King of Hanover, he immediately petitioned to have a vast haul of diamonds handed over to him because his mother’s will stated that she had left her jewels to “the House of Hanover” of which he was now head. This raged on for 20 years until there was an actual court case in which Victoria and Ernest Augustus battled it out in arbitration.

    He died mid-proceedings in 1851 but his son and successor (the Earl of Armagh in TTL) continued the case and won. Victoria was so angry she refused to have anything to do with the Hanovers for years and was especially aggrieved at the loss of Queen Charlotte’s nuptial crown. But the Hanovers were equally disappointed because they thought part of their loot would have included the Arcot Diamonds…the most valuable among the share they got…and there they were, glistening atop the Marchioness of Westminster’s coiffure. So this is an "inspired-by" plot line which really serves to provide us with that infamous straw of a camel's back fame where the Duke of Cumberland ITTL is concerned.

    [4] This story was widely circulated at the time – it’s very very unlikely to be true.

    [5] Another baby for Lottie and Sasha here, their second.

    [6] I think most readers will know what’s really happening here, however, this is how *that* condition would most likely have manifested itself and how it would first have been diagnosed in 1843. I'm no expert however and have had to rely on what pre-20th century research is out there - which is fairly limited I'm afraid.

    [7] Nelson “went up” on the 3rd of November 1843.

    [8] ‘Gibface’ is a lovely old Victorian insult meaning “ugly”, specifically someone who had quite a pointy jaw. As for b-gg-r, I think that’s self-explanatory but the way it’s written here is indicative of the time when people obviously did swear but when writing such words down was considered a step too far.

    [9] As in the OTL.

    [10] I believe @nathanael1234 suggested Dickens might dedicate a work to Louise and here, she gets quite an important one. The line about Carol selling out by Christmas Eve is in fact true to the OTL.

    [11] 'Our Granny doesn't like Tea' was a popular parlour game at this time where the players have to list what Granny is eating for tea...but the food and drinks mustn't include the letter 'T' or else you're out of the game.

    "Alphabet" games were hugely popular with lots of variations and there's a similar game in a book I found on 1830s parlour games called Taboo which is much the same with the players choosing a letter that's forbidden and then encouraged to list things in genres. To the same end result.
     
    GV: Part Three, Chapter Seventeen: A New Door Opens
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Seventeen: A New Door Opens

    In the White Drawing Room at Windsor Castle, Princess Mary was giving an informal “ladies tea” for a handful of the King’s houseguests. The Duchess of Cambridge, the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau, Princess Louise Charlotte of Hesse-Kassel, Grand Duchess Marie of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Princess Louise of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg, Princess Louise of Prussia and the Countess of Armagh gathered around a large circular table brought from the Moat Room to accommodate them all. Though “informal”, the ladies were waited on by handsome liveried footmen who were engaged at what royal servants dubbed “the Changing of the Pot” whereby endless jugs of boiled water were poured into beautiful silver teapots to ensure a constant flow of hot beverages. Others stood silently keeping a watchful eye on the petits four stands and at the first sign that a tier may be lacking in boudoir sandwiches, pastries or cakes, a new stand would be quietly introduced to keep the guests well stocked with delicious fare. Princess Mary always had two of these stands placed either side of her securing a personal supply of toasted teacakes, fruit loaf and other favourites. Whilst the footmen tried to set these stands on little tables, the Princess demanded they be placed on the floor so as not to draw attention to her private hoard. It was therefore the unenviable task of one footman to keep a careful eye on the royal dogs who had a habit of hiding under the table and sneaking treats from the lower tiers of Mary’s cake stands.

    a348r7.jpg

    Princess Mary.

    The chatter at table ranged from the news from Coburg that Duke Ernst I lay dying at Schloss Ehrenburg, most expressing limited sympathy, to the gown worn by the Dowager Marchioness of Bath at a dinner given just the night before which all agreed was “hopelessly French”. But two among the party were otherwise distracted. As the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau commandeered the proceedings, Princess Mary and the Duchess of Cambridge seemed lost in their own thoughts. The Princess was still reeling somewhat from the King’s ill-tempered reprimand of the night before whilst the Duchess kept looking toward the window, possibly hoping to catch a glimpse of her husband who at that very moment was out walking with George V. Still in high dudgeon, the King had delayed this meeting until his poor old uncle insisted that he must speak privately with nephew on an extremely urgent matter. This rather unfortunate atmosphere panicked the Duchess who exchanged the odd nervous glance with her sister Marie. Whilst those closest to the King knew his sulks only too well, his other house guests were oblivious to the change in his mood though they had little opportunity to see George as he invented reasons to venture beyond the castle walls and avoid the party within.

    It was therefore the kennels at the Home Park that provided an unusual (not to mention noisy) backdrop to the Duke of Cambridge’s audience with the King that afternoon, Cambridge trying to make himself heard over the yaps and howls of the various dogs who boarded there. George seemed more interested in the beagles and Scotch terriers than he did in anything his uncle had to say and was only half-listening as the Duke explained the situation at hand. After nearly 30 years as Viceroy of Hanover, Cambridge wished to offer his resignation. The King snorted unkindly.

    “You wanted the damn job”, he shrugged, “I asked you to stay and you insisted”

    “Yes I did”, Cambridge nodded soberly, “But the circumstances are such that I can no longer continue in the role…my age…my health…”

    “And your son”

    There was an awkward silence broken only by the barking of the beagles as they dashed out into the park. The King thanked Mr Boyce who oversaw the management of the kennels and led the Duke out on a route back for the castle.

    “I won’t deny it”, Cambridge said sadly, “It has made life unpleasant. Augusta struggles with the gossip. But it was always my intention to return to England when the time was right. Whatever time I have left to me, I should like to spend it here. With my family”

    The King let out a mean-spirited scoff, “With Aunt Mary? More fool you sir. Very well Uncle, you come back here and I shall go to Hanover. How should that be?”

    The Duke didn’t quite know how to respond. The pair walked in silence until they reached the Augusta Tower. Then, the King turned to his uncle and gave his ruling.

    “I’m sorry but the answer is no”, he said bluntly, “Had you done a better job keeping your son and heir on a leash, I might have accepted but as it is, there is nobody who can take your place in Hanover. Aunt Augusta shall just have to close her ears and bear the gossip…”

    And with that, George left his uncle standing on the gravel path as a flurry of snow began to fall, the Duke pulling his cloak around his shoulders and making his weary way to the White Drawing Room to tell his wife the hopeless outcome of his audience.

    The King’s mood did not improve much in the days ahead of the New Year’s Ball, a fete held not only to mark the end of the year but to bid a formal farewell to the extended family who had mostly been present in England for almost 8 weeks following the Earl of Armagh’s wedding. George began to shut himself away, taking his meals in his rooms at the Augusta Tower and insisting that the Christmas festivities were now over and so he must return to his work at the expense of spending any more time playing host to his guests. This was at least made plausible by the arrival of the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary and the Home Secretary who had all been invited to join the royal party for their New Year’s Eve celebrations but when they arrived, Sir James Graham, Lord Betchworth and Mr Gladstone were rather surprised to learn that the King expected them to work. In the usual way of things, state affairs would have taken a back seat and the three ministers allowed to enjoy themselves a little as personal guests of the Sovereign [1]. This time however, the King kept the three men in audience for hours and seemed to be obsessing over the latest news from France that Queen Maria Christina was preparing to return to Madrid after nearly four years in exile. Whilst this was undoubtedly an interesting development in the Spanish Question worthy of discussion, Lord Betchworth had brought no papers with him as he believed he would spend his time at Windsor shooting with the King rather than briefing him on diplomatic affairs. This earned Betchworth a telling off from the King who accused him of being ill-prepared for state business and frustrated, George dismissed Sir James, Betchworth and Gladstone who sought refuge in the Crimson Drawing Room where fortunately other members of the Royal Family were far more welcoming.

    But perhaps the individual most poorly affected by the King’s sudden descent into his prolonged tantrum was Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau. Since her arrival in England, the King had been a constant companion as he seemed genuinely excited to see her again. When the court moved to Windsor, George had delighted in giving Agnes a tour of the estate and the other guests present were under no illusion that the Princess had caught his eye. In particular, Frau Wiedl was puzzled as to why the King no longer came to the Fort each evening where the younger contingent of the house party had been gathering. At the Fort, Wiedl had made every effort (court etiquette being somewhat more relaxed there) to seat Agnes next to the King at supper and to ensure that when games were played, the King was paired with the Princess. Now, the King stayed in his bolt hole in the Augusta Tower and Agnes sat with her cousin Prince Alexander of Prussia instead, somewhat dejected and a little forlorn. As Agnes could not send a note to the King inviting him to walk out with her, a frosty silence developed and as a result, Agnes became rather sullen. Frau Wiedl attempted to cheer her up by taking the Dessau sisters to her home at Radley but as the mild winter gave way to a bitter snap of cold, more often than not Frau Wiedl was faced with two rather bored young ladies in her drawing room who now seemed only too keen to return home to Germany.

    windsor-castle-snow.jpg

    Windsor Castle.

    The fact was that Princess Mary had brought into the open something which until now had been unspoken; the King was clearly falling in love. His diaries from this period are full of references to Princess Agnes and he even began to collate a scrap book in which he placed notes or cards from their outings in London to their dances at Windsor. If George wanted to hide this developing affection, he was not doing a particularly good job of it. But it is entirely possible that George had found himself swept up in his very unexpected feelings toward Agnes and that he experienced a terrible clash of emotions as a result which caused him to adopt an unpleasant and petulant attitude to those around him. Once again, he began his daily visits to “see the Queen” at St George’s Chapel and Charlie Phipps had serious concerns that the King was slipping back into the intensity of his grief for his late wife. This is not a unique predicament of course, many people who have found themselves suddenly widowed in tragic circumstances experience a degree of internal struggle when faced with the possibility of a new romance. However, King George V was always a man who experienced emotions far more intensely than most and now he seemed to despair at his inability to reconcile the feelings of loss he felt for the late Queen Louise and the feelings of fondness that he was developing for Princess Agnes. In truth, George V had now seriously considered the possibility that one day, he may wish to marry again. This served to remind him of his first marriage, how it had ended so unexpectedly and so tragically and rather than embrace the new, he attempted instead to cling to the old. [2]

    It is here that we see once again the important role Rosalind Wiedl played in the life of King George V. Whilst many historians still insist that the relationship between the two was more than that of platonic companionship, it is unlikely that Frau Wiedl would have stepped in to salvage the blossoming romance of the King and Princess Agnes if she had in any way feared that it may have encroached on her own relationship (whatever that may have been) with His Majesty. On the 29th of December 1843, Frau Wiedl invited the King to dine with her privately at Radley, ostensibly giving him an excuse to avoid the crowds in the dining room at Windsor and offering him a sanctuary where he could fume quietly. The King accepted without hesitation and as Princess Mary was left holding the fort alone once more, George was driven to Radley where Frau Wiedl gave him a light supper before the two repaired to Wiedl’s private salon in the west wing of the house. The mood was sombre as the fire crackled in the grate and Wiedl dismissed her butler once the grog tray had been safely delivered.

    “I understand the Dessaus will be leaving in a few days”, she said, not a bit tentatively. Such was their friendship that Rosalind always felt able to speak openly in the King’s presence.

    “Apparently so”, the King replied gruffly.

    “I shall miss Nessa in particular”, Wiedl pressed on, “She’s such fun and she’s been a delight at the Fort. Have you seen her painting? She’s been working on a watercolour of the town, it really is impressive, so detailed. I should like to ask her to paint the Fort when she’s next in England” [3]

    The King stared in the fireplace, saying little, warming a glass of brandy in the palm of his hand.

    “Do you know when she will be back?”, Wiedl asked, sipping at her own drink.

    She was not merely waiting for the inevitable. She was provoking it. It didn’t take long for her efforts to pay off. The King immediately snapped. He neither knew, nor cared, when Agnes would return to England, indeed he regretted ever inviting the Dessaus to England in the first place given the trouble their presence had caused. Agnes was far too young and immature to be really good company, her mother was a horror and her father a terrible bore. He had been seriously inconvenienced by their prolonged stay, George protested, as he had been unable to work and as such, the arrangements for his tour of Scotland had yet to be finalised which was outrageous given that he was due to leave in just 12 weeks’ time. But the most irritating thing of all was that Princess Mary had been clucking away suggesting there was something “untoward” about his friendship with Agnes which, His Majesty asserted, was no more than gracious hospitality extended to a girl who clearly didn’t have much joy in her life at home and whom he wished to cheer up a little during her stay at his court – something he certainly would not extend again. Wiedl allowed the King his rage until the last when he slumped back into his chair demanding the subject never be raised again. Rosalind would not so easily be moved.

    “Well that is a shame”, she said, the King staring at her incredulously, “Because I like her. In fact, I might tell you that I have invited her here for the summer…to Radley…it will do her good to get away from that ghastly mother of hers and this house is so very empty, an enthusiastic young thing is exactly what I need about the place”

    “But you can’t do that!”

    “Whyever not?”, Rosalind smiled, “It is my house. And as you shall be away in the Highlands for weeks on end and then no doubt off to Hanover, I shall be quite alone in this draughty old mausoleum…save for Nessa now, if her mother will agree of course…”

    “I really do wish you would respect my opinion on this matter Rosa”, the King said tersely, “The gossips will say-“

    “Oh damn the gossips”, Wiedl replied with a wave of her hand, “They say quite enough about me already. Now then, shall we play dominos? Or would you like me to play some music for you? It’s far too gloomy in here for the season and I am not having a nice time”.

    As Wiedl bustled her way over to the piano, the King almost smiled. He forced it from the corners of his mouth. Most would have been horrified to hear Frau Wiedl speak to George so frankly but in this way, she secured her life-long friendship with him. Though she lived at his court, Wiedl was something of a unique character for her time in that she was an independent woman free to chart her own course because her living was not exclusively in the King’s gift. She was a political hostess in her own right, she had independent means and she owned property. Though she adored George, she would stand to lose very little if he took against her. She had already carved out friendships with members of the Royal Family long before she met the King and both in Britain and in Hanover, she was a respected society figure who did not depend on royal patronage for her advancement. Thus, she felt she could always be free and open with the King expressing her views without fear of being ostracised and certainly this seems to have enhanced her role in George’s life as he came to value her as one of the few individuals at his court with whom he could be completely himself. George would always say of Rosa; “She is so very like my sister” and just as Maria Georgievna could be brutally honest with him, so too was Rosa afforded the privilege.

    heinrich-von-olivier-bildnis-der-prinzessin-friederike-amalia-agnes-von-anhalt-dessau-auf-einer-terrasse-vor-einem.jpg

    Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau, c. 1844.

    On the 31st of December 1843, Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau woke in her room at Windsor to look out onto the Great Park totally blanketed by snow. This had come as quite the surprise as the winter had been so mild just a few weeks before and she excitedly began to dress in her heaviest clothes so that she might go outside and enjoy the fresh crunch of the first fall [4]. At that moment, a maid appeared and tapped at the door carrying a large box wrapped in pale pink paper with a silver satin bow tied about it. The maid said nothing, placed the box on the table in Agnes’ dressing room and with a nervous bob, dashed back along the corridor. Agnes slipped the bow from the parcel and gently took off the paper, folding it neatly. Then she removed the lid of the box and with a gasp, took in the sight of a small note nestled on a bed of rich, chocolate brown fur. The note (which still exists in the Royal Archives today) read; “Happy New Year dearest Nessa, George R”. Her heart beating fast, Agnes lifted the fur from its box to reveal a floor length sable cape with a glossy ivory satin lining. She hastily pulled it about her shoulders and seizing up the note, darted out into the corridor. Her mother was just emerging from her suite.

    “Nessa!”, she barked, “What on earth are you doing?!”

    “Oh Mama!”, Agnes called back over her shoulder, “I must go and see Georgie....the King...George.....oh look what he’s given me, isn't it simply darling?!”

    The Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau stood shell-shocked as she watched her eldest daughter tear excitedly along the corridor and disappear through an archway. In another wing of the castle, a second maid was on a similar mission, only this time the gift she carried was significantly smaller. Entering Princess Mary’s breakfast room where Her Royal Highness was eagerly tucking into a plate of gammon and eggs, the maid laid the box before her and disappeared. Mary paused and lowered her knife and fork, taking up the object and unwrapping it. Inside was a glittering brooch of diamonds and silver in the shape of a honeysuckle. A devotee of the language of flowers, Mary knew immediately what it meant but the accompanying note from her nephew made clear the sentiment; “With my devoted affection, George R.”

    Mary smiled, not just because of the sincerity of the apology but because she also knew that the King had clearly reconsidered his feelings where Princess Agnes was concerned. Perhaps he truly was ready to love once more. When Mary joined the other guests that evening for the New Year’s Ball, she was delighted to see a happy George returned to the gathering, dancing with Agnes and stoically attempting to charm the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau. But not everybody was so thrilled. From across the ballroom, Grand Duchess Marie of Mecklenburg-Strelitz looked over to the King whirling in delight with the Dessau Princess. Excusing herself with complaints of a headache, Marie disappeared to her rooms and sat there quite alone as the midnight bells chimed in the new year of 1844.

    Two weeks later and the court moved back to London, a surprise to most as they expected that the King would wish to stay at Windsor until the anniversary of Queen Louise’s death had passed in February. However, the government was keen to cement the arrangements for the King’s Scottish Tour (the Prime Minister nervous that George might reconsider the visit at the last moment) ahead of the State Opening of Parliament at the end of February when the visit would be formally announced. George IV’s tour of Scotland in 1822, organised by Sir Walter Scott, was used as a template for George V’s visit but unlike the 1822 tour, the King was to venture far beyond Edinburgh and its immediate environs. As before, the tour would begin with an official welcome of the Royal Yacht in the Firth of Forth from where the King and his party would travel through the city of Edinburgh to Dalkeith House which had accommodated George V’s parents in 1822 and had been put at the King’s disposal by the Duke of Buccleuch. Whilst the monarch had a palace of his own at Holyrood, the building was not entirely comfortable as it had not been renovated in decades and was regarded more as an historic curiosity than a habitable royal residence. In 1834, the Duke of Clarence gave permission for the Lord High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland to make use of the palace but the idea that the Sovereign should stay there when he visited Scotland was unthinkable. That said, the King would hold a levée at Holyrood on the day after his arrival in order to accommodate far more guests than would have been possible at Dalkeith. [5]

    Like his late father, George V would hold a “drawing room” at Dalkeith for the “ladies of Scotland” to be presented to him and this would be followed (according to Scott’s 1822 programme) by a visit to Portobello Sands to receive representative of the Clans before a grand ball was staged at the Assembly Rooms in Edinburgh with a display of Scottish country dancing. But whilst these events marked the end of George IV’s tour of Scotland, for George V they marked the beginning of a much longer visit. From Edinburgh, the royal party was to move to Glasgow where the King would unveil a statue of his late father in the newly christened George Square before visiting the University of Glasgow in High Street. Then he would move on to Glasgow Cathedral before attending a banquet given by the Lord Provost and Magistrates at Glasgow Town Hall. The King was to stay at Sherbrook Castle, the home of the 2nd Earl Digby (Lord Lieutenant of Dorset) who was extremely excited to show George V a display of ephemera from the 1789 visit to Sherbrook made by the King’s grandfather King George III. From Sherbrook it was on to Stirling. George III had made a similar route in the late 18th century and so taken with Stirling Castle was he that the King ordered a series of costly renovations to make the building more comfortable when he returned. Sadly he never did but now his grandson would have the opportunity to enjoy the fruits of his labours becoming the first monarch to visit Stirling in 55 years. To mark the anniversary, the King would unveil yet another memorial to one of his predecessors, this time a fountain dedicated to King George III in a small area of parkland next to the Valley Cemetery which would later become the Drummond Pleasure Ground, a late Georgian recreation ground with a small fun fair. [6]

    After a few days respite at Sterling, it was on to Dundee where the King was to be “gifted” a triumphal arch between the Earl Grey and Duke of Clarence Docks to mark the occasion of his visit. There had already been an arch at the docks designed by harbour engineer James Leslie but it was made of wood and only intended to be a temporary structure. It was decided to retain the monument in 1843 with John Thomas Rochead given the task of designing a permanent sandstone replacement which was then tied to the visit of George V in 1844 becoming known as the ‘Royal Arch’. The King was very touched by this gesture though in fact, it was more likely an effort on the part of the harbour trustees to wangle an audience with His Majesty than it was borne out of royalist loyalties. From Dundee it was on to St Andrews to tour the cathedral and castle ruins and attend a luncheon given by the Chancellor of the University. The tour would officially come to an end in Aberdeen but this stop on the journey was to be marked only by a royal procession through the town before the royal party headed west to Crathes Castle in Banchory. Crathes was home to the Burnett family who had used the visit of George IV in 1822 to swap their status for a well-established lowland house to that of a junior highland house in order that the incumbent Burnett Baronet might appear before the King as a highland chief in a newly acquired tartan. The Burnetts were therefore only too happy to be the first highland clan to officially host George V at their castle in 1844, a gesture they insisted was recognition of the fact that Lord Lyon’s ruling on their status did not mean they had lost any respectability or superiority.

    640px-Crathes_Castle_from_garden.jpg

    Crathes Castle.

    The King was not entirely thrilled about the prospect of making a tour of Scotland and one of his main concerns was that he did not wish to appear “improperly dressed for the amusement of the people there”. Before his own tour of 1822, George IV was convinced by Sir Walter Scott that not only was he a Stuart prince but that he was also a Jacobite highlander and as such, he should adopt the “Garb of Old Gaul” with George Hunter & Co of Tokenhouse Yard ordered to provide the King with a bright red royal tartan inspired wardrobe to the cost of £1,300 (some £130,000 today). Whilst George IV had entered into the spirit of the occasion, George V was insistent – he would not wear a kilt in public. “I am no more Scots than I am West Indian”, the King wrote to Lord Melbury, “And I shall certainly not parade about in a skirt for the amusement of the officials there who no doubt consider every Englishman who does so to be both a novelty and a figure of fun”.

    It was gently explained to the King that in 1822, Walter Scott had taken great pains to revive the tradition of tartan wearing among the Highland societies and Clan chieftains and that they had very much taken to the revitalized national dress. Indeed, many had spent a small fortune on equipping their companies with kilts so as to provide honour guards when the King visited. If George did not do likewise, it may be taken as a snub to Scottish national pride. He was finally convinced when his Private Secretary, Charlie Phipps, (himself a Lieutenant Colonel in the Scots Fusilier Guards before he began his royal service) and the Crown Equerry, Major Billy Smith (of Scots heritage) both appeared before the King wearing kilts. Smith explained the importance of the tartan and what it would mean to the people of Scotland, though Phipps noted in his diary that he thought Smith “did lay it all on rather thick with a brief foray into Burns which he did not know at all well”.

    “Now Sir”, Billy said bluntly gesturing to the kilt when he had finished presenting his case, “Do you consider us to be at all amusing?”

    George paused for a moment, took in the knees of his most senior and longest-serving household members before him, and laughed so hard that he had to stuff his handkerchief in his mouth as tears rolled down his cheeks.

    “I give in gentlemen!”, he gasped as he clutched his sides, “But I think I might ask mine to be cut a little longer…”

    In his weekly audience with Sir James Graham, the King seemed to be in good humour as his Scottish tour approached and this was no doubt buoyed by the news that the Prime Minister had the full backing of the Cabinet to introduce the Succession to the Crown Act and the Royal House Act to parliament during the King’s absence. Graham expected both to pass easily and he had instructed Benjamin Disraeli, still Comptroller of the Royal Household, to meet with any waverers on the government benches and discuss any concerns they may have. Disraeli would also be charged with producing an essay on the changes and what they meant in practical terms which would be circulated in parliament and to the press. The King could put it off no longer. He would now have to inform his family as to what he had been planning to resolve their recent difficulties and prevent further unpleasantness from rearing its ugly head in the future. But before he could do so, there were amends to be made. In the first week of February 1844, the King invited his uncle, the Duke of Cambridge, to Buckingham Palace for a private audience.

    The Cambridges had been advised to stay on in England a little longer following the Duke’s rather unfortunate meeting with the King at Windsor the previous year. Charlie Phipps advised that the King was in far better humour and that a few weeks respite from the topic might make him a little easier to deal with on the subject of the Duke’s resignation as Viceroy of Hanover. In truth, the King had never wanted his uncle to return to Herrenhausen in 1839 but circumstances then had forced the issue. Simply put, there was no other member of the Royal Family at the time who could assume the post once the Duke of Sussex had been forced to step back from royal duties and the King could not keep the Duke of Cambridge in England as much as he would have liked to. The permanent presence of a member of the Royal Family had been important to the personal union and the people of Hanover had come to regard the Cambridges as their own. Whatever may have happened in recent years to inspire tittle-tattle, most were in agreement that the Duke and Duchess had carried out their duties impeccably and had forged strong personal links in Hanover which would give any successor a very hard act to follow. Yet now Cambridge was determined. He wanted to return to England to live the rest of his days in his homeland. His wife agreed this was the best course of action and to that end, she set about reopening Cambridge House in Piccadilly to see what work needed to be done there after so long an absence.

    When the Duke of Cambridge arrived at the Palace, he noticed that the staff were wearing black armbands and that the King himself had changed into mourning attire.

    “I apologise…I…I wasn’t aware…”, Cambridge began.

    “Oh no matter”, George said lighting a cigarette and gesturing to his uncle to take a seat, “It’s only for show. Never cared for him myself but four days is the least we can do”.

    The Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha had died on the 29th of January with his son Ernst succeeding him. Whilst the King had sent a message of condolence to Duke Ernst II (and to his brother Albert in Rio), George had little reason to extend anything other than a formal display of sympathies upon Ernst I’s death. As if this subject were too great an inconvenience, the King quickly moved on.

    “I do accept you resignation Uncle”, he said kindly, “And nothing could please me more than to see you return to us in England. It is something I have long hoped for and I do wish to express how grateful we all are for your service in Hanover. But you must understand, it does place me in a somewhat difficult position…”

    “Because of my successor”

    “Well, quite”, George nodded, “You see, it was always the intention that a member of our family should serve as Viceroy so as to strengthen the bonds between the Crown and its people in Hanover but now, I have nobody to send in your stead. Graham feels a suitable candidate can be found outside but I do not like the idea of sending a civil servant to represent me there. You cannot stay on; I cannot go any more frequently than I do now and well…we are somewhat depleted”.

    “I have given the matter some thought Georgie”, Cambridge said quietly, “I wondered if…”

    “Yes?”

    “The Earl of Armagh”, the Duke replied wisely, “I know he is not long married but it was a great blessing to Augusta and I that she be able to live outside of England in a more familiar environment when we were first married. They are a young, handsome couple, I believe George wishes to serve you in a greater capacity and I believe he is well up to the task at hand. If I may offer a recommendation, it would be for Prince George.”

    The King shook his head.

    “Not possible I’m afraid”, he smiled, “You know how things are with him. How unkind people can be. I had considered him myself but…well…I like having him around. And I expect it shan’t be long before a baby is in the offing, I ask myself if it would be quite fair to them both to send them away when they have so much to do here already? But I do welcome your advice Uncle, I always have, and I shall think on it”.

    George offered his uncle a glass of sherry as he prepared to broach a more difficult subject.

    “I think you know Uncle that I would have preferred someone else to succeed you”, the King mused pouring from a decanter, “I don’t wish to revisit that unfortunate business, we agreed never to discuss it. But I’m afraid it will be mentioned in the coming days because…well…I have prepared to make some changes. The government are full in agreement and the proposals will go before parliament whilst I am in Scotland. I am head of the family but you are the eldest…if we ignore the other one, as I’m afraid we must…and so I wanted to inform you about things before I speak to the family...en masse...as it were”

    Adolphus-Frederick-Cambridge.jpg

    The Duke of Cambridge.

    Cambridge was grateful for the gesture. But as the King explained how the monarchy would be changed by the legislation shortly to come before the House of Commons, the Duke felt a knot form in his stomach. The removal of royal rank from their son had deeply wounded the Duchess of Cambridge and she had hoped that the King might reconsider in time. As neither the Succession to the Crown Act nor the Royal House Act would apply retroactively, it seemed that the Earl of Tipperary was to forever exist in limbo, those before and after him afforded privileges which he himself was denied by personal decree of the Sovereign. Whilst the Duke considered the path his nephew was forging to be beneficial and well-intentioned, he could not help but worry what the reaction of his wife might be.

    His speculation on the subject was interrupted by Charlie Phipps who entered the room to announce that Princess Sophia had arrived and was asking to see the King.

    “Oh damn it all”, George said impatiently, “She’s three hours early Charlie, send her to Aunt Mary or something would you?”

    Phipps did not move and simply stood still, waiting expectedly to be given a chance to explain further.

    “For heaven’s sake man, what is it now?”, the King asked, "Can't you see I am trying to discuss important matters with my uncle?"

    “Forgive me Your Majesty but I’m afraid Her Royal Highness is in a state of distress...”

    The King and the Duke of Cambridge stood up. They could hear gentle wailing coming from the corridor beyond the King’s study.

    “Send her in Charlie…”, the King said curiously, “I don’t like the sound of that at all”


    Notes

    [1] This was still quite usual at the time, though today it would lead to screams of bias on the part of the Sovereign. Ministers didn’t need to have official business to call on the monarch and both William IV and Queen Victoria in the OTL made a habit of inviting ministers to Windsor and (later) Balmoral simply as guests to enjoy royal hospitality.

    [2] As I said when I introduced Agnes, this will be a slow-burn for the reasons expressed here. I wouldn’t find it plausible to have George jump into a second marriage after he was so close to his first wife and he’s going to need time to resolve this inner conflict before he decides what his future with Agnes might look like.

    [3] Agnes in the OTL had a reputation for being a very skilled artist, a talent she apparently expressed quite early on.

    [4] Queen Victoria makes special mention of this in her 1844 journal. England was suddenly thrown into a cold snap with ice and snow after what had otherwise been a very mild winter.

    [5] As we saw ITTL in 1822.

    [6] I’ve plotted this out from a series of visits to Scotland made by the OTL Queen Victoria between 1840 and 1844. All of these engagements took place in the OTL but here are pushed into one extended tour.

    Many apologies for the delay here, this was due to go up on Friday but we've had the joy of intermittent internet outages all weekend as new cables are laid!
     
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    GV: Part Three, Chapter Eighteen: Eruptions
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Eighteen: Eruptions

    Wörlitzer Park, situated some sixteen and a half kilometres from the bustling German city of Dessau, is now a popular tourist destination with visitors from all over Europe pouring through it's gates to marvel at the Chinese Gardens or Dutch Fountains which remain as impressive today as they were when they were first installed some 250 years ago. But in 1844, the park was the private estate of Duke Leopold IV who had ruled in the Duchy of Anhalt-Dessau since his grandfather’s death in 1817. The Dessaus spent almost all of their time not in their sumptuous 16th century palace in the capital, but instead made use of five smaller (but no less lavish) residences in the park settled around the town of Wörlitz to the east. This complex of royal properties was begun in the mid-17th century by Prince John George II to celebrate his marriage to the Dutch Princess Henriette Catharina and almost every guilder of her impressive dowry was spent on transforming the ruins of an old castle and the surrounding fields into a sprawling princely estate complete with a grand baroque schloss renamed the Oranienbaum. The walls of this tribute to Henriette Catharina's ancestry were clad in orange leather and the dining room decorated with 6,600 blue and white Delft tiles especially created to chronicle the life of the Dessau princes. As a final flourish, the gardens were carefully plotted out to match those of the Paleis Huis ten Bosch in The Hague.

    But a hundred years later when Duke Leopold III took ownership of Wörlitz, the estate was vastly changed from the traditional royal homestead one might find in the Netherlands to a kind of private village which would become home to no less than four new palaces. Inspired by his Grand Tour of Europe, Leopold III spent vast sums on recreating the sites he had seen which came to include such novelties as a copy of the Temple of Vesta in Tivoli (which he subsequently gave to the emancipated Jewish community as a synagogue) and a fully functioning man-made volcano set on an artificial island gouged out of the earth in the middle of the park. Captivated as he was by his visit to Naples and obsessed with tales from the newly discovered village of Pompeii, Leopold III engaged an engineer who produced a sunken cone from a chamber fitted with three roaring fireplaces which, with the addition of water, would splutter smoke and belch flames and thus (from a distance) gave the impression of a dramatic eruption to entertain the Duke’s guests. [1]

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    Duke Leopold III's volcano - which is still "erupting" today for visitors at the Wörlitzer Park.

    This was highly amusing in the 1790s but 50 years later, such frivolities had cost the Anhalt-Dessaus dear and the reigning Duke Leopold IV had been forced to increase taxes and to cut public spending in order to balance the Duchy’s fortunes. Leopold was therefore far less popular than his gregarious father had been and though the family kept their heads above water thanks to the dowry of Leopold’s wife Frederica, her cold and unfriendly nature forced the Dessaus to live in a kind of gated community moving back to the capital from Wörlitz only when it was absolutely necessary. Even then, their return to Dessau was not marked enthusiastically by those who looked on indifferently as the Ducal carriage procession passed by. There were stirrings in the Duchy that the ruling family were actually a hindrance to progress rather than heralds of a new modern age, Leopold III having set the bar extremely high for his successor when it came to embracing new ideas of government. Though he was a liberal, Leopold IV had found himself frozen out of the day-to-day running of his Duchy - much to his irritation. In order to boost Dessau’s finances (so depleted in the last reign), Leopold IV took Anhalt into the Prussian Customs Union in 1821 which by 1833 had, following a series of treaties, become known as the Zollverein.

    Prussia was the driving force behind the creation of the PCU (which ultimately became the Zollverein) and embarked on the project with two major objectives in mind; firstly, to eradicate Austrian influence in Germany and secondly, to create a much larger market for German-made products. Whilst outsiders had to pay a tariff to get their goods in and out of Prussia, members of the Zollverein did not. Initially, this proved hugely advantageous to smaller states such as Anhalt but by 1844, the result was that Prussia’s economy grew whilst other members of the Zollverein saw their treasuries stagnate. There were political difficulties too. Members began to worry that the customs union was nothing more than a front for Prussian expansionism and as the first stirrings of the revolutions of 1848 began to take root, the long-standing political, economic and legal structures that had held many German states together after the fall of the Holy Roman Empire began to buckle under these new pressures. External factors quickly affected the success of the Zollverein too, none more so than when the United Kingdom introduced the Corn Laws. The limitation on grain imports blocked economic recovery in the German states after the Napoleonic Wars and as such there were many among them (Anhalt included) who took a very dim view of Britain and her economic policies. This was only exacerbated in 1834 when the Kingdom of Hanover formed a rival to the Zollverein.

    The Steuerverein was formed by the Treaty of Einbeck in an effort to forge a new German customs union in the north which consisted of Hanover, Hesse, Oldenburg and Brunswick but the process had not been easy and Hesse eventually backed out, choosing to conclude its own trade agreement with Prussia instead. But Hanover and Brunswick marched on until the Steuerverein could no longer be ignored and in 1837, a convention was signed between the two customs unions reducing duty on imports and installing new measures to suppress smuggling in Zollverein territory. Initially this seemed to redress the balance and saw new members, such as the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe, become members of the Steuerverein in 1838. But by 1841, Brunswick saw its future as laying more with Prussia than with it’s ancestral links to the House of Hanover and thus, it broke from the Steuerverein and joined the Zollverein instead. This move infuriated the Hanoverian government which, quite rightly, saw that by taking this step, the Steuerverein had been terminally weakened. Tensions between members of the two customs unions were once again exacerbated against a backdrop of new liberal and radical ideas fermenting in villages and towns throughout Germany which sought to overthrow the old established order. [2]

    King George V was kept well informed of Hanover’s economic situation and just as he received briefings from the Treasury in the United Kingdom, so too was he kept abreast of the financial policy his government in Hanover was pursuing via the Hanoverian Chancellery at St James’ Palace. But the Chancellery was not always as forthcoming as the King might have wished. In 1844, Count von Ompteda had an audience with the King at Buckingham Palace following the decision of the Duke of Cambridge to resign as Viceroy of Hanover. The conversation was entirely limited to who should succeed him and though Ompteda had been briefed on the rumblings of apathy toward the personal union between the British and Hanoverian crowns in the past, he chose not to put these renewed stirrings before the King himself. Many in the Hanoverian parliament took a dim view of having another member of the British Royal Family imposed upon them as Viceroy without their approval and some were deeply unhappy at the news that Hanover seemed to be in line to become a dumping ground for those members of George V's family who married against his wishes, becoming Princes and Princesses of Hanover rather than Princes and Princesses of the United Kingdom. It was stressed that the designation referred to the Royal House and not to the Kingdom itself but this did little to placate those who felt offended by the move.

    But this was the latest in a series of gripes Hanoverian politicians had concerning British involvement in their affairs. Ompteda failed to mention the fact that as the British economy seemed perched on a precipice, there were many in Hanover who now shared the Prussian view (and by extension, those within the Zollverein) that British economic policy (namely the Corn Laws) was adding unreasonable pressure to the situation as Prussia increased its tariffs to offset what it saw as extortionate British duties applied to imports of grain from the east. There was talk in Prussia of withdrawing from the convention signed between the Zollverein and the Steuerverein in 1837 unless the British relaxed the high import charges on Prussian grain but even more worrying was talk in Hanover that the Steuerverein itself was quickly becoming defunct and that Hanover would be far better placed simply to join the Zollverein instead. This would pull Hanover into a sphere of Prussian dominance and potentially weaken its relationship with the United Kingdom – but that association was already fraying at the edges. [3]

    450px-Steuerverein_Map_1840s.jpg

    The Zollverein (in blue) and the Steuerverein (in orange) in the 1840s.

    In his 1983 book The Hanover Question, historian Sir Peter Wilson suggests that February 1844 was “a pivotal moment in the relationship between the United Kingdom and Hanover as the bonds between the Crown and the people of its ‘other Kingdom’ were weakened by the departure of the Duke of Cambridge as Viceroy”. The suggestion here is that the Duke of Cambridge himself was vital to the personal union as an individual but in reality, the advantage of the Cambridge appointment had always been (at least in the view of the British Crown) that he offered a permanent royal representative in Hanover which helped to reinforced the historic bonds between the two Crowns, even when the monarch as an individual showed no real interest in his ancestral homeland (as was true in the reign of King George III). It is true however that when the Duke of Cambridge asked to be allowed to retire his post, it put King George V in a particularly difficult situation because, quite simply, he was not burdened down with royal candidates to succeed his uncle and because he took the view that a permanent royal resident in Hanover had done much to repair the damaged relationship that existed from almost 60 years of monarchical neglect.

    The best laid plans of mice and men had been shattered when the Earl of Tipperary married Franziska Fritz and though the King saw his cousin the Earl of Armagh as extremely capable, there were serious concerns that his blindness would act as a barrier to his acceptance in the role of Viceroy. Whilst the Duke of Cambridge vouched that he saw no reason as to why his nephew should not be considered for the office, Count von Ompteda protested that the Earl of Armagh’s disability should automatically disqualify him as a candidate. This privately pleased the King who did not wish to see his cousin leave his court. He disagreed that Prince George could not play a role in public life because of his sight but he had a very different role in mind for the Earl and his new bride; he wished to see them begin to undertake a modest programme of public royal engagements as the Royal Family was small in number and lacked enough members to provide a strong public face of the monarchy. But then, who was to succeed the Duke of Cambridge in Hanover?

    Though he did not care much for Lord Betchworth, the King summoned the Foreign Secretary to discuss the situation but Betchworth was labouring under the misapprehension that George V had asked him to come to the Palace to discuss another matter entirely - the Straits Pact. In his last briefing to the King, Betchworth had noted with some concern that in the third week of December the previous year, there were reports from international observers that Russia had violated her quota of ships allowed to pass through the Dardanelles by the convention agreed at Hampton Court in 1841, the precise number of vessels allowed to each nation having been established in Vienna later that same year [4]. Russia had supposedly exceeded their quota by 2 vessels, hardly the Spanish Armada, but Betchworth was concerned that this violation may be a sign that the Russians had only ever signed the Pact for expediency and that it would not hold. The King himself had suggested a cast-iron insurance policy to the Straits Agreement of 1841 which had been proposed by the British government and adopted by the parties present. If a signatory to the agreement exceeded the quota of ships allowed to pass through the Dardanelles, economic sanctions were to be levied against the guilty party. But if that party continued to break the convention, the Straits Agreement called upon all other signatories to demand that the Ottoman Sultan closed the Straits to ships from the offending nation. The question was, should the signatories pursue recriminations against Russia for exceeding it’s quota by just two vessels which, after all, may have been a simple oversight?

    Under usual circumstances, George V would have been greatly enthused by an opportunity to involve himself in foreign policy, especially as Lord Betchworth seemed to welcome the King’s advice on the issue. But instead, George made Hanover a priority and told the Foreign Secretary to “keep him informed” on the Straits instead. He asked Betchworth if he considered that a non-royal representative in Hanover would weaken the personal union and whether he felt there was a suitable candidate among the vetted lists for a Governorship elsewhere who may be redirected to Hanover instead? Betchworth promised to review the matter and propose a list of names but surely there was a member of the King’s own family His Majesty had overlooked? Naively, Betchworth asked if the King had considered the Duke of Cumberland as a successor to the Duke of Cambridge. In the frosty silence that followed, Betchworth suggested that, though he was aware that the King had no personal affection for his uncle, the Duke was resident in Hanover and was known to the people there. His tenure would no doubt be a brief one and it would keep the Duke occupied leaving him less time to antagonise the Crown from afar. Betchworth had (albeit unknowingly) overstepped the boundaries. The King said nothing in response, pushed the bell on his desk, and Charlie Phipps entered the Study indicating to the Foreign Secretary that his audience had come to an end. With a clumsy bow as he gathered up his papers, Betchworth left the room and returned to Whitehall.

    When the Foreign Secretary relayed this unpleasant meeting with the King to the Prime Minister, Sir James Graham gave a wry smile.

    “Oh dear”, he said with a small chuckle, “I’m afraid you have rather put your foot in it there Harry”

    “Well I wish I knew how”, Betchworth shrugged, “His Majesty cannot have it both ways. He wants a member of his family to take up residence at Herrenhausen, therefore he must either accept the rehabilitation of that oaf Cumberland or give the Cambridge boy back his rank and appoint him instead”

    Graham sipped at his glass of sherry.

    “Oh I’m afraid it’s a little more complicated than that”, he mused, “You see, the King’s uncle has once again proven his flair for creating unpleasantness. I saw His Majesty yesterday and he relayed the whole sorry business to me, so sorry in fact that Princess Sophia has been carried off to Witley Court to recuperate with the Dowager Duchess of Clarence”

    “What on earth…?”

    Just three days earlier, the King had been in audience with the Duke of Cambridge when their talks were disrupted by the wails of the King’s aunt, Princess Sophia, who had hurried from St James’ to Buckingham Palace on an urgent mission. Aided by her devoted lady in waiting, the blind Princess who had become increasingly eccentric in recent years howled her way along the corridors to the King’s study demanding that she see her nephew without delay, a request Charlie Phipps could not ignore. Upon entering the room, the King and the Duke of Cambridge supplied the Princess with brandy and managed to calm her down enough to get her settled onto a settee but every few minutes she seemed to recall the reason she had darted to the Palace so hurriedly and collapsed into tears once more, leaning on her brother and crying out “I didn’t mean to do it Adolphus! I did not understand it!”. Eventually, the Princess was placated just enough for the whole sordid tale to come spilling forth.

    378px-Sir_Thomas_Lawrence_%281769-1830%29_-_Princess_Sophia_%281777-1848%29_-_RCIN_403420_-_Royal_Collection.jpg

    Princess Sophia by Lawrence.

    It transpired that on the day before he left England to return to Berlin, the Duke of Cumberland had brought Sir Charles Wetherell to Princess Sophia’s apartments at St James’ Palace. Though she protested that she really didn’t know anything about any outstanding inheritances, Wetherell suggested that this was all the Duke needed to pursue his claim to the jewels he believed were his by virtue of his mother’s will. If the Princess had not been consulted about the decision to keep back the Arcot diamonds from sale, this would suggest that the course of action taken had no validity. Sophia said that she had already signed an affidavit with her sisters to prevent the Arcot diamonds being sent to an auction house but Cumberland asked if she had understood why that had been agreed at the time; “No”, the Princess replied, “Mary and Augusta said it was all for the best so that is why I signed”. Wetherell countered that if she had signed something she did not understand, Sophia had even more reason to sign a new affidavit explaining exactly that. But the affidavit Wetherell proposed also included a clause which stated that Sophia now recognised that her late sister Elizabeth’s claim to the jewels had been inherited by her brother the Duke of Cumberland and that she was in agreement with him that the jewels should now be sold and the proceeds shared according to the terms of Queen Charlotte’s will.

    “But I don’t understand…”, Sophia repeated gently, her hand shaking as Wetherell handed her a pen to sign the document, “I don’t understand any of it”

    “You understand that Lissie left her share of Mama’s jewels to me”, Cumberland encouraged, “And that I now have a share in them?”

    “Yes but…”

    “And you understand that if I do not receive my share, I shall be forced to sell my house…”

    “Yes I do, I do understand that Ernest but…”

    “Then you understand everything my dear”, Cumberland said kindly, “And all you need do is sign the paper Sir Charles has here and the whole sorry business will be resolved”

    “But Mary…”

    “Sir Charles is going to take the very same paper to Mary, aren’t you Charles?”, Cumberland cajoled, “And Mary will sign it too. Augusta would have signed, Charlotte and Elizabeth too…”

    With a nervous sigh, Princess Sophia allowed the Duke to take her hand and guide her to the bottom of the affidavit where she did her best to sign her name. Wetherell witnessed the signature in his own hand, blotted the documented and placed it into his satchel. Sophia rose from the table and stretched out her arm for her lady in waiting.

    “I must rest”, she said exhaustedly, “I am so very tired”.

    And with that, Wetherell took the affidavit away with him, congratulating the Duke of Cumberland on a job well done and promising him that in a matter of weeks, he would send word to Berlin that what they had agreed had now been put into action. For his part, Cumberland summoned his sister’s butler and told him to have a carriage prepared the following morning. The Duke had grown tired of London and wished to return home a little earlier than planned. In the early morning mist of the city, Cumberland slipped quietly away without a farewell to his sister and boarded a packet steamer at St Katharine Dock to begin his long journey back to Berlin, content that his financial troubles were soon to be resolved and that he could now live the rest of his life in the comfort his rank and station demanded. Later that afternoon, Princess Sophia, consumed by guilt and anxiety, fled to Buckingham Palace to tell the King what had happened. Her nerves shattered, the King summoned Princess Mary and diplomatically evading the cause of Sophia’s agitation, asked his aunt to convey Sophia to Witley Court where his aunt Adelaide might help to recover Sophia’s reason.

    The King summoned the Attorney General to assess the damage. In the United Kingdom at this time, disputes over inheritance of property usually fell to the lower courts with appeals lodged to the Law Lords as the Lords of Appeals in Ordinary. Sir Frederick Pollock had no doubt that Cumberland’s case would come before the House of Lords but he could not predict the outcome. It was decided to present a counterclaim to Cumberland’s case on the grounds that the jewels described in the will of the late Landgravine of Hesse-Homburg were not one and the same to the Arcot diamonds and that the King had already compensated the Duke of Cumberland to the sum of £10,000 when the bequest made by Princess Elizabeth could not be met. Pollock would maintain that His Majesty had not been obligated to make this concession but did so in light of the Duke’s beleaguered financial state. Furthermore, he would insist that whilst Princess Sophia had indicated that she wished the Arcot diamonds to be sold at auction and the proceeds divided according to the terms of Queen Charlotte’s will, this could not be met unless all signatories to the affidavit which prevented the sale of the diamonds relented on their original agreement – in other words, Princess Mary must agree, a condition both Pollock and the King were confident would never be met. But this was considered a last resort as Pollock advised that the King should indicate his willingness to go into a process of arbitration removing the Law Lords from the appeal completely. The King was by no means thrilled with that prospect as undoubtedly his uncle would petition for a large sum of money from the Privy Purse to be made over to him which George V regarded as “little more than a reward for this vile behaviour”. [5]

    To add to His Majesty’s frustrations, this development threatened to derail the all-important family conference he was to host before his departure for Scotland. As agreed, the Leader of the House was to propose the Succession to the Crown and Royal House Acts before the Commons and following the advice of his Prime Minister, the King had agreed that he should not be resident in London when Members of Parliament began their deliberations on the legislation which would mark a radical change in the way the monarchy operated from 1844 onwards. The King had not discussed the proposals with any member of his family beyond the Duke of Cambridge but even then, their audience had been cut short by the arrival of a very distressed Princess Sophia. Now he could delay no further and so in the Blue Closet at Buckingham Palace almost the entire British Royal Family were assembled; the King, the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, the Earl and Countess of Armagh, the Dowager Duchess of Sussex and Princess Mary. The Duchess of Cambridge was somewhat nervous.

    Her husband having offered no indication to the contrary, she believed that the meeting had quite a different objective; to gauge the family’s opinion on the suitability of Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau as a bride. Upon her return to Neustrelitz after Christmas 1843, Grand Duchess Marie had written to her sister Augusta in England in fraught temper, unfairly furious that the King was seeking to replace Marie’s late daughter so quickly. She did not enjoy seeing her son-in-law parade his new love interest before her at Windsor and she was especially aggrieved at the fact that he had allowed Princess Agnes into the royal nursery to spend time (alone) with the Princess Royal, Princess Victoria and the Prince of Wales. “But that Georgie should not even address the subject to us”, she wrote, “to explain the situation openly and honestly (which we may have come to appreciate) was so very unfeeling and especially so in light of poor Sunny’s anniversary which I hear he did not even mark at Windsor as he did last year. Whilst we both understand that he is very young and that he might always have considered a second marriage, neither George nor I can resign ourselves to the fact that it is happening so quickly. It is so very inconsiderate of our feelings and we find ourselves in agreement that we shall not return to England again if she is to be present for whilst there is no kindness in Georgie’s actions, undoubtedly it is the girl herself who provokes such behaviour”.

    franz-xaver-winterhalter-portrait-of-princess-augusta-wilhelmina-louisa-of-hesse,-duchess-of-cambridge.jpg

    Augusta, Duchess of Cambridge.

    An engagement was far from the King’s mind but the true nature of his words that day would serve to inflame the Duchess of Cambridge’s temper as much as his apparent interest in Princess Agnes had inspired animosity in her sister the Grand Duchess Marie. Calmly and carefully, George explained that after consultation with the Attorney-General, the Prime Minister and the Cabinet, the two bills about to be placed before the House of Commons would see no immediate changes imposed on anybody present because neither the Succession to the Crown Act nor the Royal House Act were to be applied retroactively. What had been designed to protect however, quickly gave rise to anger. Whilst Princess Mary nodded soberly, indicating that she thought the solution to overcoming the strictures of the Royal Marriages Act was “very elegant”, the Duchess of Cambridge seemed to grow red in the face and began fiddling feverishly with the lace on her cuffs. The King noticed.

    “In the future, we may find we have to adjust a little…”, he said soothingly, “But I assure you all has been done for the best”

    The Duchess of Cambridge could no longer hide her outrage. She let out a loud snort. All heads turned to her. She was almost rocking on the edge of her seat, anxious patting her thigh with her clasped hands as she tried to control herself.

    “Adjust is it now?”, she said. The words came out before she could stop herself.

    “You disagree with my decision I take it?”, the King rounded on his aunt, “Let us have it then Aunt Augusta. I intend to hear all views on the matter”

    “What difference will that make?”, Augusta snapped, “The matter has already been decided without us, what should my opinion count for now?”

    The Duke of Cambridge hissed at his wife; “Be quiet!”

    “No no”, the King called across the room, “Let Aunt Augusta speak her mind”

    The Duchess of Cambridge seemed to recoil a little but then found her second wind.

    “Why is my son to remain ostracised? Why is he not to benefit from these new arrangements? How am I to adjust to a woman who marries into this family without your consent and receives a similar rank to that which has been so cruelly removed from my own child, a Prince of the Blood no less?”

    The King began making his way over to the settee on which his aunt sat.

    “This is neither the time nor the place for this discussion…”, he warned in a low voice.

    “Oh but I believe it is”, Augusta said frantically, refusing to be calmed, “You say you wish to hear all views, well this is mine. You have reduced my son to a pauper because of his marriage, yet had he waited he should have been lord and master of all regardless. Why is a penalty to be laid on his shoulders that you should not inflict on others?”

    “Augusta, please…”, the Duke of Cambridge begged through clenched teeth, “Do not do this now…”

    “You may no longer care for the boy but I do”, the Duchess spat back at him, pushing his hand away as he tried to grasp her arm, tears coming into her eyes, “And after all that we have suffered. Do we deserve no gratitude after our long years of service? That this should be our thanks after thirty years…”

    “I believe this has gone far enough”, Princess Mary barked, “Really Augusta, this is most unbecoming”

    Augusta rounded on Mary, launching a tirade of abuse at her that included a nasty swipe at the Dowager Duchess of Sussex sitting beside her.

    “And what have you to lose? You have no children, you were never a mother, what do you know of it? Look at you Mary, sitting with that woman whom you so despised because she has been legitimised when we all know exactly what she is and how she wormed her way in…”

    ENOUGH!

    The King’s voice hung in the air like the fading peal of an almighty bell. Nobody dared say anything. The Duchess of Cambridge dabbed at her eyes. Princess Mary glowered at her. The Duke looked embarrassed. The Earl and Countess of Armagh wriggled uneasily in their chairs. The King took a deep breath. He turned to his aunt Augusta, a worryingly familiar flush of crimson in his cheeks.

    “I shall say this once Madam, before every member of my family gathered here, and you will listen well and respect me for you will remember that I am your King…”

    He leaned in close and fixed Augusta with a stare.

    “Your son will never, ever, find a home here again. He is a Prince no longer and my God so long as I draw breath that shall remain the case. You will accept that or you will underestimate me. Now I suggest you remove yourself from my presence Madam, or do I have to remind you of where your sister lodges today and the reason for it?”

    The Duchess of Cambridge stood up slowly. She sank into a deep curtsey and left the room, the Duke trailing behind her. The King sank into a chair held his hand in his hands.

    “Come now Georgie”, Mary cooed comfortingly, “She will come to terms with it, I assure you”

    “Oh it’s all such a bloody mess”, the King sighed, leaning backwards and fishing out a piece of paper from his jacket pocket, “Look at this. George, you must see it too. Aunt Sophia was in ribbons. I simply can’t see a way to resolve it…”

    Princess Mary lifted up her lorgnette and holding the paper away from her a little, took in the words.

    “You might not”, she puffed, hauling herself to her feet with a wobble, “But I can”.

    Mary bustled her way from the room. The King privately resolved never to attempt a family conference again.

    A few days later and the Cambridges discretely left London for their cottage at Kew. The Duke wrote a letter expressing his sincerest apologies for the way in which his wife had behaved but the King was not yet ready to hear it. It had cast a pall over his preparations for his Scottish Tour, a trip he had never been too enthusiastic about but which he now faced embarking upon under a cloud of family discontent. Before he left London, George took himself off to Bloomsbury to Frau Wiedl’s townhouse for a private supper. As usual, he laid his worries out before her and hoped she could offer some respite. He felt somewhat guilty as to just how vociferously he had behaved with his Aunt Augusta and for the first time, he gave some indication as to his true feelings where the Earl of Tipperary were concerned.

    “I put those bills together with him in mind”, the King mused sadly, “Well, partly at least. I could very easily restore his rank, extend it to his wife too but…it is a hard thing to accept…betrayal I mean. I had such high hopes for him. We all did. Now I fear I shall never bring myself to resolve it. You see, he is to blame for this mess in Hanover too”

    “How so?”

    “Had he not taken off as he did, Uncle Cambridge could have retired and I could have appointed George in his place”

    Frau Wiedl smiled gently, “He’s too young”

    “So is George Cumberland”, the King countered, “And Uncle Cambridge seems to think I should appoint him instead”

    “Why don’t you?”

    “Because I like having him here”, George shrugged, “I’ve had to give away so much, I can’t send off my dearest friend into the bargain”

    Wiedl consoled the King, well aware that though he had shown great improvement in separating his personal feelings from the decisions he must take as King, such incidences always weighed heavy on him. But she also listened to his concerns that the situation was far more important than which of his relations should relocate to Herrenhausen. The King was no fool and even though Count von Ompteda had kept it from him in their audiences, George knew that there was growing animosity in Hanover towards Britain for its economic stance which directly impacted on the fortunes of its own customs union. Some intellectuals had used rumours that the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge were to leave Herrenhausen to voice their belief that the role of Viceroy was no longer needed, that Hanover would do better to choose its own representative from among its own people – not an unreasonable suggestion. But this was greatly wounding to George personally as he had made such an effort to patch up the relationship between the Crown and the people of Hanover.

    Hanover needed a Viceroy who was totally committed to the King’s ideals, someone who would not seek to exert his own personality but who, most importantly, would reaffirm the important ties between Hanover and the monarchy to avoid pushing the "other Kingdom" toward a very different sphere of influence. The King knew that there could be no better person to achieve this, or at least to stand a very real chance of success in Hanover, than the Earl of Armagh. He also knew that his opposition to the Earl's appointment was purely sentimental. But time was running short. Ompteda needed a name to send back to the Landtag at once, though they played no role in the Viceroy's appointment, they were at least entitled to know his identity before it was gazetted in England. As the King boarded the HMY Royal George, he could not help but long to stay in London where so much seemed unresolved, quite the opposite of what he had envisioned ahead of his departure. Yet he sailed off with Princess Mary accompanying him, her wise words that a little distance may do wonders offering him some modest comfort.

    At Whitehall, Lord Betchworth too had much to consider, the King having submitted a formal request that the Foreign Office consult it's “approved candidates” list for other Governorships where a “civilian” appointee may be found for the role of Viceroy. Keen to please the King after having unwittingly irritated him during their last audience, Betchworth was trying to make a good job of it and was carefully noting the pros and cons of each prospective Viceroy when his Private Secretary stepped into his office and handed him a letter. The fact that it was not presented on a silver salver indicated to the Foreign Secretary that it was urgent and had been delivered by hand. Indeed, it had come from the Comte de Saint-Aulaire, the French Ambassador to the Court of St James’. It read;

    S-E-B, Cp. H.

    10 – 2

    16 – 5

    22 – 3

    StA.


    Betchworth slowly rose from his desk, his eyes firmly locked on contents of the note in his hand.

    “Any reply Sir?”, the Private Secretary asked cheerfully.

    The Foreign Secretary shook his head.

    “No Jenkins”, he said quietly, “Though I should welcome a very large brandy…”


    Notes

    [1] Bizarre but true. You can read more about Leopold III’s “volcano” here: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/hist...-prince-built-an-artificial-volcano-19001853/

    [2] As in the OTL.

    [3] As it did in 1851 in the OTL.

    [4] You can read more on the Straits Pact here: https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...british-monarchy.514810/page-42#post-23353169

    [5] As in the OTL between Queen Victoria and the King of Hanover.

    Once again, many apologies for the delay on this new instalment! Thankfully I now have a stable internet connection once more so normal service can resume!

    Just a quick note on the development of Hanover here, obviously I'm having to research what happened in the OTL from 1837 onwards and balance that against TTL in which Hanover has remained in personal union with the British Crown to follow what I think is a likely trajectory.

    On a more general theme, 1844 will introduce us to some more international politics (and mini PoDs) as well as some interesting domestic issues too. It does mean we may not see much of the inner goings on behind Palace walls as we saw in 1843 but I will try and offer a balance where possible. As ever, many thanks for reading!
     
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    GV: Part Three, Chapter Nineteen: The Road to Banchory
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Nineteen: The Road to Banchory

    As the carriage procession bearing the King and Princess Mary began winding its way through the city of London and out towards Tilbury, the cheers of onlookers greatly improved George V’s mood. He was none too enthusiastic about his impending tour of Scotland and with so much ill-feeling among his close family, he truly felt his place was at Buckingham Palace. He privately predicted that his tour would be a disaster and even inquired as to whether some of the itinerary beyond the larger cities might be trimmed a little so as to bring the eight-week trip down to just five. The King must have felt he was eerily accurate in his ominous expectations when, as the royal party passed through Thurrock, sheets of ice-cold rain began to pummel the top of his carriage making it impossible for him to continue much further. Fortunately, Charlie Phipps was well-prepared for all eventualities and he gave the nod to the coachman that rather than drive on to Tilbury, he should head for the village of Orsett instead. The scenery was somewhat grim with beggars and peddlers crowding about the gates to the workhouse on Rowley Road which was under significant pressure at this time and was turning people away toward the church of St Giles and All Saints which had now taken to operating a soup kitchen from the rectory. But within half an hour, the King’s carriage headed out onto a dirt road carved through the fields until just beyond the bare branches of the trees it was possible to make out the welcome sight of Orsett Hall.

    Orsett Hall was a 17th century manor house set in 12 acres of parkland which had been transformed into the heart of a thriving agricultural estate by it’s owner Richard Baker in 1750. By 1844 however, the farms were failing and the house had passed to Richard Baker Wingfield-Baker, a former liberal MP now serving as Chief Justice of the Brecon Circuit. As he was almost always in Wales, Orsett Hall was left vacant and Phipps had added it to a list of “rest houses”, a carefully crafted catalogue of suitable residences which might play host to the King on his travels if something should delay His Majesty’s journey from A to B. Word was always sent ahead to home owners en route that the King may need to avail himself of their hospitality and in this case, Wingfield-Baker had instructed his staff to prepare for every eventuality. They were no doubt delighted to see the King’s carriage rattle along the gravel driveway up to the Hall and to see the Sovereign dash into the property to avoid the chaotic downpour outside. The accompanying carriages were lodged in the Mews, the 14 trunks they had brought from London unloaded into the boot room to keep them from harm. The King’s party was comprised of his Private Secretary (Charlie Phipps) and the Crown Equerry (Major Billy Smith) but also included Captain Lord Frederick Beauclerk. After his temporary stint as Crown Equerry, the King had taken a liking to him and appointed Beauclerk a junior Equerry, though his duties were mostly limited to accompanying the King when he travelled and he did not serve George V on a day-to-day basis at this time.

    Princess Mary had brought with her the aged Miss Wilkins, her personal maid, but had also asked Lady Hannah Watson-Taylor to serve as a Lady in Waiting - somewhat begrudgingly. Lady Hannah’s sister (the Countess of Dalhousie) had declined the honour because she was suffering from a weak chest. Mary was disappointed as she had been a long-standing friend to the Hay family (whose ranks included Lady Douro - the future Duchess of Wellington - and the Marquess of Tweeddale) and felt that she should like to be served on the tour by “someone who knows about everything Scotch [sic]”. Lady Dalhousie apologised profusely and suggested Princess Mary might like to take with her instead Lady Hannah who had not long married the ambitious Simon Watson-Taylor who stood in line to inherit a healthy collection of sugar plantations in Jamaica. Watson-Taylor encouraged his wife to accept Princess Mary’s offer because he saw it may be a step up the ladder for his own social progression – though Lady Hannah soon came to regret it. She had only met the Princess once or twice and had forgotten quite how exhausting she could be, especially exacting when it came to mealtimes which (on tour) were very often disrupted or delayed, something which always put Princess Mary in a foul temper. Nonetheless, the royal party arrived at Orsett Hall and quickly settled in, the King complaining bitterly that their sojourn to Scotland was bound to be “the most crashing bore imaginable”.

    Orsett_Hall.jpg

    Orsett Hall.

    Two days later and the King was still at Orsett. The weather had turned so tempestuous that it was not deemed safe for the Royal Yacht to dock at Tilbury, let alone begin its journey north. The King was like a caged animal, thoroughly bored and with nothing to do but trapse about Orsett inspecting the library or games room. The only time he settled in fact was when he discovered a cosy niche of his own in the Music Room where he sat down to write letters to his friends and family. To his sister the Tsarevna (expecting her second child in June that year) he wrote a series of witty verses about his current predicament, one of which read “Orsett not Dorset, O! What a disgrace!, for Dorset not Orsett is a far better place”. Then he wrote to inquire as to the health of his aunt Princess Sophia at Witley Court, the poor woman still in a state of shellshock after committing her name to the Duke of Cumberland’s troublesome affidavit. But the vast majority of his letters were sent to Princess Agnes at Wörlitz. He gently teased her that Frau Wiedl had not been able to join him on his Scottish excursion because she had to prepare her Berkshire estate for Agnes’ arrival ahead of the summer months and said that he hoped Agnes was “cheery of disposition knowing that you have left my evenings so totally devoid of amusement that all I can do is sit about thinking of you”. In another letter he writes, “Think of me, your poor Georgie King, wandering the Highlands and wondering why you are not”.

    Finally, the skies cleared and despite a three-day delay, the King left Orsett and made his way to Tilbury where the royal party boarded the Royal Yacht and headed for the Firth of Forth. But though the rain had lifted, the sea was incredibly rough and even the redoubtable Princess Mary struggled to keep her composure. Poor Lady Watson-Taylor was so seasick that she locked herself in her cabin and howled with fright in between bouts of vomiting and the King made a promise there and then that if the Prime Minister ever asked him to undertake a tour of Scotland again, Graham was to join the royal party on the voyage “for why should he be spared this absolute hell?”. But eventually the waves subsided a little and the Royal Yacht arrived at Leith to hoards of eager spectators, all desperate to catch a glimpse of the King just as they had done 20 years earlier when George V’s parents had arrived at the start of their tour of Scotland in 1822. Accounts from the King’s arrival boast that “the welcome for His Majesty far surpassed that given to the late King when he came to Edinburgh and the carriage procession through the city was so well-received that the thousands who came to see the King pass by stayed long after His Majesty had departed”. But the King’s journal tells a different story and he suggests that the crowds were “quite plentiful but rather reserved and did not make a great fuss”.

    The official welcome to Edinburgh saw the King and Princess Mary step onto a dais where they were greeted formally by the Lord Provost, the Lord High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, the Governor of Edinburgh Castle, the Principal of the University of Edinburgh and the Bishop of Edinburgh (who was also Primus of the Scottish Episcopal Church at this time) whilst a Guard of Honour was formed by the High Constables of the city. There seemed to be some confusion as the royal party then made off for Dalkeith House as the Lord Provost believed that His Majesty was to head to Holyrood Palace instead where he had arranged a peculiar ceremony in which several members of the Merchant Company of Edinburgh were to present “loyal greetings” in the form of beautifully illustrated rolls of parchment from the various Guilds they represented. The Lord Provost watched therefore as the King disappeared into the distance and had to hurry along to Holyrood to explain that he had made a mistake and that everyone present (with their loyal greetings in hand) should return the following day when the King came to Holyrood to host a levée in the Throne Room. But again there had been some miscommunication and when the guests arrived for this grand reception the following day, it turned out that so many invitations had been sent out that their number spilled out into the Morning and Evening Rooms that led on from the Throne Room. The atmosphere was so cramped and so uncomfortable that the King was forced to sit on a chair in the Antechamber (a kind of royal dressing room) and receive deputations in twos and threes with Princess Mary complaining that she didn’t have enough room to see any of those being presented from her position just behind the King’s seat. The result was regular interjections from the frustrated Princess bellowing at the poor Lord Provost; “Who is that?!” or “What did he say she was called?!”. It was hardly the stately occasion the organisers had in mind and the King was greatly relieved when he was allowed to head back to Dalkeith House.

    640px-Dalkeith_Palace_in_2011.jpg

    Dalkeith House today.

    At Dalkeith, George V was to host a “drawing room” for the “ladies of Scotland”, most of whom missed out on being presented at debutantes in London at Queen Charlotte’s Ball and so instead “came out” at Dalkeith House instead. The last of these ceremonies to be held in the presence of the King had taken place in 1822 and had been a great success with 457 ladies presented to King George IV to curtsey before the Sovereign. Custom dictated that the King acknowledge this obeisance with a kiss on the cheek which had amused King George IV enormously but which his son opted to dispense with, signalling his acknowledgement of each lady who sank to the floor before him with gracious nod instead. At first, the presentations went quite smoothly with each girl to be presented accompanied by a senior female family member such as an elderly spinster aunt or grand dowager of sufficiently impressive social rank. Each “sponsor” presented the footmen at Dalkeith with a small card on which they had written the name of the debutante and who was presenting them, the cards would then be slipped off the table in order of their presentation and handed to the Lord Provost who announced the guests to His Majesty. Alas, a clumsy debutante managed to sweep half of these cards onto the floor and in the muddle, the order was confused. The drawing room was scheduled to last for just two hours but went on for an interminable five as ladies were forced to push through the assembled throng from all directions upon hearing their name called much earlier or far later than they expected. Perhaps unsurprisingly, this was to be the last time such a drawing room was ever held in the King’s presence and by 1856, the practise had come to an end entirely with Scottish debs forced to make the journey to London for their “coming out” instead.

    Thus far, the King had been proven entirely correct in his gloomy prediction that his tour of Scotland would be a disaster and his visit to Portobello Sands to receive representatives of the Clans did little to ease his anxieties that the whole trip was doomed to failure. The weather was so atrocious that the whole ceremony had to be relocated to the Assembly Rooms in Edinburgh where a grand ball was to take place that evening for the Clansmen and their guests. Because of this change of location, those in charge of arranging the Assembly Rooms for the evening’s entertainments could not put anything in place and so there was a ridiculous to-and-fro whereby the King and his guests were forced to return home and then come back to the Assembly Rooms two hours later than scheduled for an eight-course banquet and dancing. The guests were finally served pudding at 11.45am by which time nobody much had the enthusiasm for whirling about the floor and they were left disappointed. As if he wasn’t irritated enough, the King then noticed that Princess Mary was wearing a tiara with which he was unfamiliar. The sapphire and diamond bandeau was widely admired and eventually he asked Charlie Phipps whether it was new. Somewhat awkwardly, Phipps explained that the tiara in question was the Clans Tiara, gifted to the King’s mother in 1822 when she visited Scotland. Princess Mary protested that it would have been rude not to show off the piece to those who had given it two decades earlier but the whole business did little to cheer George V who by now longed to get as far away from Edinburgh as possible.

    Finally, the royal party moved on to Glasgow where fortunately the sun shone as the King made his way to the newly christened George Square to unveil a statue of his late father. Luncheon was then given at the University in High Street where the King seemed somewhat cheered by his meetings with some of the students whom, to his great surprise, were mostly English. Then it was onto Glasgow Cathedral which had been Crown property since 1587 following the Scottish Reformation. The King was shown the Cathedral interior by the incumbent minister Duncan Macfarlane who had recently retired as the Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland after a critical term which oversaw the Great Disruption. In 1843, 450 evangelical ministers broke away from the Church of Scotland to form the new Free Church, furious that the British government was exerting its authority to control clerical positions and benefits in what had always been regarded as a national church and not a state one. The King had no great interest in church politics and listened to Macfarlane somewhat half-heartedly as the former Moderator explained the intricacies of the arguments that had led to the schism of the previous year. Then Macfarlane said, “Of course Your Majesty, when you come here, you’re just one of us”, an apparent attempt to point out that in Scotland the monarch attends Kirk services not as Supreme Governor (as they do in the Church of England) but simply as another member of the congregation. George muttered in reply, “What it is to be ordinary”. [1]

    One man who was never inclined to be ordinary was the 2nd Earl Digby, the long serving Lord Lieutenant of Dorset who just so happened to own Sherbrooke Castle in Pollokshields and who had fought tooth and nail to host the King before he left Glasgow for Stirling. In 1838, Digby had been left in high dudgeon when George V and Queen Louise visited Dorset and chose to stay at Highcliffe Castle with the Stuart de Rothesays instead of bunking at Lord Digby’s house at Sherborne. This time however, the Earl was not to be pipped at the post and was given the privilege of hosting the King and Princess Mary at Sherbrooke Castle in Glasgow which George III had visited in 1789 on his way to Stirling Castle. When George V arrived at Sherbrook he was thoroughly confused to see an honour guard formed of the Dorset Militia – of which Lord Digby had appointed himself Colonel in 1824 – and the King unwittingly committed a faux pas later that night at dinner when he complained that he had been “forced to bed down in a horrid little house at Orsett because of the rain”. The King had no idea that Orsett Hall’s owner, Richard Baker Wingfield Baker, was Lord Digby’s nephew and the poor Earl found himself nodding in agreement, lying through his teeth that he had never visited Orsett but hoped it hadn’t been as uncomfortable as the King suggested.

    From Sherbrook, the King wrote to Rosalinde Wiedl begging her to join him at Banchory in the final fortnight of his tour. “Everything here is so very ghastly from the awful food to the horrid weather. The townspeople are so indifferent as to be rude and the officials so desperate for a whisper of civilization that all they do is fawn and scrape about in a way I find most displeasing. O! It is all such a bore and I simply cannot bear the idea of the dreaded Highlands. So please do come to Banchory if you possibly can for I shall be locked away in some piss pit of a castle no doubt owned by some other tedious toad of a Laird and quite frankly I believe I shall go quite mad”. Released from Lord Digby’s somewhat over zealous clutches, the King moved onto Stirling Castle which had last received a royal visit in 1789. To George V’s delight, his grandfather had been most displeased to find the castle in so poor a state and had spent a small fortune renovating it. 55 years later, George marvelled at Stirling’s home comforts and entered into the spirit of things when an impromptu display of Scottish country dancing was staged for him in the Great Hall, boldly attempting a reel in his newly acquired kilt. For the next few days, the King was able to relax as his diary was left empty and though he had not yet embraced Scotland and all it’s virtues, he was softening in his attitude, his letters to Frau Wiedl being somewhat more optimistic.

    640px-St_Andrews_cathedral_and_St_Rules_Tower.jpg

    The Ruins of St Andrews.

    The weather was once again to prove problematic at Dundee a week later when the King arrived at the docks to unveil the “Royal Arch”, though he was touched by the idea and expressed how sorry he was that he had to formally open the monument from the confines of the town hall, promising he would return to see the Arch at a later date. This surprised Charlie Phipps who up until now assumed that George V would never again set foot beyond Hadrian’s Wall but when he asked the King if he had meant what he said, His Majesty replied “Of course Charlie! If it were not for the rain I consider this place might be quite pleasant”. The further north the King went, the warmer the welcome seemed to become and en route to St Andrews there was not a village passed without crowds emerging at the roadside to wave or cheer. Slowly but surely, the King was warming to the Scottish people and when he visited the castle ruins at St Andrews, he veered off track leaving his tour guide behind to go and greet the assembled throng who had been pushed back behind a rope. One elderly woman craned so far forward to see the King that she toppled forward, George rushing to her aid and helping her up. Quite spontaneously, the old woman kissed the King on the cheek and in return, George did likewise with a hearty laugh declaring to the delight of the crowd, “Well now I really do feel welcome in Bonnie Scotland!”.

    Strangely, the King seemed to be gaining enthusiasm for his visit and by the time the royal party reached Aberdeen, he was eager to see more of the sights. Unfortunately, the only thing planned for Aberdeen was a whistle stop carriage procession en route to Banchory, a particular shame because the sun had broken through the clouds and hundreds of people had turned out to see the King drive past. Again, quite spontaneously, the King ordered his coachman to stop as the royal procession turned into Westburn where a great number of spectators had gathered at the park. George descended from his carriage and went among them, a particularly well received gesture widely reported in the London press with special mention made of the fact that “the King complained somewhat that the sun had done little to warm the chilly afternoon and so a man in the crowd leaned forward and in jocular fashion offered His Majesty a ‘nip’ from his flask. The King was not only amused but took a 'wee dram' to the delight of those who saw it”. It was the end of March and the King had been in Scotland for four weeks, his official tour now concluded, but in order that he might recover from his arduous programme, the Burnetts at Crathes had offered him the use of their castle in Banchory for a two-week holiday. At the start of his trip, George could think of nothing worse than a fortnight in a draughty Highland castle - now he seemed to welcome it.

    But upon his arrival at Banchory there was a familiar face to be found whose presence threatened to take the shine off of the King’s recovered good humour. As he entered Crathes, John and Mary Burnett (the 5th Laird and his wife) were delighted to welcome the Sovereign under their roof and introduced George and Princess Mary to the Burnett children, the eldest of whom (George Burnett) would one day serve as Lord Lyon King of Arms. Hovering in a doorway behind the Burnetts however was none other than the Foreign Secretary, Lord Betchworth.

    “My apologies Lord Betchworth”, Mrs Burnett said quickly, motioning him to come forward. “Lord Betchworth arrived yesterday Sir”, she explained to the King, “He-“

    “Oh I know who he is”, George shrugged, “Well Betchworth, I assume you aren’t here for the dancing but whatever it is, you shall have to wait. I am damp through and I want to see this beautiful house, if Mrs Burnett would be so kind as to give me the grand tour?”

    The King offered Mrs Burnett his arm gallantly as she blushed a little and led him through into the Great Hall. As the royal party followed, Charlie Phipps hung back a little.

    “What the devil are you doing here Harry?”, he whispered.

    “I must see His Majesty as soon as possible”, Betchworth replied in hushed tones, “I am to return to London in the morning”

    “What’s to do?”, Phipps hissed, “He won’t like it”

    “The French Ambassador…news from the Straits...“

    “Oh do keep up Charlie!”, the King’s voice boomed back along the Great Hall into the vestibule, “You’re slowing us all down!”

    Phipps shook his head and dashed forward leaving Betchworth to pace nervously.

    Perhaps a little unkindly, the King made the Foreign Secretary wait until well after dinner before he would grant him a private audience. John Burnett made his study available to His Majesty who sat warming himself by a roaring fire as Phipps was finally told to bring Lord Betchworth inside.

    “Now then”, the King began with a sigh, “What is so important that I had to be bothered with it so urgently? I’m on my holiday man, can’t I be allowed a few weeks peace at the very least?”

    “I do apologise Your Majesty”, Betchworth said hurriedly, and with enormous patience considering the King did not seem to appreciate the extraordinarily long and difficult journey Betchworth had undertaken to get to Banchory, “But just before you left London I received a message from the French Ambassador, the Comte St-Aulaire”

    “Mad Louis? What’s he griping about now?”

    “He passed on some intelligence, Sir. From the Dardanelles…Gallipoli to be exact…it’s a small town on the-“

    “I know where Gallipoli is…”, the King huffed.

    Betchworth straightened his tie nervously. “Yes of course Sir…well, Your Majesty will remember that it was agreed by the signatories to the Straits Pact in Vienna that an international body of observers would be stationed there to monitor ship movements and to ensure that the terms of the Pact were being met, specifically the quotas agreed for each nation”

    The King lit a cigar and blew a cloud of smoke up into the air, avoiding eye contact with the Foreign Secretary.

    “Yes….yes….”

    “Well I regret to inform Your Majesty that we now have sufficient evidence to conclude that the Russians have been violating the terms of the Pact with alarming regularity. Indeed, the intelligence from the French government, which we have now confirmed with our independent observers in the Dardanelles, suggests that in the space of little over a fortnight, the Russians sent 10 ships through the Straits”

    “War ships?”

    “Possibly Sir”, Betchworth replied, “We are waiting on further clarification from our observers at Cape Hellas. The point is Your Majesty, they ought not to be there regardless of their intent because it exceeds the Russian quota and as such, we are honour bound to uphold the penalties agreed in Vienna. At the very least this shall mean economic sanctions but the terms of the agreement allow for the remaining signatories to demand that the Sultan close the Dardanelles to all Russian vessels whilst keeping them open to others because there is clearly a pattern of habitual violation of the terms of the Pacts"

    The King stood up, finally looking Betchworth in the eye.

    “Closing the Dardanelles to Russia alone will infuriate the Tsar beyond belief Betchworth. He's bound to respond...forcefully too...I presume you have concerns that such actions may lead to military action in the Straits?"

    “That is the sum of it, yes Your Majesty”

    The King paced a little. He knew well the consequences of violating the Straits Pact for he himself had counselled the government on what those consequences should be when the talks during the Hampton Court conference stalled. After a time, George motioned to Betchworth to sit down on the settee opposite and then sat down himself.

    “What do you advise”?, he asked.

    Betchworth coughed a little, his throat irritated by the cloud of smoke in the room but there was also a little nervousness too. He explained that the British must honour their commitment to the Straits Pact as it was a vital tool in keeping the Russians out of the Mediterranean. This was especially important in the first months of 1844 because the British economy was on a precipice and British exports to the Ottoman Empire, Egypt and the Danubian principalities had increased by 300%. Already the French and Austrian governments had signalled their intention to summon all Foreign Ministers from signatory states (excluding Russia) to Paris in order to issue sanctions against Russia for violating the pact they had signed. But If those sanctions did not work, the Pact allowed for signatories to send an instruction to the Sultan that he should close all access to the Dardanelles for all but his allies – in effect, closing off the Mediterranean to the Russians but keeping open access to the Black Sea for France, Austria, Prussia and the United Kingdom.

    “The Tsar will never swallow that”, the King replied bluntly, “The whole purpose of economic sanctions was a deterrent, they must be explored to their most effective ends before anybody considers anything else”

    “I quite agree Sir”, Betchworth said, “And I want to assure Your Majesty that this will be the position I relate to my colleagues in Paris. But I really must urge caution. It may well be that others push for harsher recriminations and we should be powerless then to oppose them – after all, we proposed the penalties in the first place...”

    The King shuffled in his seat a little nervously. He recalled only too well his difficulties at the time in trying to put forward his own views on the matter only to be faced with claims of political interference by the Prime Minister. Nonetheless, he had managed to help Graham and the Foreign Secretary of the day, Lord Stanley, come to terms along the lines then adopted by the Straits Pact signatories which made it crystal clear that no signatory could be allowed to violate their quota of ships without serious consequences. Perhaps he too was aware of the King’s role in the Straits talks but if he was, Betchworth was careful to avoid any mention of the part George V had played in securing the Pact. Excusing himself with sincere apologies, Betchworth promised the King that he would be kept informed.

    “Yes, I appreciate that”, George replied kindly, “And thankyou…Henry…for coming up here as you did. I…I’m grateful for your efforts”.

    Betchworth bowed and disappeared to his room. The following day he would begin his journey back to London where tempers were bound to be high and where he faced an enormous test of his diplomatic skills as he made his way to Paris for urgent talks with his counterparts from other other Great Powers.

    The following morning, the King awoke to find Betchworth had already left. He went into the dining room at Crathes to find Princess Mary, her plate loaded with fried eggs, bacon and sausages, tucking in greedily.

    “Aunt Mary?”, the King said almost accusingly, “I don’t believe I have ever seen you take breakfast in a dining room before…”

    “When in Rome dear…”, Mary replied through hearty mouthfuls, savouring a particularly crisp piece of bacon rind, “Ladies do not take breakfast in their rooms in Scotland. Do not ask me why, it was ever thus”.

    At that moment, John Burnett appeared clad in thick country tweeds. He was accompanied by a dour looking gentleman of some 60 years, his gaunt features padded out somewhat by a vast grey beard with streaks of white that gave him the look of a disgruntled Father Christmas.

    “Your Majesty, may I present my ghillie, Alistair Downie”

    The King nodded his acknowledgement of Downie, noticing that the old boy made no attempt to bow his head at all and instead merely tapped the peak of his cap. Burnett opened his mouth to proffer an invitation to the King but Downie broke completely with royal etiquette (not waiting for the King to address him first) by saying gruffly, “It is the last of the roe. Will you walk out?”

    George raised his eyebrows a little. He wasn’t used to being spoken to so directly by a servant, especially someone not in his own employ.

    “Walk out?”

    Princess Mary gave a little clap of her hands.

    “Oh you must Georgie!”, she enthused, “Oh it’s quite the done thing up here you know”

    Downie nodded toward Princess Mary approvingly. Against his better judgement, the King found himself accepting Downie's invitation and for the first time in his life, that afternoon set out stalking with Downie leading Mr Burnett, Honest Billy and Freddie Beauclerk out onto the hills. The King was surprised to find that he was expected to lay on the cold ground and shuffle along by his elbows keeping pace with Downie who every now and then paused and urged the party to look in a certain direction.

    “I should think they’ve more sense than to wander about in this weather”, he complained in a whisper.

    “Aye you’re right there”, Downie replied in agreement, “They’re just like us in that regard…they’ll keep to the warm as we would. But I have seen does in colder weather than this and it is dry, they welcome that”

    Alas, the King’s first stalking experience did not result in a trophy but as the party returned to Crathes, they passed a small stone-built cottage on the very edge of the estate where a woman dashed out holding a parcel of brown paper tied with string. She gave a quick bob in Burnett’s direction but ignored the King entirely.

    “You forgot your piece”, she said, clearly exasperated, “And you’ve been out there wasting your day away, you can feel the mist in the air, there’ll be no does up there now”

    “My wife Sir”, Downie said by way of introduction.

    Mrs Downie didn’t turn to acknowledge the King in the least.

    “All well Mrs Downie?”, Mr Burnett said cheerfully.

    “Aye it is”, Mrs Downie replied, “Except for this old fool. Will you come in?”

    640px-Crathes_Castle%2C_near_Aberdeen%2C_Scotland_%2845734168491%29.jpg

    Crathes.

    Somewhat puzzled, the King found himself traipsing inside the Downie’s cottage where a roaring fire belched heat and a large wooden kitchen table was laid with a simple crocheted cloth on which was a large homemade crusty loaf of bread and a socking great lump of cheese. The men sat about the table as Mrs Downie fetched some wooden boards which served for plates. Mr Downie fetched a bottle of whisky from the dresser in the kitchen and poured generous glasses. Talk quickly turned to the end of the season and a curious situation in which a neighbouring estate had complained of a poor run. Not having anything to contribute, the King sat quietly taking in the unusual situation in which he found himself. Suddenly he felt Mrs Downie’s hand on his shoulder as she offered him some more bread and cheese. [2]

    “You’ll be him then”, she said matter-of-factly.

    “Yes”, George replied, “I expect I am indeed him

    “Well there you are. Him.”, Mrs Downie replied with a cheeky grin, “You’re welcome at our table Sir. Though you’ll learn to drink up a bit faster with these two about you”.

    George grinned. He had never been so comfortable in all his life. For the next week, the King threw himself into everything the Crathes estate had to offer and was disappointed that he could not pursue more country sports, it being the wrong time of year for most things. But he came to greatly enjoy hillwalking and though up until now he had always been very much a town mouse, he remarked to his Aunt Mary; “I feel for the first time I can truly breathe up here. It’s all such a revelation to me”. It is little wonder therefore that the King extended his stay at Banchory by another two weeks, not only because Frau Wiedl had indicated that she was on her way to join him but that he had formed a new routine full of long afternoon rambles (whatever the weather) and cosy fireside suppers where the atmosphere was kept deliberately informal. When Rosalinde Wiedl arrived, she found the King “much changed” and remarked that he looked “so very healthy and hearty, so relaxed and at ease with himself”. Phipps agreed with this assessment, writing later that “His Majesty came to love Scotland not only for its beautiful landscapes but for its people who always welcomed him warmly, respected him enormously but never jockeyed for his attention because of his rank or station. In the Highlands, His Majesty felt truly at peace and so it was to be expected that he should want to make himself a home there”.

    The King’s troubles seemed to be a thousand miles away during his time at Banchory. The only time he thought about his domestic troubles was to express his disappointment that the Armaghs could not join the house party at Crathes. The Countess was unwell and the Earl did not like to travel such great distances by himself. Even state affairs seemed to fade from George’s mind for a time as images of Russian warships cutting through the Bosporus and heated debates over grain prices and taxes in the Commons were replaced by lush Scottish scenery, happy evenings spent with the Burnetts and lessons on rural life from the Downies. “Had I not been who I am”, the King mused to Phipps on one of their final evenings at Crathes, “I should have been a Scottish Laird”.

    “Well you could still be that Sir”, Phipps teased gently, “What could be more appropriate than for the King of Scots to have his own estate up here?”

    The King laughed.

    “Graham wouldn’t like it”, he replied, “He only sent me here to stop me interfering in things”

    Phipps peered into his glass of whisky awkwardly.

    “You thought I didn’t know that didn’t you?”, George teased, “Well I do. And I say let’s give the old duffer what he wants eh? Because you’re quite right you know Charlie, why shouldn’t I have my own place in the middle of all this?”

    Mr Burnett entered the library to bid the King goodnight.

    “I say John”, the King asked tentatively, “You wouldn’t happen to know of an estate near here would you…not too expensive mind…”

    Mr Burnett thought for a moment.

    “Aye Sir…I believe there’s a place not far from Ballater, about 30 miles from here, one of Lord Aberdeen's estates. It was leased out of late to a chap by the name of Gordon but he…well…”

    “What?”

    “He died Sir. He…”

    “Oh come on now John, what is it?”

    “He choked to death on a fish bone” [3]

    There was a moment of silence before the King, Phipps and Burnett burst out laughing.

    “Poor fellow”, the King said mopping his eyes with a handkerchief, “A nasty business indeed. What’s this place called…the estate I mean?”

    “Tis only a modest place Your Majesty but it’s a beauty alright. It’s called Balmoral”.


    Notes

    [1] Church politics will become an important theme in our next few instalments but here it gets a fairly brief mention owing to the difference in the monarch’s position in the Church of Scotland vs the Church of England.

    [2] I’m no expert on country pursuits but the King’s visit apparently coincides with the “last of the Roe”, the final week of March where people stalk Roe deer. The mind boggles. Apologies if some of the terminology isn’t quite correct here, the important thing is that George is getting a far warmer welcome here than he did in the cities.

    [3] Poor Sir Robert Gordon did indeed die from choking on a fish bone in the OTL but it actually happened in 1847 which allowed Prince Albert to take on the remaining lease of Balmoral in 1848. Here Sir Robert meets his unfortunate end a little earlier because I wanted to settle an estate in Scotland a little earlier for reasons which will be become clear.

    I hope this detour through Scotland was enjoyable, I suddenly realised that we've not actually been back there since the George IV timeline and though George V has been more interested in London, Windsor and Hanover, I thought it was about time we added another setting! As ever, many thanks for reading!
     
    GV: Part Three, Chapter Twenty: Holiday Plans
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Twenty: Holiday Plans

    At the Palais Bourbon in the 7th Arrondissement of Paris on the Rive Gauche of the Seine, Lord Betchworth sat in the splendour of an anteroom waiting for his French counterpart, François Guizot, to arrive. A bottle of very expensive of Bordeaux was provided for Betchworth to sip as he awaited the Foreign Minister who finally arrived three hours later than scheduled with his apologies that he had been delayed whilst touring the site of the new Foreign Ministry building on the Quai d’Orsay. In fact, Guizot had been taking an extremely long luncheon at the Austrian Embassy on the Rue Fabert leaving Lord Betchworth to wait his turn until the French Foreign Minister had concluded his talks with the Ambassador Extraordinary of the Austria to Paris, Count Anton von Apponyi. Unbeknown to Betchworth, Guizot had already met with the Prussian Foreign Minister Baron von Bülow too. This had led some historians to conclude that Guizot was very much hedging his bets as he approached the difficult issue of what consequences there should be for Russia when they violated the terms of the Straits Pact. If he was, he had good reason. In the 1830s, two distinct blocs in Europe had developed; the liberal bloc in the West formed of France and the United Kingdom and the reactionary bloc in the East formed of Prussia, Austria and Russia. This latter bloc had come together as the Holy Alliance in 1815 and though fraying at the edges somewhat as Austria feared Russia’s ambitions in the Balkans, the basic principles of the agreement still held firm. The alliance wished to restrain liberalism and secularism in Europe and to uphold absolutist, Christian rule. This meant in practise that Austria, Prussia and Russia would always find themselves wary of French and British foreign policy that was guided by far more liberal principles than the conservative views which directed foreign policy in Vienna, Berlin and St Petersburg.

    When the Prussians and Austrians signed the Straits Pact in London in 1841, both parties expressed doubts to the other that it would hold for very long. Austria in particular believed that the Russians would violate their quota agreed in Vienna “within months” and that Prince Gorchakov had only paid lip service to the agreement because the alternative was to lose access to the Straits entirely. The Pact allowed Gorchakov to return to Russia as a hero and indeed, the Tsar was delighted with his achievements in securing maintained access to the Straits. But this did not mean that the Tsar agreed with the idea of a quota system or that he intended to honour it. Thus, the quota had been consistently ignored, Tsar Nicholas telling those who urged caution to remember that Austria and Prussia would not allow the liberal democracies of Britain and France to sanction Russia too harshly. This was about to be put to the test in Paris in 1844 as Betchworth and Guizot met to determine the best possible approach that all nations could agree to and enforce as a united group. Guizot had already gauged the Austrian and Prussian view and both von Apponyi and von Bülow were in full agreement that all signatories should be recalled to Vienna and the quota system used to deter Russia from her current path. Bülow proposed that new quotas should be set which took into account the number of ships the Russians had already sent through the Straits, for example, if Russia was allowed 50 ships then this would be reduced to reflect the number she had exceeded her quota by giving her a new limit of 30 ships instead. The Austrians felt this a proportionate and fair response too. From their standpoint, this not only sent a message to Russia that they must honour their international agreements but it limited the number of Russian ships passing through the Dardanelles into the bargain.

    388px-Guizot%2C_Fran%C3%A7ois_-_2.jpg

    François Guizot

    “It is the most likely outcome”, Guizot said mournfully as he poured himself a glass of wine, “But it is not an outcome I believe we should accept. I have presented the facts to His Majesty as they are and it is his belief that this will send quite a different message to the Tsar – that he has still gained access to the Straits he would not have otherwise have had, even when he breaks his promises”.

    Betchworth sighed.

    “I quite agree Guizot”, he said, “The agreement was always to enforce economic sanctions, all nations signed to that effect in London”.

    “Then it shall be war”, Guizot replied, shrugging his shoulders.

    He had good reason to presume so. In the 1840s, “economic sanctions” meant one thing and one thing only – a blockade. This strategy was first tested in 1827 when Britain, France and Russia deployed a fleet off the Greek coast to interrupt supply lines to the Turks and the Egyptians. At first, the blockade worked but within days, the fleet (which was strictly forbidden from engaging militarily) opened fire on a Turkish ship and the result was a full-scale naval battle at Navarino which resulted in the loss of the entire Turkish and Egyptian fleet and 7,000 men. Nobody wanted to risk a similar outcome in the Dardanelles which would no doubt trigger an all-out war between the Great Powers. [1]

    “If we do not follow the agreement to the letter, how can we possibly uphold it?”, Lord Betchworth said impatiently, “No Guizot, I am sorry, but what they are suggesting makes the Pact totally redundant. What is to stop the Tsar sending another 50 ships through the Straits on the pretext that he was simply pre-empting a new quota next year? I have put together my own proposal, one I hope you will give serious consideration to…”

    Betchworth laid some papers before Guizot who nodded kindly and began to skim read them. What Lord Betchworth was proposing was a declaration signed by France, Britain, Austria and Prussia which would be sent to the Ottoman Sultan demanding that all Russian ships passing through the Straits should be halted at Gallipoli, their holds surveyed and their cargo valued. A customs charge of 15% of the total value of the cargo must then be applied and paid before the ship was allowed to proceed on to Constantinople, provided of course that it was not in violation of the quota in the first place. Guizot nodded approvingly. It offered practical and direct sanctions which may not be enough to deter the Russians from breaking the terms of the Straits Pact in the future but might open the door to increased charges if they did so, all within the nature of the agreed penalties but without risking a military clash between the Great Powers. Guizot gave the so-called Betchworth Declaration his full support and promised to put it before the Ambassador of Austria later that evening and the Prussian Foreign Minister the next morning but he was not hopeful that either party would bend to accept it. Betchworth sent word back to England that he had presented his proposals and was “moderately hopeful” that they would be accepted.

    Though the King had asked to be kept well informed on the outcome of the Paris talks, he did not see Betchworth’s briefing when it arrived in London as he was still in Scotland, or more specifically, he was preoccupied with house hunting in the Highlands. It is said that the Balmoral estate near the village of Crathie in Aberdeenshire was once home to a hunting lodge favoured by King Robert II of Scotland in the 14th century and caused much animosity when it was gifted by Robert’s successor to the 1st Earl of Huntly. The Gordons wasted no time in tearing down the hunting lodge and replacing it with a family home and whilst they continued to entertain the great and good on the estate, naturally they felt no need to open their doors (and their 50,000 of prime hunting ground) to those who had always been guaranteed an invitation in days of old but didn’t quite fit with the new Balmoral set.

    This remained the case for nearly 300 years until 1662 when Balmoral passed from the Gordons to the Farquharson family. There were two distinct branches of the Farquharsons – those who had Jacobite sympathies and those who did not. The Jacobite Farquharsons from Inverey held the deeds to the Balmoral estate from which they travelled to Falkirk Muir to fight Bonnie Prince Charlie. Though a Jacobite victory, the advantage was wasted and shortly after the Young Pretender was defeated at Culloden, his supporters found themselves stripped of their estates with Balmoral transferred from one lot of Farquharsons (now disgraced) to another branch of the family who hailed from Auchendryne. But these Farquharsons hadn’t a penny to bless themselves with and they quickly sold Balmoral on to the Earls Fife in 1798. The Fifes were drawn to Balmoral for exactly the same reason as King Robert II had been but when they arrived, they found the house beyond repair and despite the luxury of 50,000 acres stretching from the Cairngorms to Lochnagar, they sold the estate to Lord Aberdeen – a descendant of the Gordon family who had once called Balmoral home for three centuries.

    719624-1509963321.jpg

    Old Balmoral Castle.

    In 1830, a new house was built at Balmoral to replace the crumbling mansion the Fifes had been unable to restore and thereafter the estate was leased to the unfortunate Sir Robert Gordon who lived at Balmoral for just 14 years before ignominiously meeting his maker as the result of a poorly boned fish supper [2]. Sir Robert had made extensive changes to the house by the time King George V visited in 1844, yet as caught up in Highland romance as he was even His Majesty could not ignore the obvious – Balmoral Castle was (by the standards of such buildings) a poky, uncomfortable little house with no discernible charm, let alone indoor plumbing. The King remained open minded as John Burnett gave him a tour of the ground floor which was comprised of an entrance hall leading from the carriage porch that gave access to a library, drawing room, billiard room and dining room. Across the gallery was a grand staircase leading up to the first floor which boasted three large bedrooms each with dressing room and anteroom, though there was a visitor’s suite on the ground floor which offered a double bedroom with private drawing room and study thrown in for good measure. Though this may sound quite grand however, the state of the rooms themselves left much to be desired. Peeling wallpaper, flaking paint and smashed windows did little to give the place a cheery atmosphere. The King felt a little dejected and was almost relieved when Downie arrived with ponies for the next leg of the tour – the estate itself.

    From the Dee river valley to open mountains, the Balmoral estate is nestled partly in the Cairngorms and partly in Lochnagar with seven hills over 3,000ft providing an abundance of wildlife from the grouse on the moors to the red deer in the Munros. As the King and his party made their way to Loch Muick in the southeast, the King spotted a boat house and a hunting lodge and Downie confirmed that there was ample opportunity not only for fishing and stalking but for farming and cattle-raising too. Cutting their way through the estate, the King was so taken with the landscape that he ordered Burnett, Downie and Phipps just to stand for a time and take it all in – an appreciation that lasted for nearly an hour and a half in a chill wind. Then they moved on to the edge of the estate which had been marked out with pegs and rope to give the King an idea of where his potential investment would end and where the neighbouring estate began.

    “What is that little house down there?”, the King called into the wind.

    “That is Birkhall, Your Majesty”, Burnett explained, “But that’s stood empty for many a year now”

    “Who owns it?”, the King asked.

    “Lord Aberdeen”, Downie replied sourly, “But he prefers Abergeldie”.

    “Does he indeed?”, George smiled [3].

    Back at Crathes Castle, Princess Mary was dozing by the fireside but upon hearing the approach of heavy footsteps, sat bolt upright and pretended she had been wide awake at her embroidery. Through bleary eyes, she caught sight of her nephew and Mr Burnett engaged in hushed conversation.

    “How was it dear?”, Mary asked, stifling a yawn, “You look half-frozen! I shall ring for tea; some hot buttered toast will cure all ills”

    The King walked over to his aunt and gently kissed her on the cheek.

    “Fascinating place”, George smiled, “But the house is very small and quite run down. I shall ask Lord Aberdeen to see me when we return to London…”

    The King suddenly looked downcast.

    “As I’m afraid we must”, he said somewhat mournfully, “I will confess I have greatly enjoyed my time here. I shall be sad to go”

    “Well then”, Mary beamed, “All the more reason to speak with Lord Aberdeen”

    The possibility of acquiring a new holiday home in the Highlands enthused the King and made his leaving bearable. On his journey home from Scotland, he spent hours with his head buried in a notebook making doodles of possible renovations to the house he had toured and writing long lists of the most obvious ways to make Balmoral more comfortable. Yet his holiday was over and though his Scottish tour had been a success, he did not relish his first post-vacation audience with the Prime Minister whom he feared may offer bad news. When the King left London, the Leader of the House honoured Sir James’ promise and introduced the Succession to the Crown Act and the Royal House Act to the Commons. The division was to take place on the same day the King arrived back in London and so George could have no idea if the legislation had passed the first hurdle as his carriage rocked him back and forth all the way from St Katharine Dock to Buckingham Palace. But even if the bills had passed, and the Prime Minister seemed certain they would, the King would still be returning to a delicate situation borne of the fallout of his proposed reforms to the monarchy. The Cambridges had by now returned to Hanover, awaiting to hear who would succeed them at Herrenhausen, but they left behind a bad atmosphere that had followed a tense family quarrel and this played on the King’s mind as he prepared to receive the Prime Minister once again.

    Sir James quickly reassured the King that both the Succession to the Crown Act and the Royal House Act had passed as expected and now awaited the approval of the House of Lords. He also presented the King with a selection of clippings too, all glowing reports from George’s tour, as well as a silver charger as a gift from the Cabinet as a token of their congratulation for his efforts. The King was greatly cheered by this kind gesture and spent the majority of the audience waxing lyrical about the benefits of the Highland air. He did not however, mention that he had in mind to acquire a property there, feeling that it was far better to see if Lord Aberdeen was open to selling the lease to Balmoral before he introduced the topic at an official level. Instead, the King intended to turn the conversation to the appointment of a new Viceroy in Hanover.

    “Of course, I shall have to make the decision quite soon”, George said, pouring Sir James a glass of brandy, “My Uncle wishes to return home at the earliest opportunity and I should like to have the matter settled before my trip to Hanover in August”

    “On that point Your Majesty…”, Sir James took a sharp intake of breath and leaned forward a little, “It did occur to me that, with the success of this tour, we might look closer for an end of summer tour than Hanover”

    “I don’t follow…”

    “Your Majesty’s visit to Scotland won all hearts and revived the sense of loyalty felt for the Crown, and indeed the Union it represents, in all the places where you were seen by the people”, Graham began, “This success was much appreciated by Your Majesty’s government as our small token of thanks indicates, but the Cabinet did wonder in your absence if we might not extend that same approach to the country as a whole. You see Sir, back in 1822 when Your Majesty’s late father conducted a similarly effective tour of Scotland, it was to be followed by a royal progress of England. But alas, only one half of the proposed progress was made. You will be aware Sir that we do we face significant difficulties in the industrial towns, especially in the north, there are elements who wish to increase radical sentiments. These sentiments were equally to be found in Scotland until Your Majesty visited and yet now they are calmed by virtue of the Sovereign's presence. Therefore, I should like to ask if you would consider making a similar tour of England throughout the summer”

    The King raised an eyebrow.

    “Before I leave for Hanover?”

    Graham shifted in his seat nervously.

    “Unfortunately Sir, I fear we may have to prioritise a little. Hanover has had the great fortune of hosting Your Majesty on consecutive summers but the people of Lincoln or Manchester for example, have yet to greet their King as they would wish. I would advise too that the situation in the north may decline further given the economic situation we face, I should like to feel that same reassurance I have taken from Your Majesty’s tour of Scotland which no doubt would follow a similar tour of England”

    The King shook his head.

    “No Sir James”, he said brusquely, sinking into a chair, “It’s just not possible I’m afraid. I have asked the Chancellery at St James’ and the Deputy Earl Marshal to draw up a suitable investiture ceremony for the new Viceroy in Hanover, I must be there when that happens”

    There was a brief moment of silence. Sir James looked down at his papers.

    “Well?”

    “Your Majesty…”, the Prime Minister sighed, “If it is your wish that you should go to Hanover for the investiture of the new Viceroy then I shall of course accept your decision without hesitation. But I feel I am duty bound to inform you that such frequent visits have given rise to criticism”

    “What criticism?”, the King scoffed, “I can’t believe that”

    “Nonetheless Sir, it exists”, Graham said bluntly, “I cannot forbid you from going to Hanover, I should not wish to do so either. But I must stress to you the difficulties this problem has caused in the past and as I have already explained, there is a greater need for Your Majesty’s presence here this year than there may be elsewhere. If you would consider what I have said and let me know within the week what your decision is, I should be most grateful”

    Slightly stunned, George rose to his feet and shook Graham’s hand. He stood in silence for a few minutes until Charlie Phipps walked in to announce the arrival of Lord Aberdeen.

    “Is everything alright Sir?”, Phipps asked, noticing that the King wasn’t really paying much attention to him.

    “What? Oh fine Charlie, perfectly fine”, he lied, “Send Lord Aberdeen in would you?”

    The dispute over where King George V might spend the latter half of his summer was about to take on a new dimension over the next few days. The King called Count von Ompteda to Buckingham Palace to gauge his view on the criticism the Prime Minister had spoken of. But Ompteda misunderstood. Instead of confirming (or denying) that some in smart social circles had taken issue with the King going abroad too often, Ompteda believed that the King had heard the latest from Hanover where several members of the Landtag had banded together to produce a bill demanding reforms to the appointment of a new Viceroy. A group of politicians in Hanover were proposing a special committee to be formed which would produce a list of suitable candidates which could then be proposed to the King for him to choose from. There was a feeling in Hanover that the Duke of Cambridge’s tenure had only been allowed to go on for so long because of a sense of affection the majority there felt for him personally. But Hanover was a very different place in 1844 than it had been in 1811 when the Duke first took up the Viceroyalty. Hanover had its own parliament, a liberal, modern constitution and an active political class which wanted more authority over decisions made affecting their homeland – not less. Rather clumsily, Ompteda then mentioned that some had also voiced opposition to the Royal House Act in Hanover because it gave the impression that “any prince who steps beyond the bounds of respectability in England may adopt a Hanoverian title which suggests that the same standards do not apply there”. The King was outraged at the very suggestion and Ompteda awkwardly left the Palace later that evening feeling he had inadvertently kicked a hornet’s nest. George was now absolutely determined to push on with his plans regardless. He would go to Hanover come hell or high water and face down any suggestion that he did not value Hanover or worse, that he was some kind of absentee tyrant landlord imposing unpopular authority figures on the population. He was also determined to get a new Viceroy in place who would accompany him on his travels.

    To this end, the King summoned his cousin the Earl of Armagh to Buckingham Palace. Though His Majesty was loathe to see Prince George leave England, and whilst he had hoped that the Earl and Countess of Armagh would begin to carry out a programme of public duties, Ompteda’s words forced the King once again to put duty before family ties. He formally offered the position of Viceroy to his cousin with a view to taking up the role in August 1844. But there was a small snag. When the King had invited the Armaghs to join him at Crathes, they had been unable to do so because the Countess was unwell. It did not take long before it was confirmed that Princess Auguste was expecting a baby. The intensity of the King’s day suddenly lifted into joyous celebration and an impromptu supper party was held at Buckingham Palace so that His Majesty could congratulate Auguste personally.

    Princess Mary was equally delighted, though she joked that the Armaghs should be forbidden from calling their child ‘George’ to avoid further confusion within the ranks of the British Royal Family. After the meal, the King and the Earl of Armagh were reunited in the King’s Study and once again turned their attention to Hanover. Prince George had discussed the matter with his wife and both were in absolute agreement that they were prepared to serve the Crown in any way asked of them but because of the Countess’ pregnancy, the couple felt they should leave sooner rather than later so that they had plenty of time to settle in their new home before Auguste's confinement began. The King saw this as eminently practical, yet he did not wish to bring forward the Earl’s investiture as Viceroy – possibly because he knew if he did, he would lose the justification for ignoring the Prime Minister’s advice to remain in England that summer instead of going to Hanover. However, another justification for his trip, albeit a very personal one, was about to emerge.

    399px-Bildnis_der_Prinzessin_Friederike_Herzogin_von_Sachsen-Anhalt_in_gr%C3%BCnem_Samtkleid_mit_hermelinbesetztem_Umhang.jpg

    Frederica, Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau.

    When the invitation for Princess Agnes to travel to England to stay with Frau Wiedl had been extended, the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau gave no indication that she opposed such a trip and seemed to give her blessing (though as ever in her usual stony-faced way). Yet now she protested that it was quite unthinkable and that even with a chaperone, Agnes was far too young and far too immature to be allowed to throw herself into the social whirl of England mid-season. The Duchess forbad Agnes to go unless she herself was invited to accompany her daughter, something Frau Wiedl had wished to avoid. This wasn’t only based in Rosalinde’s dislike of the Duchess (which was universal in such circles) but because she worried that the presence of Princess Agnes’ mother would make it harder for the King to spend quality time alone with the girl he clearly had developed very strong feelings for. Many years later, the Duke of Clarence (1850 – 1934) reflected on Frau Wiedl’s role as matchmaker which has proven quite the hurdle for those historians who insist that George V’s relationship with her was far from platonic. In a letter to his biographer, the elderly Duke wrote “Aunt Rosa was a curious woman to me for she was of course a great beauty in her time and I often wonder why my father never showed the slightest interest in her romantically. But the fact remains he did not. I once asked why she had been so keen to see my Papa remarry. She said it was because Papa was so very sad at the loss of his first wife and that my darling Mama made him so very happy. I appreciate we now live in a very cynical world and that her words may seem trite but I assure you this is what was told to me and I do believe that to have been her only motivation”.

    But one does not have to go too far to find a different point on view on the subject. In a letter to her niece, Princess Beatrice, Princess Victoria writes; “Eddo is quite wrong on the subject. Aunt Rosa had nothing whatsoever to do with it! Papa was encouraged to marry again by poor Great Aunt Mary who was always so silly about these things. I do not believe Aunt Rosa pushed him in any direction on that subject – it was not her place to do so when all is said and done – and I know that is quite true that the introduction was made by Cousin Alex Prussia, because he was related in some fashion to the Anhalts. Eddo knows this to be the case for I have discussed it with him long before now so I do not understand why he should be in such a muddle about it all now”. For all her objections however, it does appear that the Duke of Clarence was correct in his assessment. Frau Wiedl wanted the King to find happiness once more and believed he had found it with Princess Agnes. Offering to host Agnes at Radley put distance between the King and Agnes on an official footing in that the court at Windsor would not have been set abuzz with gossip at the Princess’ speedy return so soon after her departure at Christmas which perhaps gives the clearest indication that Wiedl was trying to create an atmosphere in which the King felt comfortable to explore all avenues with his new love interest – including marriage.

    This was of course a moot point however for as long as the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau refused to let her daughter go to Radley for the summer. The Anhalts were by no means naïve and naturally they had discussed the fact that the British monarch now seemed to be taking a very keen interest in their eldest daughter. Initially, the Duchess waived the development as a passing fancy. Though she did not consider her daughter to be very attractive, she recognised that she had many other favourable qualities which she could understand a young suitor might find appealing. That said, the Duchess was not particularly welcoming to the idea of King George V as a potential son-in-law. She harboured a grudge (a rather silly one) against the British Royal Family for the “outrageous neglect” they had poured on her late mother, the Duchess of Cumberland. However, there was far more to the situation than that. In reality, the late Duchess of Cumberland had shown very little interest in her children from her first marriage following the death of their father Prince Louis Charles from diphtheria in 1796. Indeed, within two years the Duchess had fallen pregnant outside of marriage following a disastrous liaison with Prince Frederick William of Solms-Braunfels. A drunkard and a womanizer, the Prince married Frederica to make a respectable woman of her but as their family grew, his behaviour worsened. So much so that by 1805, he lost his income and Frederica’s brother advised her to petition for divorce. She initially refused but by 1813, she had met the Duke of Cumberland and changed her mind. When the separation took longer than expected however, Prince Frederick William died leaving Frederica to remarry. As she had done with the children of her first marriage, the children of her second were scattered to the wind, boarding with cousins, uncles or aunts, leaving Frederica to pursue other interests – namely in trying to find a way in which she might be accepted by her third husband’s family. [4]

    In short, the late Duchess of Cumberland had only ever been treated poorly by the British Royal Family because she had a reputation as a scandalous woman and because she then chose to marry a notorious man in Prince Ernest Augustus, he already being deeply unpopular in England by the time of their wedding. Of course, the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau did not see it that way. She remembered only too well how her godmother, aunt and namesake had been treated by the then Duke of York, Frederica of Prussia being declared mad so that the Duke could have his marriage annulled before his accession, later marrying Louise of Hesse-Kassel, the mother of King George V.

    Whilst the rest of the Prussian Royal Family held no grudges about this complicated tangle, the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau most certainly did and though she had accepted the King’s hospitality, she was not at all enthused at the prospect that her daughter may accept his proposal of marriage if the time came. The Duke of Anhalt on the other hand, was more supportive. Secretly he detested the way his wife treated their children with such a dominant and unbending approach and he had always tried to act as peacemaker within his family, finding quiet compromises to placate his wife whilst also giving his children what they wanted. Now he intended to do the same again for whilst he had some reservations about his daughter marrying into the British Royal Family, he genuinely believed that any match between George V and Princess Agnes would be one borne of love and affection – something he wished all his children, perhaps because he had not experienced it in his own marriage.

    Yet his wife remained determined. She would not allow her daughter to go to England for the summer and instead, proposed that the Anhalts began to invite eligible princes to Dessau instead in the hope that Agnes might prefer one of them to King George V, thus ending the “absurd Windsor romance” which the Duchess thought “utterly hopeless and in no way advantageous to us”. Princess Agnes was absolutely crushed at the thought that she would not be allowed to go to Radley and spent days weeping as her father seemed once again to bow to his wife’s commands. Indeed, he made it all the worse for Agnes by suggesting that rather than summon eligible princes to Dessau where money was short and entertainments therefore somewhat modest, she should instead be sent on a kind of grand tour of Germany to meet potential suitors on their home turf. The Duchess was delighted. Agnes was devastated.

    She was even more horrified to learn that she was to leave for Berlin in a matter of weeks and that she would be chaperoned on this tour by her elderly Great Aunt Caroline, the Dowager Princess of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt. To Agnes, this would have been the strongest indication yet of just how serious her parents were about finding her a husband in Germany. In the vast majority of cases, aged aunts were engaged to push young princesses in the direction of prospective husbands based on a lifetime of accrued friendships with other dowagers, the whole thing taking place under an illusion of “paying a call” to honour old acquaintanceships. Yet the Duke was not about to marry his eldest daughter off to a minor Prussian prince knowing full well that she was so very much taken with King George V. There was method in his madness and when he put together the schedule for Agnes’ tour, he indicated that no tour would be complete without a visit to the Botanical Gardens at Göttingen.

    "Of course, you might consider paying a call on the Viceroy of Hanover about the same time on my behalf, as you will be so close to Herrenhausen..."

    Agnes was suddenly very animated and very interested in the Botanical Gardens at Göttingen.

    "He won't be there Papa", she corrected him, "The Duke of Cambridge, I mean. There's to be a new Viceroy, the King himself is to oversee the investiture during Hanover Week"

    "Really?", the Duke mused, with a wry smile, "You know, I have believed that the gardens at Göttingen should be seen in August..."



    Notes

    [1] Even though this early attempt at economic sanctions ended in a battle, the use of blockades was a go-to for decades to come with varying degrees of success.

    [2] In Scotland, Balmoral always refers to the estate and not the house – whereas in England it’s often the other way around. The reason for this is that until Prince Albert built a new house on the estate in the 1850s in the OTL, the owners of the estate were consistently pulling down and putting up new properties but never to the taste of the next occupant. The Balmoral we know today is possibly the longest surviving Balmoral Castle for some 500 years.

    [3] Prince Albert had the same idea in the OTL. A BOGOF deal for Balmoral and Birkhall…

    [4] There are other contributing factors as to why the British Royal Family never took to the Duchess of Cumberland but this is the best I can offer as a precis without writing reams!
     
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    GV: Part Three, Chapter Twenty-One: The Truth Will Out
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Twenty-One: The Truth Will Out

    At Downing Street, Sir James Graham was becoming increasingly frustrated with the King’s refusal to accept his advice on postponing his trip to Hanover. Whilst under other circumstances the Prime Minister might gleefully welcome a little distance between the King and Whitehall, his objection to the now-annual visits George V was insistent on making to his “other Kingdom” went far beyond the unkind gossip and childish nicknames flung toward the Sovereign in the dining rooms of Belgravia. Britain’s economic position was precarious to say the least and that brought with it the very real possibility of the spectre of food shortages, wage cuts, strikes and riots emerging once again to cause domestic chaos. In reality, Graham wanted the King to make a royal progress of England not because he truly believed the glitter and pomp of such a tour would calm the very real tensions still rising throughout the North but because he stood to gain from it personally. Graham’s private secretary put together a proposed schedule for a royal progress that would take in cities such as Birmingham, Nottingham, Manchester, Leeds and Sheffield and unusually, included the Prime Minister personally in the itinerary. Supposedly this was to convey an image of stability and focus at a time when the old order was being questioned and yet it appeared from the suggested programme that the King was not be allowed to move unless the Prime Minister was with him. Something was clearly afoot.

    437px-Jamesgrantham.png

    Sir James Graham

    It would be fair to say that the Prime Minister’s time in office thus far had been almost entirely focused on keeping the ship afloat rather than rocking it too much from side to side. The Tories had, for the most part, offered stability and continuity but they had not risked taking any action which could be deemed too dramatic or controversial. Though they had a 56-seat majority, the internal divisions within the Tory party meant that it had become a stagnant force which was more about maintenance than change because any attempts to do so would undoubtedly see the factions within splinter and force the Prime Minister to turn to opposition parties to deliver his platform – namely the Unionists. The Unionist Party was founded way back in 1830 when disaffected Tories led by the Duke of Newcastle and the Earl of Winchelsea broke away from the Duke of Wellington’s leadership because they ferociously opposed Catholic emancipation and constitutional reform. Their electoral success was moderate to begin with but by 1844, they had secured 66 seats in the House of Commons and whilst they usually voted with the Tory Party, there were certain areas in which the core divisions which had seen the Unionists break away from the Tories were plain for all to see.

    This was never more clear than in 1844 when a Private Member’s Bill was introduced to the Commons which aimed to continue the process of Catholic emancipation. The Roman Catholic Penal Acts Repeal Bill sought to abolish an Elizabeth hangover in law that made it a criminal offence to “deny by word, or writing, or otherwise, the supremacy of the King in-any part of the Kingdom” in relation to the Sovereign’s position as Supreme Governor of the Church of England [1]. The Acts of Supremacy of 1534 had slowly been repealed and replaced over time but British law still demanded that individuals who did not recognise the Monarch as "the only supreme head on Earth of the Church of England" be charged with sedition and imprisoned accordingly. Whilst this could be applied to Protestant non-conformists, the act was specifically designed in 1534 to target Roman Catholics for whom a non-negotiable belief was that the Pope in Rome was God’s representative on Earth and no other. There had not been a case brought against a Roman Catholic on these grounds for centuries but the fact it remained on the statute books was enough for some Members of Parliament to call for its repeal. However, this move was not unprovoked.

    In 1843, the Graham government passed a new Factory Act which sought to address a worrying report that child workers in factories and mines had been found to display “a weak moral character” and that their habits and language was “the result of a total lack of moral guidance based solely on a great number of children and young persons growing up without any religious, moral or intellectual training”. In his speech to the Commons on this issue, the Prime Minister said he was “shocked and appalled to hear stories of children as young as five years old using the most vulgar language imaginable and young persons as young as seven years old actually smoking tobacco”. Graham’s government promised to instil “order, sobriety and honesty” in these minors and the best way to do it, the Prime Minister insisted, was to introduce a programme of mandated education programmes provided by newly established factory schools under the control of the Church of England and local magistrates for which huge government loans and tax incentives were to be offered for industrial bosses who allowed their child workforce the time away from their work to go to school. As part of the bill, a special clause was included that the default religious education offered in factory schools was to be Anglican but that parents would retain the right to opt their children out of anything specifically Anglican in practise. However, if they did so, the children of non-conformists, Catholics, Jews etc would not be entitled to claim the certificate the factory school issued to prove they had been sufficiently educated. Another part of the Factory Education Bill made it law that factory children could not be employed for the six and a half hours a day allowed (being put on reduced hours of just 4) and that these children were not entitled to the same rate of pay as their Anglican counterparts because they were uncertified. [2]

    This quickly came to the attention of Edward Miall, a Congregational minister who in 1841 founded The Nonconformist, a weekly magazine which advocated for disestablishment – the process of dismantling the Church of England from the wider framework of the British state. Such views had long been held in Ireland where the campaign to disestablish the Anglican Church of Ireland began in the mid-18th century. Church reform had been pursued under the Whig government in the 1830s (as it had in England in the revision and reorganisation of the church’s hierarchy) but attempts to redistribute the church's wealth failed and the Anglican Church in Ireland (and the Church of England) both successfully resisted seeing their influence curtailed – much to the irritation of those who were not Anglican and faced all kinds of legal discriminations as a result. For example, rates paid by dissenter churches were substantially higher than those paid by Anglicans. Local authorities were bound by law to provide space for cemeteries where existing ones were full - but they could refuse if the request was not sanctioned by a Bishop…an Anglican Bishop. This discrimination was most obvious in Catholic Churches when it came to the matter of weddings. As the Roman rite was conducted in Latin, any marriage conducted according to this Rite was not considered valid as the service had not been performed in English and thus the vows were not legally binding [3]. Instead, Catholic couples had to register their marriage civilly following their religious marriage – with hefty charges for doing so. The recent schism in the Church of Scotland in 1843 had only served to bring the cause of disestablishment to the fore and Edward Miall was extremely successful in recruiting MPs of all parties to his new “Liberation Society”. [4]

    It was in fact a group of MPs on the Tory backbenches who introduced the Roman Catholic Penal Acts Repeal Bill on the grounds that it was discriminatory but also because they claimed it flew in the face of the British commitment to freedom of assembly and worship. With Catholic emancipation in the 1830s, new Roman Catholic churches had sprung up all over England (in August 1844 two were built in Newcastle and Nottingham which would later be elevated to cathedral status and were designed by Augustus Pugin) but Catholics faced difficulties when they emerged into the public arena. For example, churches were reminded by local magistrates that they must not hold public processions to celebrate Corpus Christi or else they would be charged with a breach of the peace. The authority to curtail such activity was derived from the Acts of Supremacy of 1534 and whilst the harshest penalties had been removed, the Roman Catholic Penal Acts Repeal Bill sought to draw a line under the whole matter once and for all, safely allowing for freedom of worship by all faiths.

    369px-Portrait_of_Edward_Miall_%284670406%29_%28cropped%29.jpg

    Edward Miall.

    For his part, the Prime Minister was minded to give the bill his support and adopt it as government policy. Though he did not care much for Catholics, Graham genuinely believed that every British subject should have the right to practise his religion as he wished but he also pointed out the difficulties the status quo was causing for Magistrates as they were faced with the challenge of interpreting and upholding contradictory laws. Unfortunately, the vast majority of Tory MPs did not agree and were extremely vocal in demanding that the bill should not receive government sponsorship – even though it had been introduced from the Tory backbenches. This may have been prompted by calls from the Whigs to go further in amending the act to allow Catholics to serve as Lord High Chancellors or Lord Lieutenants of Ireland – something Melbury cheekily suggested his MPs take up as a theme because he knew it would throw the Tories into a high state of excitement and anger. He was right.

    Within an hour, the debate on the issue had become almost violent. One MP, a Mr Newdegate, gave a speech in which he declared that he had secret knowledge of a Jesuit plot which had caused the bill to be introduced. He reminded the House that it had been the Jesuits who had poisoned Pope Clement III and Pope Clement V, the first because he considered their suppression and the latter because he accomplished it. The Speaker thanked “Mr Oates” for his contribution causing much amusement on the opposition benches – except for where the Unionists sat. In a passionate defence of Mr Newgedate, the Unionist leader in the Commons, Sir Bernard Jallick, declared he would “give the right of toleration to every non-conformist in the land, to Hindustanis, Jews and Mohammedans, before giving it to the Catholics of England”. Needless to say, the bill did not pass but it began a serious debate in Westminster on disestablishment and in Downing Street, served to remind Sir James Graham that he must overcome the divisions in his party before the next general election. [5]

    The Prime Minister was also considering how he might present that hard-won united front in a general election campaign and this perhaps explains why he was so insistent that the King must adopt his proposals for a royal progress of England and give up any ideas of going to Hanover in the summer instead. Charlie Phipps offered a compromise for both sides to consider. The King would undertake the tour Graham proposed but Phipps asked that it be divided into two halves. The first leg of the tour would take place from May to July, the King then free to go to Hanover in August. He would not extend his trip in any way and would then return in late September to conclude the last leg of the royal progress in late September, October and November concluding just before the court moved to Windsor for Christmas. When Downing Street suggested that this may not be entirely convenient and would result in much to-ing and fro-ing, Phipps stepped in to remind the Prime Minister’s private secretary that the royal progress of George IV had been arranged to take place in two stages with a holiday scheduled in between and that furthermore, it would prove more convenient (and much more efficient) for the King to conclude the first stage in Hull (from where he could sail aboard the Royal Yacht to Hamburg) and to begin the second stage in Newcastle (where he could arrive aboard the Royal Yacht on his return journey and dive straight into his public duties). But Graham was not convinced and asked for a little more time to consider - then news came from the Foreign Office which convinced him to accept.

    After weeks of persuading and cajoling, Austria seemed poised to ratify the Betchworth Declaration. Guizot sent a letter to Betchworth in London to say that their signature was "as good as blotted" but then, at the very last, the Austrian Ambassador was told not to sign after all. It appeared that Metternich was not entirely convinced the Betchworth Declaration would have the impact it's authors hoped given that it would not be a unanimously adopted agreement. Guizot suspected that Metternich's reluctance was more rooted in the idea of Austria casting the deciding vote and risk carrying the blame for upsetting the status quo. Instead, he followed Prussia's lead and gave his full support to the von Bülow proposal to revisit quotas later that year in a council convened with all signatory nations to the Straits Pact in Vienna in September - including Russia. Lord Betchworth was concerned that this would send a clear message to the Russians that the signatories had no intention of honouring their agreement to pursue economic sanctions and that the Pact would quickly become defunct. If that happened, the Russians would take it as a sign that they were free to send as many ships through the Dardanelles as they wished and in that event, the tensions in the Orient were bound to rise once more. But there was another pressing issue which concerned Britain alone and which made an increased Russian presence all the more concerning. Since the British defeat in Afghanistan, King Mohammed had begun squeezing British traders out of Kabul and allowing the Russians greater access instead. This threatened British financial and military interests, especially in the Sindh. The Straits Pact had to hold if Britain stood any chance of beating back Russian expansion and Russian interference in British interests, especially when the British economy seem poised on the brink of collapse.

    Betchworth believed that bringing Austria more firmly into the British and French camp against Russia was the only way to tip the balance in the talks. Metternich was not anti-British, indeed he had warm memories of well he had been hosted on a visit to the United Kingdom in 1821 when Austria and Britain found themselves in agreement on Greek independence. So charmed was he that Metternich promised to honour Austria’s financial debts to Britain accrued in the Napoleonic Wars and he even declared that nothing would please him more than “to see the ancient and beloved Anglo-Austrian entente restored”. But much had changed since then and by 1844 he was struggling to maintain the authority he had carefully acquired over the decades. This became even more obvious when he lost his key ally Count Karl von Clam-Martinic at the Conference of State in 1840 and now Metternich, though still widely respected, felt his government was in a state of suspended animation – it existed but it could no longer enforce. Sir James Graham agreed with his Foreign Secretary that Austria may prove herself a useful ally in redressing the balance of things, especially as Metternich was now under pressure to take a firm stance on foreign aggressors who risked Austrian interests. Growing concern at Russian expansionism existed as much in Vienna as in London and both Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary believed that mutual suspicion might be ripe for exploitation. This would take the form of a charm offensive against Prince von Metternich himself and saw Sir James Graham completely about face once more in his attitude to how much of a role the King might play in foreign policy.

    We have already seen how Graham loathed the idea of the King as a diplomat and yet we have also seen how he (rather hypocritically) dropped any such opposition when a touch of royal soft-power was beneficial to his own interests. That said, Graham was not ready to dispatch the King to Vienna to meet Prince von Metternich any time soon. Instead, he apologised to Phipps that a "scheduling error" had led him to believe that the King might have to sacrifice his visit to Hanover in exchange for a lengthy tour of England. Phipps was not taken in by this weak excuse but he wrongly assumed he had fought his master's corner well and that Graham had given in because he had no choice but to accept the alternative arrangements Phipps had put forward. Nothing could have been further from the truth. Now, the Prime Minister was not only fully supportive of the King going to Hanover in the summer but he suggested that there was no reason why the King should not extend his stay for a week or so longer as there would still be ample time to conclude the second half of the royal progress tour provided His Majesty was back in England by late September. Phipps thanked the Prime Minister and said that the King would be relieved for not only was he determined to be present in Hanover for the investiture of the new Viceroy, but he also wished to call on his family at Rumpenheim too. Graham's Private Secretary raised his eyebrows as he heard the Prime Minister reply that he thought a visit to the Hesse-Kassels was "a charming idea". The wheels of Sir James' mind were hastily turning.

    In his weekly audience with the King at Buckingham Palace later that same day, the Prime Minister prepared himself to conduct a charm offensive. Beaming as he entered the King’s study and bowing low, he handed over a stack of crisp parchment with a red silk ribbon holding the sheaf together.

    “It is with great pleasure Your Majesty”, he explained, offering the papers, “That I can now inform you that the House of Lords has given its approval to the Succession to the Crown Act and to the Royal House Act. I hope you will not consider it impudent of me to deliver the bills for Your Majesty’s assent personally and to offer with them the Cabinet’s congratulations on the extremely accomplished way in which you handled this matter to the satisfaction of us all”

    George was immediately buoyed and with a spring in his step, took the papers with a smile, wandering over to his desk and affixing his signature to the front pages of both acts, George R.

    “On that very matter”, he said, laying down his pen, “I wanted to ask you Sir James…oh…my apologies, do sit down…I have yet to discuss this with anybody else because I should welcome your opinion first….”

    “I am honoured Sir”

    “Yes…quite”, the King said, Sir James’ obsequiousness slightly beginning to irritate, “The fact is that under the terms of this new legislation, my cousin’s child, that is the Earl of Armagh’s son or daughter, will be born into the Royal House. That is to say, they will carry the style of His or Her Highness and be a Prince or Princess of Hanover”

    “Most suitable”, the Prime Minister grinned, “Considering that I understand the child will be born in Hanover?”

    The King nodded impatiently, “Yes. The point is, the bills I have just signed do not forbid me from elevating a member of my family in rank, that is to say, I might still issue Letters Patent to extend the use of the style of Royal Highness…”

    Sir James listened intently.

    “So my question is…how would it be if I issued such Letters Patent to raise the status of my second cousin when he or she arrives?”

    The Prime Minister thought for a moment.

    “Well Your Majesty”, he said contemplatively, “I should advise against it. The birth of His Royal Highness’ child is important…not just because it delights the entire country…but because it will be the first time the new laws we have introduced will take effect. It is of course within your authority to grant the style of Royal Highness should you see fit but I should counsel against it. You see Sir, you have now set a new established framework for the monarchy to protect it. But you have also set a precedent, in law, whereby only those members of your family who are expected to carry out public duties as members of the Royal Family are entitled to the royal style. Why not wait a while Your Majesty? Give the new legislation time to settle. And as the child grows, if the path for it’s future is clearly to play a public role, the style could then be given for an 18th or 21st birthday? I should hate to see any doubts cast as to the sincerity of the bills parliament has just passed and I do believe Your Majesty would be wise to allow some time for the full effect to be made clear”

    The King sighed.

    “You’re quite right”, he said sadly, “I just wanted to make a gesture before George and Guste vanish off to Hanover. I shall miss him, you know. He’s been more like a brother in the last few years than a cousin”

    The Prime Minister smiled warmly.

    “But it should cheer you Sir that we have finally come to an arrangement on the investiture for the new Viceroy. You shall, after all, be able to see him sworn in at Herrenhausen”

    George grinned.

    “Speaking of which, what’s all this about me going to some old railway in Wiesbaden? Phipps couldn’t make head nor tail of it”

    “Ah yes, allow me to explain Your Majesty…”, the Prime Minister replied. The wheels continued to turn in his mind.

    As circumstances would dictate, the Earl and Countess of Armagh’s child was not technically the first to come under the new regulations governing the use of titles, styles and succession rights in the Royal Family. That (possibly dubious) honour fell to the first child born to the Earl of Tipperary and Franziska Fritz when they welcomed a daughter in the first week of May 1844. The Cambridges had been told that their daughter-in-law was expecting and their son had hoped that his parents may ask to receive him (and his wife and new-born daughter) before they left Hanover forever. Word was sent to Herrenhausen from Erfurt that Franziska had given birth but no reply came. Whilst the birth came after the introduction of the so-called King’s Laws, neither the Succession to the Crown Act nor the Royal House Act were applied retroactively and in short, the child was not entitled to any form of style, rank or title – even that of an Earl’s daughter – because she was considered to be illegitimate under English law. [6]

    In Erfurt however, the little girl was considered to be legitimate because her parent’s marriage had been deemed valid (though unequal). The problem was that the Earl of Tipperary had no surname to give her, having none of his own [7]. He had used Cambridge temporarily but had been asked to cease doing so by his father’s solicitor, the surname ‘Cambridge’ appearing on its own being the privilege of the Duke and not his son and heir. But neither did the Earl wish to register his daughter under her mother’s maiden name, thereby giving further suggestion to the outside world that she was illegitimate. Instead, George Cambridge determined that from 1844 onwards, he would adopt the surname von Hanover and thus his daughter was entered into the parish register as Marie Augusta von Hanover. She was baptised Catholic according to her mother's wishes, had no royal godparents and would not meet a single member of her father’s family until she was 16 years old when in 1860 she was invited to Cambridge Cottage at Kew to meet her grandmother. The invitation did not extend to Franziska Fritz.

    406613-1376400208.jpg

    The Earl of Tipperary.

    When news of Marie Augusta’s birth reached the King, he was not best pleased. For his cousin to have adopted the surname ‘of Hanover’ seemed a churlish misuse of the new ‘of Hanover’ titles George V had created for his descendants. It fell to Frau Wiedl to cheer the King and break his tantrum on the subject, taking him to the opera at Covent Garden and then back to her home in Bloomsbury for a private supper. They were accompanied by Princess Mary (who kept declaring how young and gay she felt at the prospect of being in such a bohemian part of town as Bloomsbury), the Earl of Armagh and Charlie Phipps, though Frau Wiedl discretely extended an invitation to Lord Melbury to join them for supper and cards after the opera. The evening progressed perfectly with the King’s mood thoroughly lifted by the spirit of the occasion. He was delighted to be reunited with his old chum Lord Melbury too, their chances to meet informally severely curtailed by his new position as Leader of the Opposition. But the King did not broach the subject of politics at all, save for a quip when he lost a hand of cards to Melbury and declared upon handing over the winnings; “Well I must say, that’s not very loyal of you is it?”.

    As the evening wore on, Melbury and the King walked outside onto the terrace to smoke, Princess Mary affecting a dramatic coughing fit replete with the exaggerated waving of hands anytime anybody lit a cigar or pipe in her presence.

    “Don’t think I’m prying Foxy but…I hear you’re seeing rather a lot of the Lyttleton girl these days”

    Lord Melbury chuckled.

    “Caroline is twenty-eight Sir, hardly a girl any longer”

    The King shrugged.

    “Well her father was an absolute bounder”, he replied haughtily, “I never met him of course but you ask Aunt Mary for her opinion on the fellow. Stand well back when you do”

    Lord Melbury had been courting the Honourable Caroline Lyttleton, the daughter of William Lyttleton, 3rd Baron, who hailed from the influential Whig family and who had seriously clashed with the Royal Family in 1808 when he suggested that the then Duke of York and Albany, Commander in Chief of the Forces, had corrupted members of parliament by offering them bribes to vote in favour of his continuing in that position when it was discovered that the Duke had been selling commissions arranged by his mistress Mary Anne Clarke. The Duke was acquitted but he still had to resign a post he had adored and never forgave Lyttleton for accusing him of bribery. In studying his father’s life and times, George V had decided to inherit the grudge against the family and news that Lyttleton’s daughter may be in the running to become the new Viscountess Melbury was not a prospect he relished. Caroline's potential husband stood silently for a moment on the terrace, looking nervously at his feet. [8]

    “Sir, I…I have something to say to you which may be a little delicate…”

    The King looked surprised.

    “Oh really Foxy, you marry who you damn well please, I was only teasing”

    “No Sir, it’s something I’ve debated discussing with you all evening but I really must do so now. In the strictest confidence of course”

    The King puffed on his cigar and nodded; “You know me Foxy, silent as the tomb when required. More’s the pity”.

    Lord Melbury looked up toward the King. He was suddenly very serious.

    “I feel it my duty to tell you Sir that you are being taken advantage of by the Prime Minister”

    The King almost cringed. He pretended to shudder a little at the cold night air and made to go back inside.

    “Sir please, as your friend I must speak”, Melbury explained calmly, “It is my understanding that Graham is to declare an early general election”

    “As his is right”

    “But only after he has accompanied Your Majesty on your tour of the north. Did you not wonder Sir why there are no visits in the South or in Wales? Every single destination has been chosen so that the Prime Minister might appear in public with you and gather public support in the areas he needs it most before he calls the election immediately after to gain the benefit”

    Suddenly it was the King who was very serious.

    “But that can’t be right…the destinations were chosen so that I might go to Hanover and still carry out the tour”

    “With respect Sir, that is not true”, Melbury continued, “You are only being allowed to go to Hanover at all because the Prime Minister wishes to convene a meeting between Lord Betchworth and Prince Metternich at Wiesbaden ahead of the quota talks in Vienna”

    “How do you know about that?”

    “In the same way as I know that the Prime Minister is using you as an electioneering prop”

    The King’s face was growing redder by the moment. Melbury was gripped by the very real possibility that he had overstepped the boundaries of his friendship with the Sovereign and that he was about to feel the painful consequences of doing so. Instead, the King silently made to go inside. Just before he did, he turned back a little and looked Melbury dead in the eye.

    “Thankyou my friend”, he said sincerely holding out his hand to shake Melbury’s, “I shan’t forget this. And I shan’t take it either”.


    Notes

    [1] An OTL bill which was introduced again in 1847 when it was not adopted by the government in 1844.

    [2] Graham actually introduced this when he was Home Secretary but everything else here is taken from the OTL to suit our purposes.

    [3] Amazingly, this is still in place today in the OTL.

    [4] It didn’t adopt this name in the OTL until 1853 but the perspective of the writing makes sense to refer to it by it’s more well-known moniker.

    [5] Mr Newdegate’s comments are taken from Hansard – he really did suggest this bill was the work of evil Jesuits poised to take over England. Immediately I thought of Titus Oates, hence Mr Speaker’s comments here which did not appear in the OTL. Bernard Jallick is new to us and did not exist in the OTL but by now we’d see a new crop of Unionist MPs and new front runners in that party carrying the banner – however his comments here are taken from Hansard too and were originally given by a Tory MP named Finch.

    [6] Though even if George Cambridge had waited until after 1844 to marry Fritz, Marie Augusta would not have been eligible to become a member of the Royal House as he married a Roman Catholic.

    [7] The British Royal Family did not acquire a surname until 1917 in the OTL.

    [8] In the OTL, Melbury (William Fox-Strangways) did not have a liaison with Caroline Lyttleton who died a spinster and he didn’t marry until 1857. Here his career demands a marriage and so I’ve found one I think suitable from a political and social point of view.

    Double helpings today, the first in a long time, as it's been a busy week and I've a packed weekend ahead.

    Hopefully this will move us along and introduce some interesting new themes before we return next week. As ever many thanks for reading and if you're celebrating Thanksgiving, I wish you a very peaceful and happy holiday.
     
    GV: Part Three, Chapter Twenty-Two: The Great Decline
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Twenty Two: The Great Decline
    Just as Sir James Graham became Prime Minister in a period known to history as the ‘Winter of Discontent’, so in the latter half of his term the United Kingdom entered what was to become known as ‘The Great Decline’. This is not a phase in British history that can be defined by specific dates; indeed it was arguably caused by an accumulation of problems facing the United Kingdom and a growing divide in society that went beyond the usual class rivalries. The result of these two key factors was a feeling of national uncertainty, a sense of growing anxiety that Britain was fast approaching a precipice and so ‘the Great Decline’ is now understood to define a sentiment rather than one particular historic event. This feeling had been present for some time making itself known at the extreme by the outbreak of riots or strikes but nobody seemed to regard any of the issues the United Kingdom faced in 1844 as a collective “decline” until the Spring of that year in which Henry Pepys, Bishop of Worcester, gave a sermon which was so popular and which resonated so widely that his words were printed in separate half-penny supplement to newspapers, copies of which were bought by the thousands in the space of just a few days. Pepys’ sermon contains the first documented use of the phrase “the Great Decline” and predictably, he applied it in the context of church politics both addressing the rise of the Liberationists who wanted to see the Church of England disestablished from the state and the Tractarians who wanted to see the Church of England take more inspiration in practical worship and doctrine from Rome [1]. In his sermon, Pepys identifies both as “weakening and destructive forces which have combined to produce this great decline in Britain’s moral character”. But pretty soon after his address was given and widely shared, the Great Decline came to represent something way beyond the divisions in the Church of England.

    502px-Henry_Pepys_NGS.jpg

    Henry Pepys.

    In London, there was a great tradition of the public engaging with politics not through the written word (though the literacy rate in England had risen to well over 60% by 1844) but through gathering to hear addresses given at venues throughout the city which were usually free to an interested public. In this way, movements such as the Abolitionists or the Chartists gathered support for their cause to varying degrees of success but if one could step back into the debating chambers of London in 1844, the phrase seemingly used by every speaker representing a myriad of causes was “the Great Decline”. Perhaps because it had its origins in church, it took on a sober and serious aspect but when it crossed into the political arena, it also acquired the dangerous – even the threatening – particularly when it came to one party in parliament: the Unionists. For their leader in the Commons, Sir Bernard Jallick, the ‘Great Decline’ was the perfect slogan to adopt and to infuse with a sense of urgency and chaos, a kind of diagnosis of all society’s ills which had a clear cause and an obvious treatment. Whether it be the rise in unemployment or food prices, Britain’s diminished interests abroad or the interruption to industry through strike again at home, growing tensions in Ireland or the new radical attacks on the established church, Jallick proclaimed the Great Decline was the result of four years of Tory failures that could only be put right by ousting them from government and replacing them with Britain’s first Unionist administration. The Tories saw this as nothing more than hapless rhetoric but they failed to appreciate just how much the phrase (and Jallick’s use of it) had resonated with the wider public. [2]

    This was particularly important as Britain faced continuing economic struggles. Investors became increasingly nervous to take risks on new ventures both at home and in the colonies as the idea that Britain was on the verge of some kind of collapse took hold. The general population embraced the idea of a great decline but they now began to fear what may come after. The spectre of the French Revolution reared its head and satirists and serious political commentators alike began to forge links between what was happening in the United Kingdom and what had happened in France in the years proceeding the ‘Reign of Terror’ [3]. This was mostly sensationalist and such commentary was prone to false equivalency but the idea that Britain was heading toward chaos and ruin became so deeply ingrained in the public mindset that the general mood became one of heightened sensitivity to anything symptomatic of ‘the Great Decline’. But a tangible by-product was an increased presence of social unrest with the Chartists just as keen as the Unionists to trade on this idea of a nation in freefall. William Gladstone privately predicted that, whilst he did not agree with the premise of the Great Decline, “the public mood shall only worsen if we do not grasp this dangerous narrative and shake it to death”.

    Yet the Prime Minister seemed totally unmoved by the phenomena of the Great Decline. He had privately committed himself in Cabinet to calling an early general election because he feared a poor winter would trounce any chance of victory if the government’s mandate was allowed to reach its legislated end. Whilst men like Disraeli warned that a harsh winter “might lend legitimacy to the existence of a great decline” thus diminishing healthy Tory returns in a general election, others suggested that such pessimism was itself destructive to Tory chances and that Graham should allow the mandate to run to its deadline of March 1845. Some backbenchers became increasingly nervous whilst others made contingency plans for a life outside of the Commons. Others had already been swept up by talk of decline and had privately made an agreement with Sir Bernard Jallick to defect to the Unionists the moment a general election campaign began. It is therefore understandable that Sir James would wish to present himself to the people as a stabilising force, a statesman respected and trusted by the establishment and a fair more reliable hand at the tiller than his Whig or Unionist opponents. It is also perhaps logical that he would wish to use every available advantage in the lead up to the general election campaign (as yet unannounced) including accompanying the King on several key visits which formed the latter half of the first stage of the 1844 Royal Progress.

    It must be recognised that the Royal Progress of 1844 did not capture the public imagination as previous tours had. When George IV undertook his own progress in the early 1820s, there as a genuine sense of excitement and anticipation in towns and cities along the proposed route but George IV was not setting out into a country fixated on the idea of impending social collapse. In many ways, the Prime Minister was being entirely genuine in proposing the tour as a remedy to this prevailing atmosphere of cynicism and gloom but it cannot be ignored that the cities in which he intended to join the royal party on tour were mostly Tory/Whig marginals. Whilst it was not unusual for the Prime Minister, or indeed any other member of the Cabinet, to join the Sovereign on such a progress, Lord Melbury’s discussion with the King had heightened George V’s sensitivities to exactly why his Prime Minister had been so adamant that the tour must go ahead – especially as the King himself did not feel the tour would be particularly successful. This said, he had also doubted if his tour of Scotland would have any real benefit to it and most agreed that he had been wrong to express such misgivings in the aftermath of what had, in reality, been a productive tour for the King in terms of how the Crown was received and recognised. Despite this and following his meeting with Lord Melbury at Frau Wiedl’s home in Bloomsbury, the King became absolutely determined to keep the Prime Minister as far away from his tour as possible. This would not be easy but in a sign that George was maturing into his role, he kept his temper and was wise enough not to confront the Prime Minister directly on the matter – at least initially. He could hardly present the facts at hand to Sir James and explain that they had been passed to him in a private social setting by the Leader of the Opposition. Such a revelation would only serve to raise questions about his own impartiality once more.

    SirCharlesBeaumontPhipps.jpg

    Charlie Phipps.

    Fortunately for His Majesty, his Private Secretary was now about to prove his worth as an essential figure at George V’s court. Charlie Phipps was not only a staunch monarchist well-situated in his role as the King’s right-hand man but he was extremely fond of George personally. We have already seen how Phipps battled against those who tried to alienate the King or reduce his opportunities to showcase his talents. He had clashed with Sir James Graham before and thus felt no inclination to try and find a compromise when the true nature of the Prime Minister’s objectives with the King’s royal progress were made clear to the Royal Household. With the Crown, as ever, his top priority, Phipps now set about finding a pretext which would make it impossible for Sir James to accompany the King on his tour whilst also making it appear that the change of heart was an organic decision made by the Prime Minister’s Office and not in any way a response to a command from the Palace.

    Until this time, the press had been kept well away from the Palace and there were no official channels through which the monarchy liaised with Fleet Street beyond announcements made by the Lord Chamberlain. Naturally the press had its own sources beyond the Palace gates but it was highly unusual for press barons to be invited in to discuss a situation or even to assist the monarchy in directing public opinion [4]. For the most part, newspapers were deferential in their reporting on members of the Royal Family unless there was a real sense of public scandal they could exploit without being seen to have instigated but this was not purely based in a sense of loyalty to the Crown. Rather, the men who owned the newspapers were often peers or wealthy high society figures who wanted to advance themselves further which in the 1840s meant attending court and ingratiating oneself with the Royal Family. It would prove impossible to do so if a press baron printed a story considered unfair, exploitative or even critical of the institution they were obligated to impress. For his part, George V was wary of the popular press and his misgivings only intensified in later years as the press became more boisterous in it’s reports on the private lives of members of his own family. When he was introduced to a newspaper owner in the late 1870s, George remarked loudly, “Oh yes, you’re that devil who publishes lies about my son”. [5]

    Yet in 1844, the press proved useful to the Crown as Charlie Phipps sought to use it to the monarchy’s advantage. To achieve this, he approached John Browne Bell, the founder and editor in chief of the News of the World first published in October the previous year. The cheapest newspaper of it’s time, it quickly became the most wide-read as a result and was aimed directly at the working classes. The political class did not value the News of the World’s commentary in any serious way, partly because it was not designed for their readership but also because much of its source material came from vice prosecutions with such lurid and salacious detail that the middle classes considered the newspaper to be “a most unsuitable publication”. This posed a problem for Bell who wanted his newspaper to be taken seriously among the likes of the Times or the London Illustrated News but he faced difficulty in securing sources in parliament and beyond so that his copy was reduced to reporting the news after it had appeared first in other publications. Phipps knew Bell to be an ambitious figure (he had donated large sums to most political parties in the hopes of obtaining a peerage) and thus arranged a private supper with him to work Bell’s ambition to the Royal Household’s advantage. Over a light meal of cold partridge and champagne, Phipps asked Bell if he had heard the rumours swirling about Westminster that there was an early general election in the offing. Bell confirmed that he had.

    “Oh dear”, Phipps said, feigning disappointment, “I fear that really will upset the King most dreadfully”

    “Why should that upset the King?”, Bell asked, falling into Phipps’s trap with enthusiasm.

    “The Prime Minister intends to join His Majesty at the tail end of his royal progress before the King leaves for Hanover”, Phipps explained with a twinkle in his eye, “It will cause great upset to the arrangements if the schedule has to be amended in some way at this late stage”

    “Amended how?”, Bell pressed Phipps. Phipps gave a wry smile.

    “The Crown cannot meet with the political in such a way”, Phipps explained, “His Majesty considers that to be sacrosanct. If the Prime Minister were to insist on joining the royal party on the progress, it may well bring about criticism that Sir James might regard his presence to be advantageous to any forthcoming election campaign…and that would never do”

    Bell grinned. He had his story.

    A few days later, the News of the World shocked the political elite by suggesting that the Prime Minister was planning a snap general election and that he had inveigled himself to be included on four of the eight stops on the King’s forthcoming tour to “be seen in the King’s presence thus allowing the Prime Minister to bolster his fading popularity with the electorate”. Downing Street rejected the claims as “scurrilous nonsense”, pointing out to critics that the News of the World’s reputation was built on the titillating and the spurious. But it did not take long before backbench MPs raised the matter in the Commons which saw Bell’s story trickle into more reputable newspapers. Phipps was therefore able to take the matter to Downing Street and ask directly if they considered the Prime Minister’s presence alongside the King on his royal progress to be appropriate. Number 10 insisted that it would be. Now it fell to George himself to settle the matter once and for all at his weekly audience with Sir James.

    As the Prime Minister entered the King’s Study that evening, he no doubt had rehearsed very carefully what he intended to say. Yet he was not to be given a chance. The audience began with the usual list of recently approved Orders-in-Council and new bills introduced to the House of Commons. This part of the audience was always conducted with the Prime Minister standing as it was considered a formal expression of the relationship between the Sovereign and his government. When this was concluded, the King motioned for Sir James to take a seat and more informal subjects could be explored. Only on this occasion, George did not invite the Prime Minister to take a seat when he had finished presenting the new bills and instead, the King stood opposite before he began pacing slowly before his desk.

    “And that is all?”

    “That is all Your Majesty”, Graham replied with a smile, “We are most confident that Bank Charter Act will do much to improve the economic situation and by creating a ratio between the gold reserves held in the Bank of England and the banknotes issued from that aforesaid institution, we might look ahead to the budget of 1845 with more confidence than might have otherwise been considered” [6]

    The King did not return the Prime Minister’s smile. And he still did not invite Sir James to take a seat.

    “Prime Minister…”, he began, “I should like to make it clear that I do not believe one word of that nonsense which appeared in the newspaper yesterday morning”

    “Thankyou Sir”, Graham bowed his head politely, “The unhappy by-product of a free press. Inconvenient but inevitable”

    “Quite”, the King replied, “That being said, I feel we must tread lightly so that we do not appear to…inadvertently of course…give any credence to Mr Bell’s allegations”

    “Your Majesty?”

    “Of course, I know it will be very disappointing for you after all your hard work in putting this tour together but I do feel we must not fall into a trap laid for us by the press"

    “Sir, I-“

    “Though naturally I believe we must display to the public that our constitutional relationship is unaffected by this sort of idle gossip”, the King pressed on, ignoring Graham’s protests, “Which is why I believe the best course of action would be for us to part ways on this tour until the very last, shall we say, until our usual audience? I thought we might meet aboard the Yacht before I leave for Hanover?”

    Graham bristled slightly.

    “Your Majesty, I really must protest-“

    “It is admirable that you wish to support me in this”, the King snapped, his voice now flecked with steel as he moved towards the Prime Minister, his eyes never once releasing Graham from his glare, “But I really must insist on this occasion that we proceed as I have advised for you have often taken the opportunity to remind me of my constitutional role and now I remind you that part of that role is to counsel and advise my ministers, advice which I do not expect to be acted upon but which I urge should neither be ignored…”

    Graham was almost ashen faced. He nodded quickly.

    “Of course Your Majesty”, he said, his voice breaking a little.

    “Then I believe we are finished”, the King replied, pressing the bell stop on his desk, the door opening to allow Phipps to enter and retrieve a shell-shocked Sir James from the King’s Study. In his later years, Sir James Graham included no mention of this audience in his memoirs but he perhaps hints at it. In one passage reflecting on the 1844 General Election, its causes and it’s planning, Graham writes “It must always be remembered that in England, the Prime Minister may indeed lead a government but it is never truly his government for that authority belongs to the Crown alone and in my dealings with that most noble institution at this time, I saw the very best example of Kingship in a Sovereign who not only understood this special constitutional arrangement but who upheld it soberly and wisely to the benefit of all concerned”.

    Just two days after their rather awkward meeting at Buckingham Palace, the King extended a consolation prize to Sir James by inviting him to join the court at Windsor. The highlight of this particular visit was a costume ball held on Tuesday the 23rd of April 1844 to celebrate St George’s Day. Earlier that morning, the Lord Chamberlain issued two announcements, the first officially appointing the Earl of Armagh as the new Viceroy of Hanover and the second listing the new appointments to the Order of the Garter. These included Henry Vane, 2nd Duke of Cleveland, Edward Herbert, the 2nd Earl of Powis and the Earl of Armagh. The latter’s appointment to the Garter as a ‘Royal Knight’ honoured the tradition established by King George III in 1786 whereby he could grant his many sons the Garter without them counting toward the limit of 24 companions. Prince George was especially moved to be awarded this honour and nobody was left in any doubt that the Cumberland heir had completely rehabilitated his family’s reputation – save for his father’s ongoing legal battles with regard to Queen Charlotte’s diamonds – and that the King wished to express his personal affection for his cousin before the Earl of Armagh left England to take up his new duties in Hanover.

    The Armaghs left for Herrenhausen not long after St George’s Day, both wishing to settle into their new residence well before the Countess was due to give birth to the couple’s first child even though the Earl’s tenure as Viceroy was not officially due to begin until August. Neither were too intimidated by the prospect of this new chapter in their lives, though the Countess secretly worried that her husband’s disability may prove a barrier to his success. Their arrival in Hanover was kept deliberately low-key, the formal welcome postponed until August when, in the King’s presence, the Earl was formally invested as Viceroy. The Countess hoped that this head start in Hanover would allow the couple to learn as much as possible from the Cambridges in their last few months in office, yet that took a back seat as the Duke and Duchess seemed totally preoccupied with their retirement plans. The Duchess spent her days wandering the palace at Herrenhausen with a handful of red ribbons which she tied around vases, pinned below pictures or draped across furniture to denote that these were personal possessions she expected to be shipped back to England to find a new home at Cambridge Cottage at Kew. The Duke too was distracted in trying to secure the continued services of his household, very few of whom were prepared to leave Germany and begin a new life in England.

    384px-1823_Auguste.JPG

    The Countess of Armagh.

    But that Spring also saw news reach the Cambridges which distressed the Duchess in particular and made her less than amenable company. She had been told through an old friend at the court in Neustrelitz that Hereditary Grand Duchess Augusta had privately received her brother, the Earl of Tipperary. The Cambridges were not moved by the arrival of their first grandchild that May and were resolute in their decision not to receive their son ever again. The fact that Augusta had done so enraged the Duchess who felt that this policy could only be maintained if the Cambridges were united on the issue and she wrote a stern letter to her daughter in Neustrelitz demanding that she never repeat the meeting. But the Duchess also fired off a strongly worded note to her sister, the Grand Duchess Marie, berating her for not keeping a close eye on Augusta as she stepped into her new role. This did not go down well with the Strelitzes who were under enough pressure themselves. Around this time, their daughter Caroline returned to Neustrelitz supposedly for a spring holiday. She had married the Crown Prince of Denmark in 1841 but the marriage had proven to be a total disaster with Frederick loathe to give up his many mistresses and excessive lifestyle of drinking and gambling. As a result, Caroline had withdrawn to Rosenborg Castle for a time but eventually, she could bear no more of her husband’s outrageous behaviour and shockingly, she announced to her parents in May 1844 that she had no intention of returning to Denmark. [7]

    The Strelitzes knew that the marriage had not been a successful one – the lack of any children stood as proof of that – but the idea that Caroline would simply abandon it was unthinkable. The Crown Prince’s first marriage had ended in divorce after just a few years and the Strelitzes certainly did not wish to see history repeat itself. Attempting to head off the crisis, Grand Duke George invited his solicitor to the palace to discuss the matter. In asking Caroline for her account of why the marriage had failed, the Grand Duke was horrified to hear his daughter speak openly of her husband’s neglect in favour of his male companion, Carl Berling, the publisher and owner of the newspaper Berlingske Tidende. Berling had arrived at Amalienborg well before Caroline and was an essential part of the Crown Prince’s household, yet Caroline could not reconcile herself to the fact that she was to play second fiddle to her husband’s close male companion. When she had finished explaining her position to her father, the Grand Duke ordered the family solicitor to pursue divorce proceedings and promised Caroline that she would never have to return to Denmark. Her marriage was eventually dissolved in 1846 and she would never speak of it again.

    Back at Windsor on St George’s Day 1844, those present included two new faces at court, invited for the very first time to the interest of the chattering courtier class; Sir Bernard Jallick, 8th Baronet and his wife Lady Harriet made their royal debut at the costume ball and were added to a list of guests by Charlie Phipps. This was perhaps yet another move to assert the political neutrality of the Crown in light of recent events, though on a personal level the King had little time for the couple whom he nicknamed “Small and Tall”, a reference to Sir Bernard Jallick’s infamously low height at just 5ft, made even more obvious by his wife who stood a foot and two inches taller. The Jallicks were landed gentry and found court life rather stuffy and dull. Unlike many of their counterparts, they could not boast a large country estate or fashionable London townhouse and lived in a former rectory in Sir Bernard’s constituency of Chippenham. Sir Bernard had been elected to parliament in 1838 as a Unionist but had previously stood (unsuccessfully) as a Tory in two other marginal constituencies in previous elections. As a Unionist, he had carved out a niche for himself in politics becoming Lord Winchelsea’s counterpart in the Commons with the press making much of this meteoric rise in a relatively short space of time.

    Whilst the political establishment didn’t take Jallick very seriously, he was a popular public figure known for his dramatic oratory but even Sir Bernard had to admit that he had only won his seat because his opponent, Joseph Neeld, had derailed his own campaign through public scandal. Neeld’s marriage to Lady Caroline Ashley Cooper (daughter of the 6th Earl of Shaftesbury) collapsed and the pair engaged in a series of prolonged and very public legal battles which exposed his adulterous relationship with a French governess that had resulted in an illegitimate daughter. “Chippenham was not Jallick’s success”, Sir Robert Peel opined, “But Neeld’s failure”. By including the Jallicks at Windsor alongside the Prime Minister and Lord Melbury, the King was sending a message that all political parties enjoyed his hospitality without preference – yet the press took their presence in quite a different way. For the first time, the Unionist Party was recognised officially at court whereas before even it’s most senior members from the House of Lords found themselves ostracised as the establishment took the view that they were somehow dishonourable from breaking away from the Tory party almost a decade earlier. Sir James Graham’s interactions with Sir Bernard Jallick had thus far been limited to clashes across the despatch box, though it must be remembered that the Unionists usually voted with the Tory party in the Division Lobby. Certainly this was in the Prime Minister’s mind going forward into the 1844 general election campaign and as the King set off for Oxford on the first stop of his royal progress (without the Prime Minister), Sir James invited Sir Bernard and Lady Jallick to Downing Street for a private, informal dinner party which was mostly comprised of the Grahams closest (non-political) friends. Graham’s motivation became crystal clear in the weeks that followed as he tried to find common ground with Sir Bernard.

    The Tory election campaign was likely to face certain inescapable drawbacks. The incumbent party of government often suffered simply because it was in power and people wished to protest or object to the status quo. The narrative of the Great Decline was likely to be hard to overcome but also, the advantage of calling an early election had been lost the moment other parties heard that the country would go to the ballot before the end of the year because both the Whigs and the Unionists could begin planning their own campaigns at the same time as the Tory campaign was in its infancy. In devising this campaign, the Tory party had identified a key problem that posed a serious risk to their re-election – in Tory/Whig marginals, seats were likely to be lost purely because the Unionists split the conservative vote allowing the liberal candidate to take the constituency. What the Prime Minister had in mind was to conclude a kind of unofficial pact with Sir Bernard to put pressure on the local associations who selected parliamentary candidates to stand these would-be MPs down in such marginals, thus keeping the conservative vote in tact and the seat out of Whig hands. As a concession, Sir James would send word to his local associations to do the same in certain seats which the Tories were likely to lose anyway, thus boosting the Unionist presence in the Commons by ten or more seats.

    Jallick was amenable to such a proposal though he warned Sir James that the Unionist campaign was likely to be focused on a theme of the Tory party having mismanaged the nation’s affairs for too long. However, much of the Unionist ire was again to be directed toward the Whigs, now firmly in the grip of Lord Melbury (“the architect of our failure at Bala Hissar”) and Lord Russell (“the best and truest friend of the Chartist”). Sir James accepted this as part of the rough and tumble of politics, yet he had overlooked one important factor; Jallick was very much subservient to Lord Winchelsea and though he could see the benefits of such an arrangement, his superior in the Unionist Party did not. In his 1957 book The Unionists: A History, Richard Brown suggests that Lord Winchelsea had become far too arrogant at this time and truly believed that his party (which had admittedly increased it’s numbers in the Commons at every general election since 1834) stood every chance of snatching Tory seats en masse without allowing a Whig advantage because “the Whig is no more than a radical by another name". Jallick saw this as a tired strategy and one that had failed to pay any real dividends in previous elections but he could not argue with his paymaster and after days of exploring all possible concessions with the Prime Minister, Jallick could only repeat what Lord Winchelsea had said – there would be no such arrangement and that every seat, whether Whig or Tory, was regarded as a potential Unionist triumph.

    For Graham, the strategy he had pursued up until now was quickly unravelling and there were now serious concerns in government that the days of Tory rule may fast be coming to an end.


    Notes

    [1] This is a generalisation of the aims of both groups but we will be exploring this in more depth in a future instalment.

    [2] In much the same way as something like Brexit suddenly emerged to become part of everyday lexicon and spark a national debate, so here the Great Decline does much the same.

    [3] Possibly because it had taken place in living memory, the Victorians of the OTL always looked to the French Revolution as the crisis on the horizon. It terrified many that something similar could happen in the UK and when looking at the rise of the Chartists, you see the French Revolution used by those opposed to Chartist reforms as what might happen if “radicals” were allowed to have their way.

    [4] Quite the contrast with today…

    [5] Hold that thought for a while!

    [6] The Charter Act was introduced in the OTL around this time for much the same reasons as here.

    [7] As in the OTL.
     
    GV: Part Three, Chapter Twenty-Three: Affairs of the Heart
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Twenty Three: Affairs of the Heart

    As the King prepared to leave Buckingham Palace for Oxford, he complained to Frau Wiedl that he faced “a very heavy summer” in which he would have little time to visit her at Radley. To that end, he invited himself to visit Rosalinde in Bloomsbury Square before departing for Windsor. Though George was a regular visitor by now, on this particular occasion he seemed rather uncomfortable, almost nervous. When Frau Wiedl’s other guests departed, the King remained behind and in the salon of the house, the two sat together quietly as the King surprised Wiedl by asking for a second glass of brandy.

    “Are you quite well Sir?”, Rosalinde asked with genuine concern, “You do not seem yourself tonight”

    The King sighed.

    “I shall be quite frank with you Rosa my dear”, he said wearily, “I’m in rather a fix”

    Rosa handed the King his brandy and patted him on the shoulder.

    “I’m sure it can’t be as bad as all that”

    “Oh but it is”, George replied, “I’ve made a foolish mistake, something I wouldn’t have had happen for the world. But it has and now…now I must make it right”

    Frau Wiedl listened as the King explained. A few weeks earlier, George had received a very dejected letter from Princess Agnes in which she broke the unfortunate news that her parents had forbidden her from coming to England alone. However, there was a silver lining in that her father had arranged for Agnes to be near Hanover when the King visited in August. Upon hearing this news, the King immediately sent instructions to his Aunt Augusta at Herrenhausen asking her to prepare rooms for Princess Agnes and her great aunt Caroline, the Dowager Princess of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt. This was not exactly a shocking request and the Duchess of Cambridge had already met Agnes the previous Christmas and had liked her. But the Duchess made the mistake of putting pen to paper and in a letter to her sister the Grand Duchess Marie, Augusta said “I have been asked to make her comfortable but my dear, I am simply worn out with it all for I do not know the girl half as well as you do”. In this, Augusta was alluding to the fact that Agnes was Grand Duke George’s grandniece – though the Mecklenburg-Strelitzes and the Anhalt-Dessaus were never close and had barely exchanged more than a handful of letters over the years. Marie was already upset at how prominent Agnes’ presence had been made at Windsor at the start of the year and now, faced with this news from her sister at Herrenhausen, Marie became absolutely certain that her son-in-law was planning to propose to Agnes when they met in Hanover.

    Princess_Marie_of_Hesse-Kassel.jpg

    Grand Duchess Marie.

    Furious that George had not given the Strelitzes advance warning of this, Marie wrote a letter to him in which she (quite unfairly) berated him for being “so very unfeeling”.

    You have been as a son to us these past six years and we have always loved you as such and believed that you repaid our affections in a likewise manner. But now I am so bitterly hurt for there are things afoot which common decency would have us know about before anybody else and yet no word has come to us. I confess that I feel very aggrieved by this for I have known and loved you since you were a babe in arms and I believed that the grief we have shared bound us together so that we might trust and confide in each other as a mother and son should always do. It is so unlike you to be so very unfeeling and I can only hope that Augusta is mistaken and that if you are to begin anew, you would think to come to us first before any proposal was made. [1]

    George was shocked to read this note and yet he did not respond with anger. On the contrary, he felt extremely guilty that such a situation had developed and that there remained a sense of estrangement with his Aunt Marie. He sent back a letter apologising if Marie had been hurt by anything that she had heard from the Duchess of Cambridge but he assured her that he had no intention of upsetting anybody and that “naturally you and Papa should worry for me but I beg you understand that I should never act in anyway to deliberately offend either of you”. What George did not comment on however, was whether or not there was any truth to Marie’s assumption that he intended to marry again.

    By mid-1844, George had allowed himself to move past any feelings of guilt he may have in pursuing a new relationship. But at this time, relationships were (by convention) pursued very much with marriage in mind. The idea that a man would show affection to a woman without “honourable intentions” (that is, to make her his bride) was the mark of a cad and frowned upon in society. George had given every indication that he had developed a strong bond with Agnes and their letters around this time show that they had begun to sign off their notes to each other with the same phrase; “Toi et Moi”. But when faced with the reality of where his relationship was headed, put so bluntly by his mother-in-law, George now had to confront the natural conclusion of his courtship and in doing so, he had to ask himself very seriously if he wanted to marry again.

    “Nobody would resent you if you did Sir”, Rosalinde comforted him, “You should not let the Grand Duchess’ feelings, as legitimate as they may be, rush you to a decision”

    “I had decided”, George said sadly, “I had quite made up my mind that I would not marry again. But then I think of Nessa and our time together…she really does make me very happy…and now…I consider that life would be so very incomplete without her in it”

    Frau Wiedl smiled.

    “Might I make a suggestion?”

    “Of course Rosa, you know how much I value your advice”

    “Go to Hanover prepared for every eventuality”, she said calmly, “You will know what to do when you are with her. And as for the Grand Duchess…I fear you are seeking approval for something she will never be able to give. The late Queen lives very much in her memory. She will never part with that. But perhaps she may make peace with it if you make your intentions clear to her?”

    The King grasped Frau Wiedl’s hand tightly and kissed her on the cheek.

    “Thankyou my dear”, he said softly, “I appreciate that”

    Rosalinde took a deep breath and stood up.

    “And now Sir, I must ask for your understanding too”

    “My understanding?”, the King grinned, “You know I shall always do what I can for you”

    But Rosalinde did not return the smile. She turned her back to the King to face the fireplace, speaking into the flames as if she wanted the words to burn up as she spoke them.

    “I have to go away for a time”, she said bluntly, “To Biarritz. It means I shall not be able to come with you to Hanover”

    “But Rosa-“, the King protested.

    “I am sorry my darling but I have no choice. You see…I am going to have a child”

    The King’s eyes grew wide for a moment and then he slumped down into his chair.

    “I take it Vernon knows about this?”, he said flatly, finally breaking the silence.

    “Yes”, Rosa replied, “And I must ask you never to mention the subject again. I only tell you because you have been so honest with me this evening. Everything has been well arranged and I shall return in the New Year. I shall close the house and if anybody should ask after me, I have gone to Hanover to nurse a sick aunt. I am sorry if I disappoint you”.

    The King stood up and put his hand on Rosa’s shoulder.

    “You could never do that”, he said warmly, “I just feel so very sorry that this happened. I shall miss you”

    Here it must be stated that naturally Rosalinde Wiedl’s pregnancy in 1844 has given rise to suggestions by less reputable sources that the child she carried was in fact the King’s baby yet once again there is no evidence that the pair ever pursued a physical relationship – or that either side desired one. This theory especially gained attention in 1988 when a French-American woman called Lisette Allard claimed that her grandmother Marie was the baby born to Rosalinde Wiedl in February 1845 in Biarritz and that Allard had letters in her possession which proved that Marie’s father was none other than George V. Allard refused to produce these letters but continued to appear on television shows enthusiastically boasting of her alleged royal heritage. The story was bizarrely proven to be a fake by Allard’s own brother Michel who shared family documents with the press that showed his grandmother was not in fact born illegitimately in Biarritz and adopted but rather that she was born to a couple in Marseilles in 1848. Lisette Allard was exposed as a fantasist though she maintained her story until she died in 1993 aged 83.

    The end of Wiedl’s relationship with Robert Vernon Smith in February 1845 is proof enough for most historians that he was the father of Wiedl’s child. Whilst extra-marital affairs were commonplace in high society, inescapable proof that they existed could mean social ruin. Handled with the utmost discretion, such scandals could be ignored by all parties involved and it was only if one individual brought things out into the open that reputations might be irreparably damaged. The King’s reaction to Rosalinde’s news should therefore not shock or surprise. Though his own half-siblings were kept from his knowledge for decades, he would have been well aware of ladies in high society “falling from grace”, most notably when his own cousin George Cambridge had to provide a large sum to Lady Augusta Somerset to allow her to travel enceinte to Madrid to give birth and have her child adopted by a local family to avoid scandal. Whilst a baby born out of wedlock carried enormous social stigma for the middle and working classes, the upper classes were (rather unfairly) free from such so long as the fruits of illicit love affairs were kept well under wraps. [2]

    Though clearly he had much on his mind, the King found work was the very best way to distract himself from his anxieties. The first stop on his tour in the third week of May 1844 was Oxford and though there was not much public excitement when the tour was announced, in the days before George V’s arrival to the city there was a sudden buzz of interest. The people of Oxford dutifully turned out en masse to welcome the King with cheers and applause as he drove through the East Gate for a formal welcome at the old Guildhall building. Every one of these ports of call on George’s tour had been fashioned after the same pattern; a welcome ceremony by officials followed by a lunch for civic leaders, a visit to two or three points of historical or local interest followed by a dinner to which the great and good of that particular locale were invited for presentation to His Majesty. [3]

    This would be repeated in Gloucester, Hereford, Worcester, Birmingham, Leicester, Nottingham, Sheffield and Hull over the course of eight weeks until the King was met by the Royal Yacht which would carry him across the North Sea to Hamburg from where he would journey on to Hanover. But this arduous schedule was not made any easier by the intense heat with the sun beating down in unusually high temperatures. In Oxford for example, the King was to tour the University’s famous Botanic Garden and to formally open a new cricket pavilion at Balliol where the King was lodged in the College’s faculty building overnight. When the King arrived at the height of the mid-day sun, two ladies collapsed and a local alderman had to be stripped of his robes and taken into the pavilion’s ice house to cool down. The newspapers noted that “even His Majesty was forced to avail himself of a handkerchief to the brow, so humid was the day”.

    640px-Oxford_Botanic_Garden%2C_Magalen_Tower.jpg

    The Botanic Garden at Oxford.

    One of the great advantages of this tour however was that the King was able to make use of some of England’s finest country houses, the owners of which were only too happy to thrown open their doors to His Majesty. We can chart the course of George’s tour by his letters sent from Berkeley Castle, Brockhampton Manor, Spetchley Park, Arbury Hall and many others, most his letters finding their way to Princess Agnes whom herself was on tour in Germany with her great aunt Caroline, the Dowager Princess of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt. Though the King was genuinely interested in many of the sights he saw in England, Agnes could not have been more frustrated and bored by the activities she had to endure. Her great aunt was profoundly deaf and every afternoon at 2pm, the Dowager Princess insisted on taking a two hour nap during which time Agnes was left alone in her room to write letters or read. As a result, Agnes complained that she never really saw any of the interesting landmarks her father had planned and that her evenings were taken up with “frightfully dull dinners in horrible houses with the spotty sons of Great Aunt Caroline’s friends”.

    The Dowager Princess of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt was doing exactly what she had been asked in introducing her grandniece to eligible bachelors in the houses of friends, the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau being particularly keen to wean her daughter off the idea of marrying George V. Yet because the Duke of Anhalt-Dessau had set the conclusion of Agnes’ tour at Hanover where she would be reunited with George, naturally the young Princess could think of nothing else. Though several counts, dukes and princes made the effort to impress her in conversation, it quickly became clear to the Dowager Princess that her grandniece was “too preoccupied” which she attributed to “her immaturity which is so very tiring for I am sure I was far less excitable when I was a girl”.

    But Aunt Caroline was not the only one to comment on how boisterous Agnes could be. When the Dowager Princess and Agnes finally arrived in Hanover, a few days before George V was due to arrive, the Duchess of Cambridge complained to her daughter Mary Adelaide that she found Agnes “exhausting” and comparing the two, suggested that the 11-year-old princess showed “far more maturity and is far more wise in her years than the Dessau girl”. In a similar observation, the Countess of Armagh noted that Agnes was “so very young in her ways and though she is twenty years of age, she remains quite childlike. This is both charming and irritating”. But in fairness to Princess Agnes, she had endured quite a limited and stifled upbringing in Dessau and who could fail to be carried away by the excitements of a grand tour culminating in a week of festivities in Hanover with the most eligible man in Europe? [4]

    Of course, the King had no idea that the ladies of his family were finding Agnes a little too much to handle as he held his final private audience of the summer with the Prime Minister aboard the Royal Yacht in Kingston upon Hull before his departure for Germany. True to their agreement, the Prime Minister had withdrawn from accompanying the King on any part of his tour of England but was hosted by His Majesty before he left England. It was at this meeting that Graham finally confirmed to the King that he intended to call an early general election for the third week of November, the campaign lasting just four weeks until the country went to the ballot. The King acknowledged Graham’s request which would see the King return to England in September to carry out the last few engagements of his royal progress which were cut in number to conclude before the campaign began in the second week of October. Lord Betchworth was in attendance on the King at this time as he was to accompany him to Herrenhausen for Hanover Week and on to Wiesbaden for a meeting with Prince von Metternich at Schloss Johannisberg which had now been arranged by the Austrian Ambassador, Count von Dietrichstein. In his journal, Betchworth noted that the King and Sir James were “slightly hesitant in conversation with each other” and that “their meeting was purely formal lasting just an hour or so to the Prime Minister’s great irritation because he had travelled all the way from London in the hope of being seen publicly with His Majesty at least once”. Graham had to make do with a mention of his private audience in the Court Circular instead – hardly front-page news.

    When the King finally arrived in Hanover, he was greeted not by an excitable Princess Agnes but by an unusually enthusiastic Duchess of Cambridge. Always thrilled to be able to break news before anybody else had heard it, the Duchess impatiently chivvied the King into the salon at Herrenhausen where he tried to greet his uncle only to be interrupted by his aunt insisting he sit down. From her pocket she produced a letter and in dramatic fashion, applied a pair of pince-nez as she read the content aloud. Happily she announced to King George V that he had just become an uncle for the second time. On the 2nd of June 1844 at the Anichkov Palace in St Petersburg, the King’s sister had given birth to a son. He was named Nicholas in honour of his grandfather and his birth was celebrated with an outpouring of public celebration. Maria Georgievna recalled many years later that “the cheers of the people rejoicing in the street filled the air so that they might be heard in the nursery and I was told that everywhere about the city the people were rushing about gleefully waving flags and singing songs. The bells of all the churches of St Petersburg rang out and in the evening, we saw fireworks which made such beautiful stars in the skies above us. It was a spectacle I shall never forget”. [5]

    To celebrate this new arrival, the King insisted that a special service of thanksgiving be held at the newly completed Royal Guelphic Chapel built by Decimus Burton on the site of the old Garrison Church which George V had demolished in 1842. Princess Agnes wrote in her diary; “We had a very happy supper and then we all walked down to the little chapel here which is very new. Prayers were said for the birth of the little Russian baby who is the King’s new nephew and will one day be King of Russia [sic] so Georgie was very joyful. The Cambridges were cheered by this too and the Duchess far nicer to me than she has been thus far. The service had a very funny moment in which the pastor announced he was saying prayers for the Grand Duke Nicholas Alexandra and I was overcome with the giggles! Aunt Caroline did not approve and gave me a very stern telling off but it really was so very funny”. The King immediately wrote to his sister and brother-in-law congratulating them on the arrival of a son and heir and said that he hoped this meant they could now (along with their new addition to the family) join him for Christmas at Windsor at the end of the year.

    “I think you will like my sister”, George said to Agnes, explaining that he had sent the invitation.

    “I’m sure I shall!”, Agnes replied happily, “But…”

    “Yes?”

    “I did not realise I should be in England for Christmas again this year…”

    On the 11th of August 1844, the gates of Herrenhausen Palace were swung wide open and the vast crowds that had assembled ahead of the Guelph Day celebrations were allowed to stream into the forecourt surrounding a dais which had been specially constructed with a canopy of rich red velvet trimmed with gold braid and embroidered with the royal arms of Hanover. The King emerged followed by the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge (and their daughter Mary Adelaide) and the Earl and Countess of Armagh. This investiture was newly created for the occasion and saw a slightly odd gesture made by the Duke when he handed the King a white and gold baton signifying his office – a baton he had not been given during his 30 years as Viceroy and which he only saw for the first time that morning. The King then gave a brief address of thanks and led three cheers for the Cambridges before the Earl of Armagh took an oath to the Crown and constitution of Hanover and received the baton from the King to polite applause from the crowds. Carriages then took the royal party from the dais to the Royal Guelphic Chapel once more for a service of thanksgiving before bringing the King, the Cambridges and the Armaghs back to Herrenhausen for a balcony appearance via a route which cut its way through the city square. But as colourful as the occasion was, it must be said that the turnout for the parade was somewhat lacklustre. Indeed, as the procession turned onto the market square, a young man dashed from the crowds shouting, “Down with the Monarchy!” and had to be dragged away. Some left in the crowd applauded the protestor and jeered at the police who removed him from the scene.

    581px-Unbekannt%2C_Maison_de_Plaisir_d%27Herrenhausen%2C_c1708..jpg

    Herrenhausen and it's gardens in a 1708 print. They had changed little in 1844.

    Safely back at Herrenhausen, there was an impressive gala at which the ladies of Hanover were presented first to the King, then to the new Viceroy and his wife before the various ministers, privy councillors, high bailiffs and magistrates took their turn in formally acknowledging the Earl of Armagh’s new office. This long and drawn-out ceremony bored Princess Agnes who kept asking impatiently when the dancing would begin. Once again, the King appeared especially nervous that evening and obviously distracted as he was forced to sit on a throne with an endless stream of people bowing and bobbing before him. When the last presentation had finally been made, he slipped away from the proceedings for a time to see his uncle, the Duke of Cambridge, in private. Cambridge was in wistful mood. After three decades, his time in Hanover was over and now, at nearly 70 years old, he would be returning home to England to spend what remained of his life in the land of his birth. For the most part, Cambridge felt he had achieved much in keeping the personal union between the Crown of the United Kingdom and the Crown of Hanover alive. Though he could not deny recent events had cast a shadow and he would never look back on his life’s work without a tinge of regret that it had ended in less than happy circumstances.

    “I hope you know how very proud we all are of you”, the King said softly, breaking the silence and startling his uncle a little.

    “Oh Georgie, you gave me quite a fright!”, Cambridge laughed, “But I am most grateful for your words. If I have made a difference, I am glad of it. It shall feel very strange to leave here…and yet I think of all that time I spent so far away from those I loved. My darling Mama. Your dear Papa”

    The King smiled and patted his uncle on the back.

    “Don’t spend too long with your ghosts Uncle”, he said playfully, “You’ve years in you yet”

    The Duke of Cambridge chuckled. “Years are for the young”, he mused, “I shall live by the day I think and not look too far ahead. Brandy?”

    The King nodded and accepted a glass.

    “Uncle, I…I want to ask your advice on something and I know you will be honest with me”

    The Duke paused slightly whilst he poured brandy from a decanter. He looked up at his nephew like a curious old owl.

    “Oh dear”, he said impishly, “Have I become so old that you think me wise? I should hate to give you that impression Georgie”.

    The King gave a half-hearted smile. He began to recount the situation that had developed as a result of the Duchess of Cambridge’s letter to the Grand Duchess Marie, how he had been given to thoughts of marrying again and how he considered he might go about it if he came to the conclusion that it was the right course to pursue. Cambridge listened intently, occasionally running his hand through his white shock of hair and patting his rotund stomach as if these gestures would help him to understand. Finally, he nodded slowly and pointed toward a portrait at the far end of the room. It showed the Duchess of Cambridge when she had first married, dressed in a beautiful gown of ivory satin, her pale skin like porcelain, her chestnut curls arranged beneath a sparkling tiara of diamonds.

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    Augusta, Duchess of Cambridge, painted in 1818.

    “I think you know that I did not choose your Aunt Augusta for myself”, the Duke said quietly, “But the moment I saw her standing before me, just as pretty as you see there in that portrait…I had my answer. I knew then and there that I should marry her and that if I did not, I would be miserable forever more wondering what might have been. We have had our trials. But I can honestly say today that I love her as dearly as I did then. And I wish the same for you my boy. You have suffered so very much. But life is so short Georgie. Time disappears before your eyes until these portraits are the only thing you have to remind you of how things used to be. Do not waste the years you have. If you love the girl…and if you believe she loves you…then you must not deny yourself that happiness which God has granted to you. Do you understand that Georgie?”

    The King looked at his uncle through teary eyes. For a moment, he could almost see the Duke as he had never known him, a young man full of energy and drive arriving at Herrenhausen for the very first time, his beautiful bride following not long after to begin their lives together with so much opportunity ahead. George could see himself in his uncle’s worn face and fleetingly he imagined how it would be when he was 70 years old, white haired and wrinkled. Just as the Duke had Augusta to share those golden years, so too George wished to share the rest of his life with another. Though he had once believed he might find Sunny beside him in his dotage, now he pictured Nessa there instead and he no longer felt pangs of guilt – he simply felt ready to embrace the future.

    The following morning, Princess Agnes woke in her suite at Herrenhausen to find a note from the King had been placed on her dressing table. The note invited her to join him later that afternoon when he returned from his meeting with the Privy Council in the private gardens of the Palace. At 2pm, Agnes stepped out onto the gravel path dressed in a pale pink dress trimmed with white lace, her blonde curls tucked neatly under a straw bonnet bedecked with ribbons and paper roses. As she walked further into the gardens, she allowed her hand in its white lace gloves to touch the tops of the lavender bushes sending their perfume into the air. As she turned a corner, she caught sight of the King, his long brown hair smartly coiffed, his clothes freshly pressed and his shoes gleaming in the sun. His appearance was elegant yet his hands could not stay still as he fidgeted. Without a word, he offered Agnes his arm and the pair began to walk through the gardens together.

    “When you said you did not know if you would be in England for Christmas again this year…”, the King asked nervously, “Did you say that because the idea doesn’t please you?”

    “Oh George!”, Agnes giggled, “You are silly. I adored England and I was very happy to be there. I just wondered if you had asked Papa about it because they…well…I told you that they would not let me go to see Rosa on my own. I really am so excited to see Windsor again, it’s a lovely house and…”

    “Do you think you could ever live there?”, George interrupted hastily, immediately cursing himself for blurting out what he had hoped to come to in a more delicate way, “At Windsor, I mean. With…with me”

    Agnes blushed a little and looked down at her feet.

    “I should like that very much”, she said smiling, “To live there. With you”.

    The couple stopped walking. George took Agnes hands in his and stared into her eyes.

    “I should like…I…will you…promise me something?”

    Agnes looked puzzled but nodded just the same.

    “I have to leave tomorrow, to go to Wiesbaden, and you will be going home to your parents”, George said kindly, “When you get there, will you think of us? Together at Windsor? And then, when you come for Christmas…I hope you will give me an answer….”

    “An answer to what, Georgie?”, Agnes cooed coyly.

    “An answer to whether you might make me so very happy….and consent to be my wife?”


    Notes

    [1] This may come across as a little mean of the Grand Duchess Marie but I think just as the King had many mixed emotions about marrying again, so Marie would struggle with the idea that her poor daughter Louise was about to be replaced. She might have concerns that her grandchildren would come to view Agnes as their mother etc and so whilst it’s a harsh response, I think it’s logical from the character’s point of view.

    [2] I felt a plot point like this was important for Rosa as I tend to find historical fiction from around this time tends to portray the aristocracy’s wife-swapping and slipper games in a kind of rose-tinted Jane Austen light…the reality is somewhat different. But more importantly I included this because it speaks to another divide in society whereby those who set the rules habitually broke them. If Rosa were a working-class girl, her life would be over. Yet for Rosa, her position and rank protect her from the harsh reality of the world. A great decline in morality? Certainly in the OTL the misbehaviour of the upper classes did not pass without comment and was increasingly regarded as unacceptable hypocrisy.

    [3] Please excuse this brief overview of the tour but I didn’t see much interest in repeating the same royal schedule all over the UK with the place names changed!

    [4] As we’ve hinted at before, Agnes’ age and maturity may prove to be an issue in the future…

    [5] The second child for Sasha and Lottie, the Grand Duke Nicholas Alexandrovich.

    And so we have wedding bells in the offing at last! The King is not yet engaged and we have the reaction of the Anhalts to all this to come but finally George has accepted he wishes to marry again and Agnes is his choice. Once again, many thanks for reading and I hope that the double chapter today goes some way to make up for the lack of an update last week.
     
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    GV: Part Three, Chapter Twenty-Four: Yesterday's Men
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Twenty-Four: Yesterday's Men


    “I have to leave tomorrow, to go to Wiesbaden, and you will be going home to your parents”, George said kindly, “When you get there, will you think of us? Together at Windsor? And then, when you come for Christmas…I hope you will give me an answer….”

    “An answer to what, Georgie?”, Agnes cooed coyly.

    “An answer to whether you might make me so very happy….and consent to be my wife”

    Though many who watched the developing romance blossom between King George V and Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau fully expected that one day they might marry, few expected an engagement to come quite so quickly as it did in August 1844. Among them it seems, was none other than the King himself. It had been his intention to ask Agnes to consider the prospect of becoming his wife, well aware that to marry him was not only to marry George the man but George the King. From the moment they were declared husband and wife, Agnes would become Queen consort of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of Hanover. These were not mere courtesy titles but an office all their own with privilege balanced by responsibility, the position demanding much of the incumbent who would not only preside over the Court of St James’ as hostess but who would acquire a myriad of duties and obligations simply by virtue of the fact that she was the wife of the Sovereign. Though somewhat indecorous and not very romantic, it cannot be denied that in royal marriages over the centuries the ability to undertake such a task has always been a key consideration; a prospective royal spouse may meet the necessary criteria when it came to age, rank and religion but her personality must also lend itself to the enormity of the role she would assume after her marriage. But in Agnes’ case, there was another important factor the King hoped she might consider, the legacy of her predecessor.

    The people of England were still wedded to the memory of the late Queen Louise in 1844, so much so that very few spoke of “the late Queen” in reference to her - she remained, even in death, the Queen. The success of the King’s first marriage, their three children and the obvious happiness of the couple themselves meant that the British had taken George and Louise to their hearts with ease. But it must also be remembered that before the days of endless press speculation and social media rumour, the British would have had absolutely no indication that the King was courting someone else, let alone preparing to make her his Queen. George had certainly considered this and had asked Benjamin Disraeli to ensure that the Court Circular included Agnes (and her family) when it was gazetted and they were at court but visiting royalties were hardly a rare thing and there would have been no hint to the world outside palace walls that the King was to remarry. Whilst George would never have sought to replace his late wife, her natural flair for the public role she adopted when she married him in 1838 made Louise as much a model par excellence in life as much as she became a shining example of exactly how that role should be carried out. In other words, Queen Louise was a hard act to follow and though he had no doubt that Princess Agnes would prove a capable and loving stepmother to his children, King George was anxious that where her public role was concerned, the British people must be allowed time to warm to the Princess before any formal engagement between the couple was announced.

    heinrich-von-olivier-bildnis-der-prinzessin-friederike-amalia-agnes-von-anhalt-dessau-auf-einer-terrasse-vor-einem.jpg

    Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau, c. 1844.

    In private too, there were the sensitivities of other parties to be considered. Because the King proposed somewhat impulsively (he did not even have a ring about his person to propose with), he had not consulted Princess Agnes’ parents – most importantly, her father, Duke Leopold IV. Anhalt-Dessau was hardly a Great Power; it had a population of a little over 38,000 in 1844 and though aligned with the Zollverein by policy and Prussia by family ties, it could hardly command the same lengthy marriage negotiations as there had been for George V’s sister when she married the Tsarevich of Russia. However, there was a strict etiquette to these things which afforded a certain level of respect to even the smallest courts – which were often more formal than those found in London, Berlin or even St Petersburg [1]. When George had asked Agnes to consider the prospect of becoming his wife, he perhaps envisioned that she might go back to Dessau and discuss the idea with her parents to gauge their response, after which he might make arrangements to discuss the idea with Duke Leopold directly – and gain his consent – before officially popping the all-important question.

    Entirely understandably, Princess Agnes did not respond to George’s proposal in the way he may have wished. She eagerly accepted him and perhaps carried away by the excitement of the event, failed to appreciate what George was trying to tell her – that though he loved her very much and wished to spend the rest of his life with her, there was much to consider before their engagement was made official. Instead, Agnes dashed back to her room at Herrenhausen and in tears of happiness, declared to her shocked great aunt the Dowager Princess Caroline that she was engaged to be married. The Dowager Princess thought for a few moments and, again, entirely understandably, suggested that Agnes may wish to consult her father on the matter before she settled to anything. Agnes didn't quite understand this advice and enthusiastically penned a letter to Duke Leopold in Dessau declaring that she was now engaged and that she hoped her parents would give her their blessing when she returned home in the next fortnight. At the same time, George was sending a letter of his own to Neustrelitz.

    Though Grand Duchess Marie felt otherwise, George had no intention whatsoever of making any wedding plans, or even formalising his engagement, until he first had the blessing of his former in-laws. This was so important to him that he asked the Strelitzes to join him at Rumpenheim on extremely short notice so that he could explain his position in person. He also sent a second letter to his future mother-in-law, the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau, in which he made no mention of what had transpired in the gardens of Herrenhausen that day but instead offered the Dessaus an invitation to join him for Christmas once more at Windsor in a few months’ time. Presumably, the King hoped that by then all concerns would have been negated and that his engagement could be made public in the new year to great happiness in all quarters. George could not simply marry at leisure, he had to inform the Privy Council and the Cabinet first – a formality given that his marriage did not contravene the newly implemented laws on royal marriage but one that was to be respected just the same. Such a courtesy would have to wait however. With Hanover Week concluded and the Earl of Armagh now invested as Viceroy, George said his goodbyes to his intended as she returned to Dessau and he set off for Rumpenheim ahead of his meeting with the Prince von Metternich at Wiesbaden.

    The King’s foreign trip had taken on a new importance with his proposal of marriage but it must be remembered that the only reason he was on the continent at all (at least in the eyes of the British government) was to conduct an all-important charm offensive on the Austrian Chancellor whom the United Kingdom hoped would finally give his backing to the Betchworth Declaration. Unity on such a proposal was vital to the survival of the Straits Pact and without that, there were serious concerns that the spectre of war might once again surface between the Great Powers. As an outside observer no longer responsible for Britain’s foreign policy and as someone who by instinct opposed the Tory approach to international affairs, Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Melbury around this time that the survival of the Straits Pact was “sacrosanct to peace” and that “if one thing shatters the Concert of Europe in the next decade, it shall either be the rise of the anarchist revolutionary or the abandonment of the Straits Agreement”. Though he initially opposed the Pact, Palmerston (possibly in an attempt to endear himself to the new Whig leader in hopes of being restored to the Foreign office in a Whig victory at the upcoming general election) now threw his full weight behind the Pact. “Though I do not accept many of the merits the authors of that document espouse”, he wrote, “I do consider it essential to continued peace in Europe that the Great Powers stand firm in the face of Russian aggression for if they do not, and if they abandon their pledges at this hour, it shall send a message to the Tsar that he may behave as he likes without consequence. This will undoubtedly exacerbate the tensions now growing between our two countries in Afghanistan but will also, I am certain, spill over into other spheres until war is unavoidable”.

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    Metternich.

    Klemens von Metternich had dominated Austrian foreign policy as Chancellor for over twenty years and arguably, it was during his tenure that Austria reached the peak of her diplomatic importance. Under his auspices, Austria had aligned herself with Russia and to a lesser extent Prussia, but by 1844 Metternich’s grasp on domestic power was slipping. No longer could he command unrivalled authority or simply expect that consent and approval would be unwaveringly given to his directives and as a result, he had begun to consider the possibility that at the age of 70, the glory days of his political career may be behind him and retirement may now beckon. Metternich began to spend more time on his vast estates, his favourite being Schloss Johannisberg near Wiesbaden. He received this palace near the Rhine in 1816 as a gesture of forgiveness from Emperor Francis after Metternich was heavily criticised for spending too much time in Italy during a particularly nasty disagreement between the Austrian Empire and the Kingdom of Bavaria to which Metternich paid little attention. For the first time, Metternich found himself taking the liberal cause against the conservative Francis and their relationship was briefly damaged, Schloss Johannisberg standing testament to the fact that it was quickly recovered and restored to its past warmth and mutual respect. By 1844 however, old criticisms were resurfacing in Vienna as Metternich was rarely in the Austrian capital and could instead be found shooting, hunting or fishing on his sprawling estates throughout Austria, Germany and Switzerland as his advanced age required that he remove himself more and more from the cut and thrust of the political establishment. He was fast becoming more the benign figure of a revered elder statesman than the active and passionate defender of his cause for which he had become so much respected in his youth and yet Metternich was not yet ready to leave the stage entirely.

    Others saw the writing on the wall. Around the time of his meeting with King George V at Wiesbaden, Metternich was particularly unpopular in Vienna. In June 1843, the Duke of Paraiba had travelled to the Austrian capital to secure a marriage between his brother-in-law, the Emperor Pedro II of Brazil, and a Habsburg Princess [2]. Prince Albert had charmed the Prince of Salerno and his wife at their private residence in the imperial capital and had settled on a bride for his brother-in-law in their daughter Princess Maria Carolina. Though she belonged the House of Bourbon-Two-Sicilies by birth, her lineage was pure Habsburg as her mother was the daughter of Emperor Francis II and her father was the grandson of Empress Maria Theresa. Happily, Maria Carolina was a first cousin to Pedro through Maria Theresa of Naples and Sicily, Maria Carolina’s aunt Maria Leopoldina being Pedro’s mother. Despite this lofty pedigree however, Maria Carolina had a certain relaxed charm which greatly appealed to all those who met her. At 22 years old, the blonde beauty had caught the attention of many potential suitors, indeed, in France, King Louis Philippe had received reports of her “exquisite appearance” and considered her the perfect bride for his fifth and second youngest son the Duke of Aumale. Naturally the Salernos felt that an Emperor far outranked a minor royal Duke and were receptive to Albert’s offer to begin marriage negotiations – but there was a sting in the tail. Metternich would have to approve first.

    When Prince Albert met with Metternich to discuss this matter however, Metternich was reluctant. Instead, he proposed that the Duke of Paraiba go to St Petersburg to open negotiations with the Tsar on a Russian match for the young Brazilian Emperor instead. But a story had developed thereafter, and which was widely shared in Vienna, that Maria Carolina had been shown a portrait of Pedro II and had promptly fallen in love. Whilst this is highly unlikely, it was exactly the sort of tale of tortured romance in imperial circles which the Austrian aristocracy adored and very quickly rumours spread that Maria Carolina’s beauty had visibly diminished as a result of her being denied the chance to marry her one true love. She was said to be pale and drawn, timid and shy, her former ebullience replaced by a nervous exhaustion. Metternich was the villain of the piece and roundly criticised – somewhat unfairly – for refusing to give his permission for Maria Carolina and Pedro II to be married. Of course, this was not the real reason Viennese society was turning on Metternich but it allowed all great families of all political persuasions to unite around a common dislike of the old man. Things only got worse when, from Wiesbaden, Metternich gave his approval for Maria Carolina to be engaged to the Duke of Aumale – a man she was rumoured to have met and despised at first sight. The popular image of a love-sick princess denied the man she truly loved caught hold and Metternich’s esteem sank somewhat as the gossips said all kinds of ghastly things about the Duke of Aumale to make the contrast between him and the Emperor Pedro far more stark to embellish the fairy tale [3].

    Of course, none of this was of concern to King George V when he prepared for his visit to Wiesbaden in September 1844 – if he had heard about Albert’s difficulties with Metternich, it’s unlikely he cared much about them. George V had met Metternich briefly before but this was quite a different situation as ostensibly he was to pay a courtesy call on the old man at Schloss Johannisberg simply because the two men were in the same area at the same time. Not that this deceived Metternich in the slightest. He knew only too well that the United Kingdom wanted Austria to adopt the Betchworth Declaration and to encourage Prussia to do the same. Metternich had waivered because he felt the sanctions proposed in Paris were too strong and instead, there was an agreement for all Straits signatories to assemble in Vienna in November 1844 to discuss new quotas which reflected the Russian violation of their previous allocation of ships allowed to pass through the Dardanelles. Yet he did agree that the Pact must be upheld if it was to mean anything at all. When he was told that George V just so happened to be in Wiesbaden and wanted to meet with him, Metternich smiled and retorted “Then let us go on with the pantomime” but this should not be seen as an indication that he entered the meeting with a preconceived determination to give no grounds at all. Metternich respected George V and had previously commented on his diplomatic skill but he was not about to be brow beaten by a young man in his early twenties into going against his better political instinct.

    Consequently, word was sent to George V at the eleventh hour that, with the Prince’s sincere regret, he had been called back to Vienna urgently and could therefore not receive the King at Schloss Johannisberg as planned. George didn’t believe a word of this and called Metternich’s bluff. He sent an urgent message back telling the Austrian Chancellor that he quite understood and had made alternative travel arrangements – happily, this meant that George would find himself at the Taunusbahn around half an hour before the 11am train for Frankfurt (the only possible train Metternich could be boarding if he really was going to Vienna) departed. When this reached Metternich, he gave a hearty laugh and supposedly said to his secretary; “I know when I am beaten – and it is my honour on this occasion to be beaten by the King of England [sic]”. Whether true or not, this anecdote found its way back to George who dined out on it for years, recounting the story well into his later years as “the time I bested old Metternich”. And best him the King did.

    Metternich’s attempt to wrong foot the British deputation was meant in no way as a slight against George V personally but by delaying the meeting and forcing the King (and the Foreign Secretary, Lord Betchworth) to race to Frankfurt for a rushed meeting in a railway siding he possibly hoped that the whole meeting would be forgotten about and that the proposed conference in Vienna to settle the Straits issue could go ahead without British interference. But in this, he underestimated George’s resolve – and admittedly, his stubbornness. Though Betchworth was keen to throw in the towel and consider the trip a lost cause, the King departed Rumpenheim as planned, dressed in his best and keen to flex his diplomatic muscles. To keep up his pretence, Metternich was forced to leave the cosy comfort of his summer home to head for the filthy sooty station at Frankfurt. Fortunately, whilst Metternich had not joined the wealthiest Europeans in their new fad for commissioning luxurious railway carriages, he could boast exclusive use of the private train of Carl von Brunner, the German philanthropist and primary investor in the Hessische Ludwigsbahn. So it was that Metternich had to sit in a siding aboard this train in the summer heat until the King arrived, though he was not without sustenance as he sipped a glass of ice-cold champagne topped with Italian meringue – a particular favourite of Prince von Metternich which he always served to his guests regardless of the weather [4].

    Speaking in 1927, George V’s son the Duke of Clarence recalled how the King “always kept a little notebook and in this, he noted down everything a guest enjoyed from his favourite foods to any hobbies or interests he may have – I have it today and it is quite remarkable not only for its detail but for the hugely impressive figures from our recent history that my Papa entertained”. In this way, the King always had something to say to even the most dreary of visitor and it appears he began collating this vital information before his meeting with Metternich for when he arrived at the Taunusbahn, Charlie Phipps carried with him a red box in which lay the Order of the Bath. George had heard that Metternich was a keen collector of medals and decorations and his unique position meant that he was never short of new additions to his collection. But whilst Metternich had a Hanoverian order, he had not yet been granted a British one. Whilst George was not willing to go so far as to make Metternich a Knight of the Garter, he proffered the Bath instead, giving Metternich a brief history of its foundation when he handed it over. Metternich was deeply touched and this certainly must have provided quite the ice breaker as the elder statesman and the young Sovereign settled into the train carriage in a railway siding to discuss the all-important issue of the Straits Pact. Possibly trying to push things in the right direction (and to allow him to return to his Schloss as soon as possible), Metternich congratulated the King on the recent news that he had become an uncle again with the birth of the Grand Duke Nicholas in St Petersburg.

    “You’re very kind”, George smiled appreciatively, “I hope to meet the child soon, if my sister can be persuaded to come to England for a time. Though that is easier said than done I’m afraid”

    “Oh?”, Metternich inquired, his eyebrow raised, “I was led to believe that Her Imperial Highness often visited her homeland”

    “Russia is her homeland now”, George said a little sternly, “It is a long way from England. And it isn’t just the distance. You know, I think, that there is a certain level of animosity toward Russia in my country – a sentiment I do not share of course…how could I? I have Russians in my own family after all”.

    Metternich smiled and offered the King a cigar.

    “Do you really regard them to be so? Family, I mean?”

    “Unquestionably”, the King explained, “A little foreign perhaps but family nonetheless. That is why I dislike all this unpleasantness that exists, all this suspicion. I had hoped my sister’s marriage would ease some of that but alas, it has not”

    “Your dream is that of a Europe bound together in peace through the blood ties of its Crowned heads, I take it?”, Metternich said, half in jest, “Stockmar taught you well…”

    Instead of allowing his temper to rise, George laughed heartily.

    “Oh God, that dreadful old fellow”, he grinned, “I had no idea you knew that about me. Well, yes Sir. I confess, I see the value in Stockmar’s vision. But I also see the value in mutual respect between nations, regardless of family ties. A respect built on trust, on the principle that a man’s word is his bond. If I have a dream of a peaceful future for my children, it is built on that. Take your Emperor for example. I cannot count him as a cousin and yet I call him that. Because he has my respect and my trust”

    Metternich raised his eyebrows a little and allowed himself a wry smile. He called for more drinks.

    “You know Your Majesty, I had almost signed to the declaration proposed by your Foreign Minister”, he said impishly, “But I relented at the last. Your politicians have made Russia the presage of war these many years, whenever there is a crisis, they have blamed the great bear for such aggression. But do they ever consider that they have been equally aggressive to secure the interests of their own country? What else was your war in Afghanistan? This is why I believe they are so headstrong about this pact business. It is not really to punish or to deter. It is to draw a line in the sand, to say that the mighty British tamed the great Russian savage and that Europe must be in her debt for it. You see now why I could not sign?”

    George thought carefully for a moment.

    “I do. But…might I ask…why did you sign the Pact itself if you had no intention of upholding it?”

    “I have every intention of upholding it because it is a sound agreement”, Metternich laughed, “I believe in its principles. But, with respect Your Majesty, it cannot be exploited to teach the Russians the lesson you failed to impart in Kabul. And that is why I did not sign. Because I believe this declaration your Lord Betchworth proposes does not strengthen the pact between our nations. Rather, it dooms it to failure because it fails to appreciate why the Russians violated their quota”

    “Because they could”

    Metternich slammed the table gleefully with a wide grin.

    “Precisely Your Majesty! Because they could. And because regardless of sanctions, they will again”

    “So the Pact is not worth the paper it is written on?”

    Metternich chortled.

    “I wouldn’t say that”, he replied, “But if your government really believes shaming the Russians into staying true to their word is the way forward, they simply do not know the Tsar as well as I do. You will forgive my use of platitudes but…one often catches more flies with honey than with vinegar…”

    George sighed. He had believed it would all be so easy. And yet here there was an impasse.

    “I will not sign this agreement”, Metternich confirmed resolutely, “However…might I make a suggestion to you?”

    “Of course”, the King replied, “I should welcome your advice”

    “Go to Russia”, Metternich said seriously, “Meet with the Tsar. He is far easier to charm than I. He is a good man at heart but vain. You have the opportunity; you must grasp it. And when you meet with him, remind him that it was your proposal for this pact which secured access to the Straits which he might otherwise have been forced to sacrifice”

    “It was not my proposal but my government’s”, George said hurriedly.

    Metternich hauled himself to his feet, an indication that he had given of himself all he was willing to share.

    “Your Majesty”, he said softly, “I have met a great many Emperors, Kings and Princes. They had a great deal in common, these men to whom God was so generous. They had foresight, they had intelligence, they had determination – but one thing none of them possessed, was modesty. If you wish to make your mark upon the world, you must do so loudly and be heard or else your voice shall be lost in the crowd. How else do you think I have been in power all these years? I am no great visionary – I am simply the loudest man in Vienna”.

    74187.jpg

    Sir James Graham.

    Back in London, the Prime Minister was left bitterly disappointed. Somewhat hypocritically, he had hoped that the King would return with Metternich’s signature on the Betchworth Declaration, allowing Sir James to head into his general election campaign with a renewed sense of credibility when it came to foreign policy and the threats that existed to peace in Europe. As his domestic agenda offered little to tempt the voters to trust him to continue in government, Graham wanted to supplement those failings with a grand announcement that Britain had put her foot down on the foreign stage, that she was fulfilling her self-appointed role as peacekeeper for the good of all nations. Thankfully, there was a happy note on which to leave the rather tense audience between King and Prime Minister. George informed Sir James Graham what had transpired at Herrenhausen and for the first time, he formally indicated his intention to marry again. Yet he asked for the matter to remain private for a time. Phipps had agreed to use his press connections once more to slowly introduce Princess Agnes to the British public. Over the next few months, articles would appear with discrete (Palace-approved) mentions of her that espoused her fine qualities and would even be allowed to mention that she had “taken the interest of His Majesty” and “provided him with some happiness in the loneliness he has felt since the tragic loss of the late and much-beloved Queen Louise”. Graham offered his congratulations to the King and promised that the government would be happy to assist where it could in making George’s engagement (and eventual marriage) the success the Prime Minister was certain it would be. An informal timetable was discussed and we can see from the King’s journal that the first mention of a possible wedding date seems to have featured on the agenda with July proposed as “the most practical month for a ceremony”.

    Much to her irritation, the redoubtable Princess Mary was not at Buckingham Palace when her nephew returned to England and so the Prime Minister was informed of the joyous news before she was. In fact, it took her two days to travel from Weymouth because of bad weather and so by the time she arrived in London and the King finally shared his news with her, she surprised the King by bursting into tears and clutching him tightly saying “Oh my darling boy…I am so very happy…so very happy”. Not prone to such affectionate displays, it was perhaps a sign that the Princess was mellowing a little in her old age – though not too much. When the King said that he had found Agnes’ aunt, the Dowager Princess of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt quite trying company, Mary retorted acerbically, “A Princess of nowhere is a Princess of no consequence”. But Mary’s delight quickly gave way to concern when she learned just how spontaneous the King’s proposal had been. Though she held no truck with the excruciatingly tedious formality of the smaller German courts (she visited Bad Homburg only once after her sister Elizabeth married there and declared it ‘a petty nonsense of a place’), she was wise enough to know that Agnes would more than likely present her engagement as a fait accompli which was unlikely to go down well with the Anhalt-Dessaus who no doubt would feel slighted that George did not approach them first. But her main source of anxiety came from the direction of Neustrelitz. Though George had asked his aunt to meet him at Rumpenheim so that he could prepare the ground in person, Marie pretended she did not receive the letter and sent no reply, neither did she make any attempt to travel to her brother’s palace to meet with her nephew.

    It is entirely possible that Marie felt confirmation of George’s new romance too hard to bear. Yet it was kindness on the King’s part that prompted him to try and accommodate his mother-in-law’s feelings and he was left somewhat irritated, and even a little bitter, when Marie so openly snubbed his efforts. When Princess Mary asked if he had written to the Strelitzes informing them of his plans, George shrugged. He explained that he had made an attempt to meet with his Aunt Marie at Rumpenheim but that she had ignored his request. Princess Mary advised that the Strelitzes should be invited to Windsor for Christmas once more and that, if they arrived earlier than the Dessaus, it might be easier for the King to overcome the obstacles the Grand Duchess had set in his path. George shook his head. Though he adored his Strelitz in-laws, he was not their son and he did not require their permission to marry again. If the Grand Duchess would not take the olive branch he extended whilst he was in Germany, he felt no compunction to other another and thus, for the first time since 1838, the Strelitzes were to be removed from the list of “regular guests” retained by the Royal Household. Instead, the Anhalt-Dessaus were put in their place, a move Princess Mary knew would only deepen the growing rift between the families which was especially awkward given the close connections between the Cambridges and the Strelitzes, their daughter Augusta having married the Strelitz heir in 1843.

    Grossherzogin-Marie-300x300.jpg

    Marie of Mecklenburg-Strelitz.

    In his 1910 biography of her, Peregrine St John suggested that Princess Mary behaved somewhat badly when she received the news that her nephew was to marry again and that this was somehow prompted by a realisation that a new Queen consort would mean a curtailment of her position in the Royal Household. Her great-niece, Princess Victoria, was horrified to read this and ever keen to defend her family’s honour, she wrote to her own niece Princess Beatrice. Her letter reveals more than just how Princess Mary felt about a new addition to the Royal Family and though it was written many years after her introduction to her new step-mother when Toria was still a child, if we believe her account it is clear that Princess Mary was far from aggrieved in any way that she may lose some of her authority and influence at court – rather, Victoria suggests (falsely) that it was Mary who “pressed my Papa to marry once more”. As we have seen, this is untrue yet in the rest of her letter Victoria muses on the subject of how she felt about acquiring a stepmother; “It was quite proper of course but the Anhalt-Dessaus were not kind people, neither were they particularly cultured or intelligent so one could not reasonably expect their daughter to be so. Though it must be said my stepmother had none of the qualities of her mother who was really such a dragon and whilst thankfully she more resembled her father, the old Duke was a crashing bore and certainly never fit with our family with all his strange Prussian ways”. On the other hand, Princess Marie Louise later recalled that she “simply adored my darling Step Mama from the very first. She was so sweet with me - with us all - so pretty and so charming. She found it very difficult to adjust to the court in England but within the family she was very well liked and though she could never replace my poor dear Mama, the late Queen [Agnes] was so very dear to me that I still miss her presence today”.

    As the inner circle of the Royal Family contemplated the future of the monarchy with its new Queen consort on the horizon, the country too looked forward to what might be as the general election campaign became far more frantic than had been expected. Sir James Graham, Lord Melbury and Sir Bernard Jallick toured as much of England as they could to muster support – some being better received than others. From his first few public appearances, the Prime Minister realised something unusual was in the air. The narrative of the ‘Great Decline’ proved nigh impossible to break and everywhere he went he was greeted with apathy. That quickly turned to anger and worrying development in the election campaign which was widely reported (somewhat gleefully by the Whig press), voters greeted the Prime Minister in Stoke on Trent by pelting his carriage with eggs so that he could not get out and give the rallying speech for the Tory cause he had planned. Things only got worse the further north Graham travelled too. In Manchester it was felt too dangerous for him to appear in public as the mood turned sour and his rally was cancelled.

    But by far the most unsettling reception came in County Durham and Sir James’ trip there would become the defining moment of the 1844 general election. Whilst visiting the East Riding, horrific news came through from the Durham Coalfield that there had been a terrible explosion as the result of blackdamp at the Haswell Colliery. 95 men were killed and only four employees of the coal mine survived [5]. Naturally Sir James wished to go to Haswell to comfort the relatives of the victims but as his carriage approached through the neighbouring pit village of Wingate, he was suddenly jolted to an abrupt halt. Peering out of the carriage window, Graham was met with an eery sight. Miners from the nearby pits had banded together and had formed a human chain across the road, forbidding the Prime Minister from going anywhere near Haswell. He was forced to turn back and though he had his letter of condolence published in the newspapers, much was made of a premier who had “lost the confidence of the country in a time of great decline”. But Sir James was losing confidence too. For the first time since he called the election, he turned to his Private Secretary and asked with a sigh, “Am I really to become yesterday’s man?”. He would have his answer soon enough.


    Notes

    [1] This continued to be the case in the OTL until 1918. Even the grandest British royalties felt somewhat confused when faced with the overly complicated court etiquette one might find in Dessau or Neustrelitz.

    [2] See “A Brief Trip to Rio” in the Threadmarks for more background on this.

    [3] As in the OTL, Maria Carolina marries the Duke of Aumale so Pedro II here in TTL remains unwed – for now.

    [4] Said to be the inspiration for Escoffier’s Punch Romaine – most famously served in the à la Carte restaurant on the RMS Titanic on the evening of the 14th of April 1912 aboard the SS Titanic…

    [5] As in the OTL.

    A huge thank you to everyone for your continued patience - and interest! - in Crown Imperial. This will be our last update before Christmas so I'd like to take this opportunity to wish you all a very happy holiday season. We'll be back on track with more regular updates shortly before New Year which will close off 1844 - meaning TTL will go into 1845 just as we head into 2023.
     
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    GV: Part Three, Chapter Twenty-Five: A Lady of Letters
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Twenty Five: A Lady of Letters

    In the mid-19th century, European royalties were prolific letter writers. Their frenetic flurry of correspondence could see as many as twenty or thirty missives dashed off per day to parents, siblings, aunts, uncles and cousins across the continent and special post bags had to be manufactured to accommodate the bulk of this which would be more easily recognisable as “priority mail” when it was loaded aboard a packet steamer bound for its destination [1]. This being said, whilst we may think today that a delay of a week to receive a letter sent from a friend is unacceptably inefficient, such delays were part and parcel of New Georgian communications and when a letter was dispatched from London, it was fully expected that the recipient in Berlin would not get to devour the intriguing contents for at least two weeks or more. George V never embraced letter writing as a hobby, though he became a keen diarist. He sent regular letters to his sister in St Petersburg and to a handful of friends who lived throughout Germany but when it came to his extended family, his dedication to maintaining regular correspondence slipped fairly early on. By contrast, his cousin Victoria, Princess of Orange, sent an enormous quantity of mail which led to George to nickname her “The Old Scribe” in later years. But this was not entirely an affectionate moniker. Victoria adored gossip and never passed up an opportunity to convey a whisper of some rumour or other she had half-heard, embroidering the story for full effect as it was committed to paper. But she also had a tendency to offer unsolicited advice or to pass judgement on situations she knew little about and to send these assessments to her myriad of relations without a single thought as to the trouble they may cause. And in September 1844, Victoria’s haughty scribblings did exactly that.

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    Victoria, Princess of Orange, 1844.

    Princess Victoria was the King’s first cousin but they represented two very different sides of the European family tree. Victoria was an only child and as the result of her unconventional upbringing, the only relations she could consider close ones by birth were her half-siblings in Leiningen (born of Victoria’s mother’s first marriage) and her British first cousins; King George V, the Tsarevna of Russia, the Hereditary Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Princess Mary Adelaide of Cambridge, the Earl of Tipperary and the Earl of Armagh. Her childhood playmates had been George V, Maria Georgievna and on occasion, the Cambridge children, but she hardly ever saw her Leiningen relations and only became close to her half-sister Feodora after Victoria married and settled in the Netherlands [2]. It was expected at the time that Victoria would adopt her Dutch relations as her own but she failed to build the same close friendships as her cousin Maria Georgievna had when she arrived in Russia. By contrast, King George V could claim descent from the Hesse-Kassels and he married into the Mecklenburg-Strelitzes, two dominant families in Europe which could boast illustrious relations in almost every corner of the continent. As a result, his circle was much wider than Victoria’s and as the loneliness of her marriage and her self-imposed seclusion at Het Loo continued, she came to see the King’s extended family as her own despite the fact that her blood ties were nowhere near as close – if they existed at all [3].

    This often-inspired Victoria to involve herself in matters which didn’t really affect her but which she felt most important to comment upon. In September 1844, Het Loo had been flung into an unexpected (and somewhat macabre) form of mourning which saw Victoria howl herself hoarse with tears each day for the tragic loss of a Russian Grand Duchess she had only actually met once. The poor soul in question was the Grand Duchess Alexandra Nikolaevna, known to European royalty as Adini. Readers may remember at this stage that it was Adini to whom the Tsarevna Maria Georgievna became especially close after she married into the Russian Imperial Family in 1840 (“Where you find Adini, you will find Lotye”) and indeed, Adini had stood as godmother to the Tsarevna’s eldest child the Grand Duchess Alexandra Alexandrovna (Sashenka) for whom she was named. Adini was the youngest daughter of Tsar Nicholas I and the niece of the Dutch Queen Anna. In January 1844, St Petersburg was shocked when Hereditary Prince Friedrich Wilhelm of Hesse-Kassel (a first cousin to the Tsarevna) arrived in the Russian capital and far from courting the Grand Duchess Olga whom he had been invited to meet, pursued the 18-year-old Adini with whom he fell head over heels in love [4]. The Tsar gave his consent and the couple were quickly engaged but then the Grand Duchess Alexandra suddenly fell ill. She had contracted tuberculosis.

    Adini’s doctors declared her fully recovered but those closest to her knew that all was not well. Maria Georgievna makes frequent reference to “poor Adini” in her diaries at this time and notes that she was consistently afflicted with prolonged bouts of exhaustion well after she was said to have overcome TB. Nonetheless, Adini was so in love with Fritz that she readily accepted him and the pair were married. Within a few months, there was happy news that the Grand Duchess was expecting her first child and this was a great cause of celebration for the Romanovs, Hesse-Kassels and their extended family in Neustrelitz, Herrenhausen, London, Berlin, The Hague etc. Yet suddenly, all turned to ashes. Three months before she was due to give birth, Adini went into an extremely arduous labour and delivered her child prematurely. Mother and child died within hours. The loss was so deeply felt across Europe that many declared court mourning be observed for Adini, just as they had for the late Queen Louise in England in 1842. When news reached George V of the Grand Duchess’ death shortly after he returned from Hanover, three days of court mourning were observed – though it has been unkindly suggested that this was more to court the Tsar with whom Metternich had suggested the King meet as soon as possible if Britain wanted to reach any sort of agreement on the Straits Pact. This is a rather uncharitable observation however as whilst George did not know Adini, he was fond of his first cousin Fritz and he would have known how deeply Adini’s death would have affected his sister to whom he was always so devoted.

    GD_Alexandra_Nikolaievna_of_Russia.jpg

    Grand Duchess Alexandra Nikolaevna - 'Adini' - painted in 1843.

    But whilst Queen Anna naturally mourned the loss of her niece and the Prince of Orange of a first cousin, Victoria took Adini’s death particularly hard. She wore black for months after official court morning at The Hague had ended and she had a copy of a portrait of the Grand Duchess placed in the entrance of Het Loo draped in purple velvet and surrounded by white roses. Guests were “invited” to offer prayers for Adini before they were received only to be told that Victoria was far too overcome with sorrow to see them after all. We have explored Victoria’s relationship with grief before and it is true that she always welcomed an opportunity to adopt mourning as a way of life. However, on this particular occasion it is entirely possible she was motivated by something far more personal and which makes her reaction more understandable. Since the birth of her second child and eldest son Prince William in 1843, Victoria had refused to leave Het Loo because of a desperate need to be close to him. The baby had displayed signs of bruising and seizures and whilst doctors had tried to examine the child (offering a rudimentary diagnosis of epilepsy), Victoria would now allow them to examine him further. Today, we know that Prince William was suffering from haemophilia and indeed, this was later formally diagnosed. But as her infant son lay in his crib suffering from a serious illness which had convinced Victoria that he may die at any moment, news from Russia that the Grand Duchess’ new-born had died could only serve to heighten that fear in Victoria. Sadly, her relations were not quite so tolerant. They had seen Victoria’s excessive displays of grief before and most found it performative given that “she never really knew the Grand Duchess anyway”.

    The Princess of Orange began to write to the Tsarevna of Russia daily. She consoled her with pages and pages of platitudes, prayers and promises to hold the memory of the Grand Duchess dear forevermore. But she also wrote to others, expressing that she was “so desolate and so lost in grief for poor darling Adini”. Indeed, when news reached her from Hanover that her cousin the Earl of Armagh had welcomed his first child, Victoria’s response was hardly one of profuse congratulation and instead focused more on the death of Grand Duchess Alexandra. The first child of the Earl and Countess of Armagh arrived on the 2nd of September 1844 and was named George Augustus. As he was the first member of the British Royal Family to be born after the introduction of the Royal House Act, he was styled His Highness Prince George Augustus of Hanover, though in the fullness of time he would naturally succeed his father as Duke of Cumberland. George and Auguste were delighted with their new-born son and though they too were in court mourning (Adini was Auguste’s sister-in-law, a much closer link than Victoria could claim), they relaxed it somewhat so that guests at Prince George Augustus’ baptism in the Royal Guelphic Chapel would not be required to wear black. King George V was a godparent to the little Prince (with Sir Michael Reith, the Earl of Armagh’s ADC standing proxy) whilst Victoria too served as a godmother (Lady Reith likewise standing proxy for her at the ceremony). But in thanking the Armaghs for the honour they had done her by asking Victoria to be a godmother to their son, they must have been perplexed when Victoria explained she had sent no gift to the new-born because “nothing I see gives me any pleasure in these very sad times”.

    Victoria went on to say how brave she thought the Countess was “for your own sorrow must be so very deep and yet you have done all good things to welcome your child into the world as poor Adini’s was so cruelly taken out of it”. Her letter then goes on to give the first indication of the difficulties Victoria was about to cause King George V too. Though news of the King’s engagement to Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau was not yet public, the intricate network of family ties made it impossible to keep the news to the confines of the immediate families of the bride and groom and by late September 1844, Victoria had heard that her cousin had proposed to Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau a few weeks earlier via her aunt, the Duchess of Cambridge. Sworn to secrecy, Victoria supposed the Earl of Armagh knew what had transpired (he did) and took this opportunity to express her feelings on the matter – they did not make for pleasant reading and are reproduced here:

    Poor Aunt Augusta is so very sad at this Dessau business for it has upset Aunt Marie dreadfully and it is not difficult to see why. I do not recall a time in which I have received the Dessau girl and though by all accounts she is very charming, her arrival into our family cannot be met with any real celebration for what else can recent events remind us of but the loss of our poor darling Sunny. I imagine she is much in Aunt Marie’s thoughts these days, especially with the tragedy in Russia, and I am told that Georgie has really been so very indifferent to her in failing to consider her feelings when he set about proposing marriage to the Dessau princess. I do wonder if he really has given every consideration to all this for, however lovely he may feel her to be, that girl will never – could never! - take the place of our beloved Sunny, neither in the family, nor in the country.

    I tell you my dear cousin, I still grieve so for Louise, whom I loved so very dearly, and I assumed that Georgie was equal to the feeling – it has only been two years when all is said and done – but to think that he should press ahead so eagerly…it does not look well on him. I should have advised him to wait a time but I have well-accepted by now that I count for little in the family these days. O! It is all so very sad isn’t it? I am put in a horrible predicament myself for how can I do other than support Aunt Marie in all this? I feel it is what Sunny would expect of me and whilst I love Georgie more than I can express, I sincerely hope that this engagement will not be paraded about too much for there are many of us who cannot welcome it - especially at such a sad time for you and dear Guste.


    Needless to say, the Earl of Armagh did not share Victoria’s feelings. He knew and liked Princess Agnes and he was delighted to see the King so happy in love once more. But Victoria was not the only one who despaired at news that the King was to be married again.

    Upon their return from Hanover to Dessau, Princess Agnes and her aunt the Dowager Princess Caroline found a very frosty reception awaiting them as Agnes had presented her engagement as an accomplished fact rather than a proposal that needed careful thought and discussion. Duke Leopold was happy for his daughter. She was of marriageable age and seemed to have found in George V that rare combination of pedigree and love. Regardless of his own position, alliances or even sentiments on the matter, Leopold could hardly deny that his daughter had bagged quite the trophy in the King and his first response upon receiving Agnes’ letter relaying this news was to remark quietly “My little Nessa…Queen of England…”. He was somewhat hurt that his future son-in-law had not consulted him first, though a letter from George inviting the Dessaus to England (and which did not mention the engagement) coupled with the Dowager Princess Caroline’s account of events at Herrenhausen soothed his disappointment. He understood that his daughter had, understandably, been a little too enthusiastic and very quickly he decided to forget the unconventional circumstances of the engagement and do all he could to support his daughter in her decision. However, the same could not be said for Leopold’s wife.

    Duchess Frederica was a snob of the highest order and on paper, one might have assumed she would have been delighted to see her daughter (whose prospects might have been considered limited) set course for a new life as a Queen in one of the greatest courts in the world. But as we have explored previously, Frederica had a strong dislike of the British Royal Family and she wasted no time in expressing how horrified she was at what had transpired in Hanover. Indeed, she fired off a lengthy missive to her half-brother the Earl of Armagh at Herrenhausen in which she accused him of “betraying our darling Mama’s memory by encouraging this match which is built on nothing more than childish infatuation”. The Duchess demanded that the Earl speak with the King “at the earliest convenience to press upon him the unsuitability of this dreadful notion for I am confident that no good shall come of it”. Inevitably she criticised the King as a “petulant and arrogant young man” for his failure to consult the Dessaus before he asked their daughter to marry him and she deemed her daughter Agnes to be “a foolish, silly little girl who has quite abandoned her reason”. Notably, Frederica made no mention of the birth of Prince George Augustus - she was far too wrapped up in her own predicament to welcome her new nephew to the world.

    Of course, none of this was known to King George who, now being resolved to marry Agnes, had settled himself at Buckingham Palace with his Aunt Mary to discuss how best Agnes could be helped to settle into her new life. George hoped that Princess Mary would serve as a kind of tutor to Agnes, a practical decision given that Mary had effectively governed the Royal Household for the past two years. Mary proposed that Agnes come to live in England before her marriage just after the engagement was made public but she deemed it “quite unsuitable” for the Princess to stay at any of the Royal residences before she was married. The King did not share this rather archaic view but conceded that some who shared Mary’s traditional views might not take Agnes’ presence at Buckingham Palace before her wedding in the right spirit. To that end, the King suggested that, for the first time since the death of his first wife, he might reopen Hanover House in Dorset where Agnes could settle with her family for a few months and from there, begin to acquaint herself with the duties and responsibilities expected of her. This met with Princess Mary’s approval as Hanover House was conveniently located near to her seaside residence in Weymouth and would allow Mary to “train” Agnes far away from the prying eyes of the court at Windsor or St James’.

    But this also raised the question of where Agnes would live after her marriage. Since the death of Queen Louise in 1842, the apartments she had used at Buckingham Palace and at Windsor had been sealed shut. The bedroom in which she died had remained untouched, her personal belongings set exactly where she had left them whilst her dressing room still filled with her clothes. George accepted that his new bride would expect to inhabit the rooms reserved for the Queen consort (in fact, Agnes had no such expectation and had not even considered it) and so, reluctant as he still may have been, he asked Princess Mary to open the apartments and to carefully remove Louise’s personal effects which were placed into large wooden trunks and then stored in the Round Tower at Windsor. Sadly, they were badly stored and so when they were uncovered some years later, many of the pieces Mary placed in the trunks were badly damaged but today two dresses worn by the late Queen can be seen on permanent display at Hanover House after being painstakingly restored to their former glory.

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    The Queen's Apartments, Buckingham Palace, as they were in Queen Agnes' later years.

    There were other considerations beyond where the new Queen consort would live which went far beyond the bed she would sleep in or the jewels she might wear. As soon as the Prime Minister was informed that the King intended to marry again, an audience was given to the Comptroller of the Household, Benjamin Disraeli, to discuss the important matter of what the Queen’s Household might look like. It was still the custom for the Prime Minister of the day to appoint the offices which would serve this new household, a tradition designed to curb allegations of political partisanship or undue influence but which had been deeply unpopular with some of Agnes’ predecessors, most famously her would-be mother-in-law at Kew. But when the King met with Disraeli to discuss this, neither could not avoid the elephant in the room – whilst it was well within Sir James Graham’s privilege as Prime Minister to make such appointments, it was looking increasingly likely that by the time the King married, the United Kingdom would have a new government and these appointments would be consigned to the rubbish bin without ever having been promulgated. Nonetheless, the two men had to go through the pantomime of drawing up a list of suitable candidates for the posts of Lord Chamberlain, a Treasurer, a Comptroller, a Private Secretary, an Assistant Private Secretary, three Lords-in-waiting, six Ladies of the Bedchamber (including the most senior, the Mistress of the Robes), two equerries, a Chaplin-in-Ordinary and a Physician in Waiting. All would have to be drawn from Tory families (or at least, families without obvious political leanings) and must be of good social standing, free from scandal and keen to serve the Crown above all else. But on a personal level, these were to become the new Queen’s inner circle, a group dedicated to helping her settle into her new role. One addition was perhaps obvious to the King even if it wasn’t to Disraeli.

    It was the King’s considered opinion that one of the six Ladies of the Bedchamber to serve the new Queen consort should be Rosalinde Wiedl. After all, Wiedl was integral to the way George and Agnes’ relationship had progressed and His Majesty believed that she should become just as much a friend to Agnes as she had been to the late Queen Louise. Disraeli was not surprised at this request but it did pose a problem. Firstly, Rosalinde Wiedl had no social rank and ladies of the bedchamber were traditionally drawn from the ranks of the aristocracy – no woman below the rank of Duchess had held the post of Mistress of the Robes since 1808, for example. Then there was the question of politics. Though she was not herself a daughter of a great political dynasty, she was well known in society as a Whig hostess. Disraeli was far too much of a gentleman to mention it but it was true that at that very moment Frau Wiedl was in France expecting the baby of her lover, a prominent Whig MP expected to gain Cabinet rank if the Tories were ousted from government. But the King was insistent. He argued that Frau Wiedl entertained just as many Tories as she did Whigs and that she could not be accused of having any political leanings herself as “she is a foreigner”. As for social rank, the King had an easy solution – he would elevate Wiedl to the rank of a Baroness in the peerage of Hanover [5]. Whilst she could not serve as Mistress of the Robes, plenty of Baronesses had served as Ladies of the Bedchamber and he believed both Sir James Graham (who had met Wiedl many times and liked her) and Lord Melbury (Graham’s potential successor) would agree to having her serve in the Queen’s Household as His Majesty wished. Disraeli promised to put the matter before the Prime Minister, adding Frau Wiedl’s name to a list which included the wives of prominent Tory politicians and peers. Ironically, none on the list would be appointed with the exception of Frau Wiedl, created Baroness Wiedl in January 1845.

    The United Kingdom went to the polls once more on the 21st of October 1844 after a fraught campaign which one Whig MP described as “trying to swim upstream in a river of treacle”. Election day itself was controversial when many Chartist supporters formed polling stations demanding to vote even though they did not meet the criteria, a reminder that at this time only men over the age of 21 who owned property or had enough capital to pay certain taxes which served as a qualification for the ballot. But the process of voting itself was not yet secret either. Though some moves had been made which offered concessions to the Chartists (such as paying MPs an annual salary), and whilst the Whigs had committed themselves to exploring further constitutional and electoral reforms, many found themselves turned away with clashes up and down the country as the would-be electors of constituencies throughout England raised merry hell in protest that they could not exercise their democratic right to choose their own representatives in the House of Commons. The Home Office had to provide additional peace-keeping forces and magistrates were told to read aloud a proclamation that reminded the populace that attempting to vote when one was not qualified to do so was considered a very serious offence indeed.

    Unlike today, it took some time for the ballots cast across the country to be collected, counted and the results verified and announced. Whilst this was perhaps more dignified than incumbent MPs being ousted live on television in the small hours of the morning, it did lead to stalemate as candidates were forced to wait at home, pacing the floor nervously awaiting a formal summons by the returning officer to hear the result proclaimed in the market square. Old hands confident of their re-election rarely bothered to attend the declaration, preferring instead to make their way to London ahead of parliament sitting once more. In some cases, election agents read the acceptance speech of a candidate despite the fact that the newly elected MP hadn’t even seen the speech in question. Increasingly nervous as the tally of declarations came in, Sir James Graham considered leaving the capital for his country estate. His aides and advisors pressed upon him the negative impression that may give and Graham managed to steady himself enough, braced for what may come. His hat and topcoat were brushed and to hand, his coach on standby. The moment the final result was in, and whatever that result may be, the Prime Minister would travel to Buckingham Palace to meet with the King – either to be invited to continue in his office or to offer his resignation.

    At the Palace, the King was kept informed of the declarations as each constituency reported but this was a long and arduous process over three or four days and so it was very much business as usual. He met with Bishops, he received government deputations and Ambassadors and he accepted an invitation to become the patron of the British Archaeological Association which was granted a royal charter to become the Royal Archaeological Institute with its headquarters at Burlington House in Mayfair. On the afternoon of the 26th of October 1844, the King received Sebastien Garrard, the Crown Jeweller. As yet, His Majesty had not presented a ring to his intended and now that the Duke of Anhalt-Dessau had accepted the King’s invitation to come to London ahead of Christmas with his family, George wanted to find the perfect piece to present to his fiancée to seal their engagement. Garrard brought with him a large selection of rings with extremely beautiful stones in a variety of exquisite settings but none pleased the King. Instead, George gave Garrard a commission of his own design inspired by a French fashion which began in 1796 when Napoleon Bonaparte proposed marriage to Josephine de Beauharnais with a ring known as a “Toi et Moi” – the complimentary close George V always used in his correspondence with Princess Agnes and which translates simply as “You and Me”.

    toi-et-moi-ring-ring-14180639408211.jpg

    Queen Agnes' 'Toi et Moi' engagement ring.

    ‘Toi et Moi’ rings had become just as fashionable in London in the 1830s and 40s as they had become in Paris in the early 1800s and the style had become traditionalised as two different stones in matching sizes and cuts set into a by-pass band that coils around the finger. Handing Garrard a sketch to illustrate exactly what he wanted, the result was a beautiful example of a ‘Toi et Moi’ band which features a 2-carat Burmese ruby alongside a 2-carat diamond set in an 18-carat gold setting. Four single carat old cut European diamonds stud the band itself with silver set topped gold. As the ring would be given at Christmas time, the King asked Garrard to find an accompanying piece which might serve as a Christmas Eve gift to pair with Agnes’ engagement ring. George eventually selected a simple but beautifully executed design of a cross formed of Calibré cut rubies framing a diamond set foliate. Naturally Garrard was not told who the pieces were for, or why they were being given, though he may have suspected because ‘Toi et Moi’ rings were only ever purchased to be given as engagement rings and the jeweller had already produced a piece (an enamel brooch) for Princess Agnes the previous year. Nonetheless, discretion was Garrards’ watch word and he dutifully set about producing the pieces which are still in the possession of the British Royal Family today. As Garrard left the Palace, he noticed a messenger dashing inside, rather indecorously leaping the stairs so as to find his way to his destination as quickly as possible. The election result was now confirmed.

    The Tories had gone into the general election with their nerves jangled and their prospects looking decidedly grim. It must be remembered that the Unionists had rejected Sir James’ offer of an electoral pact which would see candidates stood down in seats where the Conservative or Unionist candidate might see their vote split in favour of the Whigs – and it is also worthy of note that the campaign that followed saw the Unionists attack the Tories just as much as they did the Whigs. The Prime Minister himself predicted he may soon become “yesterday’s man” and Lord Melbury was said to have ordered himself a new beaver fur collar to wear when he strolled along Downing Street for the first time as Graham’s successor. Talk of the “Great Decline” had come to define the campaign and many expected a Whig landslide, ousting the Tories from government with a sizeable majority with which to change Britain forever. Yet it was not to be that simple. In the overall horse-trading of independent seats, former radical strongholds, Tory safe seats and Whig marginals, the electorate of Britain served up a surprising result.

    The Whigs were undoubtedly the winning party, increasing their number in the Commons by 63 seats. The Unionists gained 20 seats but lost 11 – Bernard Jallick was heard to remark that Winchelsea had doomed the party’s fortunes when he rejected Graham’s offer of a pact – whilst the Repeal Association’s presence dipped slightly by 8 seats. But the most intriguing story of the 1844 general election campaign was the so-called “Independent Retreat” whereby the larger parties gained seats which had traditionally not been held by one side or the other. This was perhaps to be expected as British politics was becoming more tribal and people felt compelled to pick between the larger two parties against independent candidates. That said, a handful of radicals retained their seats and to the shock – and concern – of many in the establishment, two Chartist candidates were elected in Wales, the very first under the Chartist banner to be elected to the House of Commons. But the Tory losses were not quite so severe as had been predicted. From 240 seats, they dwindled to 222 giving the Whigs a majority over the Tories of 34.

    Before the 1844 election, and despite Lord Winchelsea’s refusal to form an electoral pact with Sir James, the Unionists had (almost) always voted with the Tory government. How could they not when the party itself was comprised mostly of former Tory MPs? The problem now was that if the Tories and Unionists continued to vote together in a bloc (as they undoubtedly would), the Whigs would have to rely on radical, independent and Repeal Association votes to pass anything in the Commons. It must also be remembered that Sir James had packed the House of Lords with Tory peers to “rebalance” the red benches – and these were not likely to go along with the progressive platform the Whigs had in mind without a fight. In other words, Lord Melbury’s Whigs had won a pyrrhic victory. Convention dictated that the King must summon his old friend to the Palace to invite him to form a government because he led the largest party in the Commons and so in this way, the Whigs had successfully ousted the Tories from office. Yet as to how long this government could last and what it might achieve? Only time would tell. The King was discussing this unexpected turn of events with Charlie Phipps ahead of Sir James' arrival at the Palace to offer his resignation when a letter arrived.

    The King ran his paper knife through the seal and opened it, his face suddenly flushing red as he made his way to the second page. Phipps did his best not to try and peek at the letter but he knew it could not be good news. Eventually he broke the silence and asked, "Is everything quite alright Your Majesty?"

    George placed the letter on his desk and scowled at it. He did not reply, his cheeks now crimson. Without warning, he slammed his palms down onto his desk and fumed silently. Phipps allowed his eyes to fall upon the paper. He could just make out the signature.

    Your Ever Loving Cousin,
    Victoria.



    Notes

    [1] It’s estimated that Victoria produced (on average) 2,500 words a day in both letters and in her journals. From the letters she sent to her daughter Vicky in the OTL, we see that she would often send two or three a day to the same recipient – usually to berate them for not replying quickly enough. We also know that Victoria loved to gossip and frequently caused problems as a result. Only in the OTL, nobody dared tell her off for it…

    [2] Different from the OTL because we removed the Duchess of Kent extremely early.

    [3] Without delving into the complexity of the tree too much, our George V could claim a closer link to the Hesse-Kassels than Victoria who was only related to them by marriage – Augusta of Hesse-Kassel being her aunt by virtue of her marriage to the Duke of Cambridge. In TTL, Augusta is George’s aunt twice over and her sister Marie is not only his aunt but his (almost) former mother-in-law.

    [4] As in the OTL, this leaves Olga free to marry. Metternich had proposed her as a bride for Pedro II of Brazil, etc etc.

    [5] This was often done at court to raise the rank of an individual who didn’t come to royal service in the usual way – such as with Baroness Lehzen in the OTL.

    And so Crown Imperial is back underway!

    I've been updating notes and planning out some new plot points over the last few days so in the spirit of housekeeping, I just wanted to mention that Part Three will end with the marriage of the King and Princess Agnes in 1845 - roughly equivalent to the same number of chapters in Parts One and Two.

    We've covered less ground in terms of actual time in Part Three but it was a particularly important few years for George V and I felt we needed to detail the aftermath of Louise's death and Agnes' arrival a little more intensely otherwise it would feel that Louise was thrown away and Agnes introduced without any real impact.

    We've still a few more chapters before we reach Part Four of course and I'm going to try and include two appendices as I did for Prince Albert giving an update on what's been happening to Victoria and Charlotte Louise in a little more detail than recent instalments have allowed before moving on from 1845 into Part Four.

    As ever, many thanks for reading and for your continued support!
     
    GV: Part Three, Chapter Twenty-Six: Fallout
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Twenty-Six: Fallout



    20th August 1844, Het Loo, HRH the Princess of Orange to HM King George V

    My dearest sweet cousin Georgie,

    I write to you from my sad little house at Het Loo where all is still and where the happy memories of those lost to us both feel so very close these days. I have written to dear Lottie whom I know shall be so tortured these past weeks by the loss of poor Adini. Her tragic death is a reminder to us all that we must cherish those we love and hold dear and this is the spirit in which I send this letter to you. I ask you to remember that all I say is borne of an affection that has always been so very dear to me. I think of our poor dear Uncle William and how he would consider all things so very carefully – his example was always important to you Georgie, you sought always to emulate him in all you did. You will agree with me, I think, that he never acted in haste – I think of him very much these days as I hope you too shall think of him, not just with fond and happy memories of times past but on how we may follow his example of calm, considered things at a time when so much is upset.

    So then Georgie I think we must talk about unpleasant things for a time, things you may not have considered but which I feel compelled to ask you to give very serious reflection and sober deliberation. You will know I think that I have always corresponded with dear Aunt Marie who has been so very kind to me these many years and that I consider her to be a fine woman of estimable qualities, qualities which were so apparent in our darling Sunny whose memory I cherish and whom I have thought much about in these past days. The tragedy in our family last month can only serve to remind us all of how cruelly taken from us Louise was and how her absence is still so keenly felt. When I have been with you since her death, I see her empty place at table and I weep for I can never forget the sunshine and the happiness she brought to us, to you and to your dear children.

    In this continued grief therefore, it pains me to think of another taking the place that was once so joyfully filled by our darling Sunny. Though death has parted us, I feel her presence very keenly and so it is only natural that I should not welcome the prospect that someone else may one day soon occupy that position which in all our hearts will forever belong to Sunny. I know the loneliness of grief for I have lost many to whom I have given my affection – poor Uncle William, my darling Papa, Mama, Louise, Adini…but I know that I cannot hope to share that which was reserved for them by settling those same cares on another to whom they do not belong. This is not to say that I believe we cannot love another when the ones we have adored are so mercilessly taken from us. But in taking a new love to our hearts we must consider if we do so because our sentiments are true or because we hope to feel that same love we once enjoyed with another.

    We must not forget too Georgie that we occupy a most unusual station in this life and that with this great burden comes many expectations. You will remember with the same gratitude as I, the very sincere outpouring of grief in the country which followed poor Sunny’s death. Just as we, your family, struggle to reconcile with the steps you now take, I fear the people too may never adjust to a stranger standing in the place of the one they loved so dear. This is not to express any doubt that the Princess of Dessau [sic] is a fine girl with many wonderful qualities for no such reservations exist in my mind despite the things I am told. You are worthy of happiness and if you have truly found it in this quarter then I am well contented – how could I not be when I wish for you to know nothing but happiness? But she remains, to me, to our family and to your people, a foreigner, and I do not see that haste will bring her closer to us.

    So my dearest Georgie, I must ask you to consider these things which I have said and I express again that I am motivated in this only by love of you. Your news should bring us all so much joy and delight and yet you will be aware of the ill-feeling and sadness that exists in our family and which could so easily be put right. We shall not speak of these things again for I believe they are unpleasant things which grieve us both. But I know that you will reflect wisely on what I have said, that you will seek to make amends and that you will – as you have always done thus far – try to imitate our poor dear uncle William in this matter for I know that he taught you well and that he would put the strength of our family before any personal wish for the good of us all and for the country.

    Do not be angry darling Georgie that I have shared these sentiments with you for I do so knowing you have always loved me as a sister and it is with a sibling’s affection that I speak as I do. I should hate you to continue in your chosen course on this matter unaware of just how united our family is in its concern and so my petitions, which I offer on behalf of us all for there is not one among us who can say they feel differently, are offered with a remembrance that whichever path you pursue, we shall always find it within ourselves to agree to it even though we may not understand.

    With my sincerest love and affection to Aunt Mary, to the children, and to you my dearest cousin Georgie,

    Your Ever-Loving Cousin,

    Victoria.



    When King William III of the Netherlands died in 1890, his widow Victoria embarked upon a curious project. Recruiting the assistance of her daughter, Princess Victoria Paulina, she began to sift through almost 50 years of drawings, journals and letters and marked each with a number from 1-3. Those marked with a one were to be deposited in the Royal Archives at Windsor. Those marked with a two were to be sent to the Koninklijke Bibliotheek in The Hague. Those marked with a three were to be destroyed after her death. This latter category, from which the above letter is reproduced in full for the first time, miraculously survives in tact and in the public domain and though Victoria took great pains to avoid this, it is from these letters that we can truly build a portrait of her and better understand the relationships she had with her husband, children and extended family members such as King George V in England. For readers pondering how such intimate documents became public, we must fast-forward a little to examine the relationship between Queen Victoria and her daughter, Princess Victoria Paulina (known to European royalty as Linna).

    Victoria’s failure to bond with her daughter from birth led to a life long awkward relationship between mother and child. From the moment Prince William was born in 1843, Linna saw even less of her mother than she had before and it was no secret among Dutch courtiers that the ill-fated Prince was Victoria’s favourite. Fortunately, the Prince of Orange adored Linna and just as the Princess favoured her eldest son, so too the future King William III showed a strong preference among his three children to his only daughter. However, when William became King of the Netherlands in 1849, the demands on his time were so great that he rarely had time to visit Het Loo where his wife, now Queen consort, insisted her household would remain despite the accession and the new duties demanded of her. As a result, Linna was forced to spend much of her early life with her mother and as she grew older, Victoria’s apathy toward her daughter saw Linna cast in the role of a kind of unpaid lady in waiting or private secretary. So it remained for the next 43 years.

    369px-Queen_Victoria_the_Princess_Royal_Victoria_c1844-5.png

    Victoria with her daughter Princess Victoria Paulina in 1845.

    By the 1870s, William III and his wife were completely estranged from each other and did their level best to avoid each other’s company. The Dutch public knew the royal marriage had failed and William made no attempt to hide his extra-marital relationships [1]. Indeed, in 1872 when Victoria was openly criticised for purchasing a castle at Poeke in East Flanders, Belgium as a summer residence, William openly told his advisors that he (very hypocritically) shared the public mood and ordered Victoria to sell Poeke – which she refused to do. He then gave serious consideration to divorcing Victoria but found his government staunchly opposed – they suspected, quite rightly, that such a move was only ever designed to allow the King to marry his mistress and that it had nothing to do with Victoria’s lack of popularity at all. For better or worse however, the couple remained married until William III’s death in 1890. Victoria was said to be totally perplexed by the public display of sympathy and when she was told of the huge numbers gathered outside the Noordeinde Palace to pay their final respects as the King’s cortege passed them by, she asked, “Can that really be true?”.

    It is widely agreed by historians today that Victoria wanted to erase any trace of her own contribution to her poor public image in the Netherlands. Indeed, the “best face” of Victoria’s personality is evident in the material she wished to send to the Royal Archives in Windsor – possibly knowing that they might be more likely to emerge into the public domain there than they would in the Netherlands. The documents she wished to bequeath to the Royal Library in the Hague are mostly ordinary in theme – letters from grateful recipients of her charity and the like. But those documents she sought to have destroyed show us that Victoria was often the source of family disagreements and that she was even responsible for long-standing rifts which were never repaired. Why she kept these letters for so long and why she did not destroy them personally before her death is a mystery but she went to her grave believing that her daughter would carry out her wishes and protect Victoria’s image from declining any further after she was gone. Linna inherited a small fortune from her mother, property in the form of the Lange Voorhout Palace in the Hague and of course, Victoria’s written archive. But she had no intention of honouring her mother’s last wish.

    Princess Victoria Paulina did indeed send some of the material she inherited to England and she deposited some documents as instructed in the Netherlands. But those letters Victoria wished to see destroyed after her death remained with the Princess until her death in 1921. Combined with Linna’s own personal archive, the entire collection was shipped to England where they were placed in the custody of the Princess’ friend and confidant, Mrs Annabel Ross, with whom Linna frequently holidayed in England. When Mrs Ross died in 1930, her daughter Millicent put everything she found into a bank for safe keeping and when she died, these were included in the personal effects offered for auction at Bonham’s in 1988. Thus, the entire anthology of the late Queen Victoria’s writings became available to the world for the first time (despite protests of both the British and Dutch Royal Families) and it is thanks to Princess Victoria Paulina that we can see the letter sent to King George V in England in 1844 which caused so much difficulty for the extended Royal Family at this time. Inevitably, Victoria’s writings horrified and angered George V and though he had learned to contain his temper, he considered her interference so unjust and so unkind that he swore there and then never to receive his cousin again. He ordered his aunt Mary to withdraw the invitation he had extended to the Prince and Princess of Orange to visit England for Christmas 1844 and an engraving of a nine year old Victoria by Thomas Woolworth which the King kept on his desk in his study was removed.

    Though she was not inaccurate in her suggestion that the Strelitzes felt particularly grieved that the King was to marry again (something the King already knew), Victoria was wrong to suggest that they opposed his marriage to Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau because they felt that their late daughter was being replaced in any way. Indeed, their bone of contention was that they believed George might have made more of an effort to reassure them by telling them face to face what the true nature of his relationship with Agnes was before he proposed and whether they were correct to expect such sensitivity or not, we know that the King had some sympathy with their view. But Victoria’s worst offence was to hint that George was only marrying Agnes because he missed his late wife so much that he could not bear to be alone and so had transferred his affections for Louise to Princess Agnes. George considered this an outrageous slur on his motives and he insisted that he could never forgive his cousin for “using the memory of Sunny against me”. In his rage, he told his aunt Mary that Victoria was “driven by spite” and that “she wishes everyone to be as miserable as she for she has never really known any happiness, the absence of which is entirely of her own making for she makes herself unlovable by her outrageous behaviour”.

    Though Victoria’s letter put the King in a frightful rage for days to come, it also seemed to make him more determined to put the arrangements for his second marriage in place. When confirmation came from the Dessaus that they would arrive in England in the second week of November, George V set about making every preparation possible for their comfort and asked the Archbishop of Canterbury to make himself available to discuss the finer details of the wedding which was proposed to take place on the 2nd May 1845. George had not discussed any of the arrangements for the wedding day itself with his intended, possibly because he wanted to secure everything in place to display his commitment to Agnes in spite of what others thought of his plans. To this end, the venue for the wedding was discussed and selected without any consultation with Princess Agnes who only learned when and where she would be married after the matter was settled with the appropriate authorities in England. In a letter to her brother the Duke of Cambridge, Princess Mary writes; “I expect it shall be a small wedding at the Chapel Royal in Buckingham Palace as we had for Augusta and Fritz” and certainly there was a feeling among those in the know that a second wedding would not seek to exceed the celebrations for the first when George V married Louise of Mecklenburg-Strelitz in the relatively modest surroundings of St George’s Chapel, Windsor.

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    Westminster Abbey, c. 1845.

    Princess Mary was correct in her assessment that the King would not wish to marry at St George’s. The chapel at Windsor was not only full of memories of his first marriage but it also marked the final resting place of his late wife. The idea that he might marry there was unthinkable but something else concerned George in his planning which made him equally consider the Chapel Royal at Buckingham Palace to be unsuitable. Around this time, George summoned Sir Frederick Pollock, the outgoing Attorney General, to ask for one final piece of advice. When the King married Louise of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, he had already succeeded his late father George IV but had not yet been anointed and crowned at Westminster Abbey. This allowed for Queen Louise to be crowned alongside her husband as tradition demanded. However, as Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau would marry the King after his coronation, George wanted to know if a separate coronation ceremony for his new Queen consort would be required or whether a form of the coronation service should be included in the wedding service to allow Agnes to be crowned Queen.

    Pollock explained that from the moment the King took Agnes as his wife, she would legally become Queen consort of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, of Hanover etc. Though there had been separate coronations of Queen consorts during their marriage service (the last being that of Anne Boleyn in 1553), the practise was dispensed with during the reign of King Charles II who did not see that his consort, Catherine of Braganza, warranted a separate coronation (or even the presentation of a Crown) when he married her in 1662 just a year after his own coronation in 1661. George queried whether the people would understand that, though she had not been formally crowned, Agnes would still be Queen consort. Pollock replied that there could be no such misunderstanding but this was not enough to convince George and so it was that he decided that he should marry not at St George’s Chapel in Windsor or the Chapel Royal at Buckingham Palace but rather that he should marry in full public view at Westminster Abbey. It is understandable that he would wish to do and he reasoned with his aunt that the prestige of the Abbey and it’s place in national life as the seat at which the Kings and Queens of England, etc, are crowned would convey an image of Agnes to the people as every bit a Queen consort as the late Queen Louise had been. Mary accepted this, knowing her nephew to be highly sensitive to any criticism of his relationship in the light of Princess Victoria’s letter, but this did not mean that she did not harbour reservations. “Far from appearing a way to confirm a successor”, she wrote to her brother, “I fear it may invite comparisons to be drawn in an unfavourable way – might the people not ask why the new Queen was worthy of a wedding in the Abbey yet the late and much loved Queen was not?”

    By this time, the first stories allowed to mention Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau beyond the Court Circular were being printed in English newspapers. The very first mention came in the Illustrated London News and for many, this would have been their first glimpse of their future Queen consort too. Founded in 1842, Illustrated London became immediately popular with the public despite the relatively expensive price (it sold for sixpence) when compared to other periodicals because it always contained around 30 wood engravings which could be cut out and kept providing cheap artwork to the masses. Scrap-booking became a popular hobby with highly decorative volumes devoted to different themes such as well-known West End actors, scenes from capital cities around the world or – always the most popular – European royalty. It was only natural therefore that Illustrated London would include a portrait of Princess Agnes and a biography of her but this went further than the usual profile of an eligible princess offered by Illustrated London. On this occasion, special mention was given to the fact that the magazine could exclusively reveal (though plenty of other publications were given the same information by the Palace to report) that Agnes had twice been received by His Majesty the King in the last year – firstly at a party given by Prince Frederick of Prussia at Burg Rheinstein and then again in Hanover during the celebrations for the investiture of the new Viceroy as Princess Agnes was on a tour of Germany with her aunt, the Dowager Princess of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt. Nothing more was said of the interaction between the King and the Princess beyond this but Illustrated London (and other English newspapers, magazines etc) all faithfully reported that Agnes was “a great beauty, renowned in the courts of Europe as a most charming and elegant young woman of many attractive qualities”. The News of the World falsely reported that the King of France considered her as a bride for his son the Duke of Aumale but “conceded defeat when the Princess absolutely refused to embrace the Catholic religion, so committed is she to the practise of her Christian faith in the Lutheran tradition”.

    However, this glowing testimonials to Princess Agnes’ beauty, personality and other highly-sought after virtues in a bride may not have taken the public’s interest quite as much as the Palace had hoped. The only topic of conversation on people’s minds at this time was the fallout from the general election and what it could mean for the future, talk of the Great Decline having successfully instilled a widespread sense of panic in the country that the forthcoming winter would be an exceptionally difficult one. The election result did little to assuage people’s fears. Though a Whig victory might otherwise have calmed such anxieties, the newspapers were keen to point out that the Whig government would be shackled to other groups in the Commons to push through it’s reforming agenda. “By banding together”, one newspaper told it’s readers, “The Tories and the Unionists may plunge Britain into a permanent state of impasse until the new administration must concede it cannot govern and Britain shall no doubt then find itself with the old guard restored to positions which the people of this country so roundly decided they were no longer fit to occupy”. Predictions were made that Lord Melbury would have to resign before Christmas and that the King would then invite Sir James Graham to return to office in the hopes that his support in the Commons would be enough to provide the United Kingdom with a stable government. But in some quarters, the first stirrings of something more serious were emerging.

    The diarist Charles Greville, who so enthusiastically recorded the “new royalism” of the age for posterity in his journal makes mention of “the rumblings of rumour” that the King had absolutely no intention of inviting Sir James to serve as Prime Minister again if the Whig government collapsed. Greville writes “This is no great surprise to me for it is well known to the political class that His Majesty has no great fondness for Graham”. Yet he follows this with an observation that many in high society had begun to talk openly about – that “the King should not abandon a friend and undoubtedly Lord Melbury is one of the dearest friends he has”. The relationship between George V and Melbury had previously caused unpleasantness in government circles and had inspired tension behind the closed doors of Buckingham Palace and Downing Street, yet this was the first time people openly began to discuss the fact that the King may find it difficult to be politically impartial in the future because of his friendship with Lord Melbury. Greville even comments on the first audience between the two after the election; “Where the King was said to give Melbury a glass of champagne and toasted his success”. Melbury later denied this ever happened and said that the King, almost a tea totaller, “would never have offered sherry at 10am, let alone a glass of champagne – indeed, I do not recall partaking of anything stronger than a glass of milk in His Majesty’s company”. However, the narrative was being set in the mind of those closely connected to the establishment. There were even hushed whispers that Melbury had encouraged the King to take an active role in diplomatic matters, for which he had a great interest, and that now he may want to see the favour returned if things became difficult for the new Whig administration.

    6227723643-86a58889a7-b.jpg

    Lord Melbury.

    Regardless of the prospects ahead, Lord Melbury was officially invited to form a government on the morning of the 27th of October 1844 after Sir James Graham had been given a final audience with the King in which to offer his resignation. Graham later wrote “His Majesty was most kind and wished me very well for the future and though I deeply regretted that I should be leaving the office I so enjoyed, I was confident that the business of government would continue to be overseen by a Sovereign so dedicated and so committed to the prosperity of this country which for so long has been privileged to have in that role an individual as devoted as King George V”. By contrast, Lord Melbury (who wrote no memoir of his time in office) describes his first audience with the King as Prime Minister in a letter to his brother John Fox-Strangways as “a humbling experience made all the more memorable by His Majesty’s generosity who gave me luncheon when our official business was at it’s close and who said how happy he was that we should no longer have to ration our meetings so as to avoid scorn from the dreaded Graham!”. But Melbury’s letter also contains a reference to “discussions over new appointments to the Household” which suggest that the audience (and perhaps the subsequent luncheon) was not entirely as sympatico as the bulk of his letter suggests. Towards the end of his letter to his brother, Melbury notes that there was “some hesitation on new appointments to the Household - G.W not a popular suggestion for Comptroller so some work to be done there”.

    G.W refers to Major General Lord George William Russell, the second son of the 6th Duke of Bedford and brother to Lord John Russell, now awaiting his own high office in Cabinet. G.W Russell was not overtly political though he had sat in parliament for some time as the Whig MP for Bedford. He left the Commons in 1831 and entered the diplomatic service with appointments to the British Embassies or Consulates in Lisbon, Württemberg and Berlin, the latter earning him the honour of becoming a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath and a promotion to the rank of Major-General [2]. On paper, he was an ideal fit for the post of Comptroller of the Royal Household but there was one small problem; whilst the King did not dislike Russell, he very much liked the outgoing Comptroller, Benjamin Disraeli. The King had always respected and upheld the principle that the government of the day should choose officers in the Royal Household yet he had become enormously fond of Disraeli and valued his service. “It seems a shame that someone so capable and so good at his task should have to make way for a totally untested (and dare I say, unremarkable) successor simply because the man falls on the wrong side of the House”, the King wrote to his sister Maria Georgievna, “I do not intend to oppose Foxy on this but I really do question the common sense of this arrangement, especially when things are so uncertain”.

    Whilst he did not say it outright, it must have crossed the King’s mind that there was a distinct possibility that if the Whig government collapsed, Disraeli could find himself back in post within weeks. And what did that really say about the King's confidence in his friend Lord Melbury’s ability to govern the United Kingdom?


    Notes

    [1] As in the OTL, the character of William III remains unchanged so that I can explore Victoria’s life with a very different husband than she had in Prince Albert.

    For those keeping up to date with such things, I'll include the list of the Melbury Ministry with our next instalment as it focuses more on the politics we're going into and some of the players need a more in depth introduction than I could add in here.

    Many thanks for reading!
     
    GV: Part Three, Chapter Twenty-Seven: Come What May
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Twenty-Seven: Come What May

    On the 2nd of November 1844, the Royal Yacht (the Royal George) crossed the English Channel from Calais carrying Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau across the sea to a country which, for the next 53 years, would become her adopted homeland. Well aware that his future in-laws were somewhat uncertain after the unconventional way in which he proposed to their daughter at Herrenhausen, the King sent the Royal Yacht to Calais to bring the Dessaus to Dover but this generous gesture did little to impress Duchess Frederica who complained that the Royal George was "really quite shabby and old-fashioned". Somehow this ungrateful review of the George got back to the King and though it was used once more to convey the Dessaus back to Calais in January 1845, the yacht was then abandoned. A new yacht, the Hanover, was commissioned in February 1845 and and entered service in 1849, the Royal Family making use of the Royal Sovereign (the largest of King George III's yachts) in the interim until she too was retired [1].

    The arrival of Princess Agnes was to serve as an early example of a PR event with His Majesty travelling personally to Dover to welcome the Dessaus to England. Newspaper editors were “encouraged” to offer detailed accounts of this meeting which would begin to reveal the truth of the relationship between George and Agnes, thus suitably preparing the people of the United Kingdom for an engagement announcement in the first week of February. From the accounts of Agnes’ sailing into port that chilly November day, there can be no doubt that the newspapers had been given the green light to hint at a close relationship as much as possible for they openly hint (for the first time) that the King was “greatly cheered to welcome the Duke and Duchess to England once more and was especially pleased to see their eldest daughter, the very charming and very beautiful Princess Agnes, whom he greeted with a kiss on the hand and a warm smile”. Just as today, there were profiles of the Dessaus provided in magazine, who they were, how they lived and how they were related to the other Crowned Heads of Europe. Of course, there were also the ubiquitous fashion reviews which reported that the Princess was “well-prepared for the chill wearing a most beautiful sable cape over a travelling gown of ruched sapphire satin” and that she had brought with her "four trunks of gowns said to have been purchased in Paris before she left for England". Though Agnes didn't travel light, she certainly hadn't acquired new dresses en route, the Dessaus being in no position financially to purchase a trousseau from the fashion houses of the French capital.

    From the dockside, the Duke and Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau joined the King and Princess Mary in an open carriage whilst the Dessau children followed behind in a second one. Crowds had naturally gathered to catch a glimpse of His Majesty but they could not yet know that they were in the privileged position of being the first of their countrymen to see their future Queen on English soil. Charlie Phipps had arranged for the royal party to lodge for two days at Belmont House, that grand Georgian mansion in Kent owned by the Harris family. The 2nd Baron Harris preferred his Irish estate at Waterstown in Athlone and thus Belmont was left vacant, offering the Anhalt-Dessaus their first real taste of English country house life outside of the royal estates. Duchess Frederica was not particularly impressed and referred to Belmont as “a little cottage”, boasting that her summer house in Dessau was “much bigger and far more comfortable” but nonetheless, every effort was made to offer the King’s guests an opportunity to recover themselves after their long journey which at least Princess Agnes appreciated, writing a letter of thanks to Lord Harris for his “generosity and kindness in allowing us to stay in your beautiful house which I thought most charming and so very comfortable”.

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    Belmont House.

    It was at Belmont that Princess Agnes was first introduced to two individuals who would become the most important non-family figures in her inner circle for the rest of her life. These were Colonel Charles George Arbuthnot (known to the Royal Family by his army nickname of Butty) and Elizabeth Knollys (known to the future Queen Agnes and her household as Bessie). Arbuthnot, born in 1801, was the son of a prominent diplomat who had spent a little over a decade in the military before pursuing a very brief political career. Elected to the Commons as a Tory in 1831, he quickly decided that the job didn’t suit him and he applied to be appointed Steward of the Manor of East Hundred within the year, allowing him to resign his seat. Thereafter, he pursued a career at court and until 1843, had been engaged as an Extra Equerry to the Dowager Duchess of Clarence. But the post offered Arbuthnot very little opportunity to showcase his skills, the Dowager Duchess now almost a complete recluse who failed to include him when she made her travels abroad seeking out the latest health cure. Arbuthnot was a good friend to the King’s Private Secretary, Charlie Phipps, and so it was Phipps who proposed Arbuthnot as a suitable candidate to serve as his counterpart in the new Queen’s Household. The King agreed that Arbuthnot was a promising appointment on paper but he wanted to be sure that Princess Agnes felt the same way. To that end, Arbuthnot was appointed Extra Equerry to King George V in November 1844. He would remain with Princess Agnes at Hanover House until her marriage, after which time he would be transferred to her household as Private Secretary, a post he would come to hold for the next 22 years.

    Though she would acquire six ladies of the bedchamber in time, these were to be political appointments. The King had stipulated that he expected one of these coveted roles to be filled by Baroness Wiedl which both Sir James Graham and Lord Melbury had agreed to, thus protecting Wiedl’s position in the Queen’s Household regardless of who was in office when the King married. But in November 1844, Rosalinde was still in France and so an alternative companion to assist the Princess had to be found. From her 16th birthday onward, Princess Agnes had been “presented” with 67 year old Vera Sailer as an occasional lady-in-waiting, Sailer having served the Dessaus for decades. But Sailer had no intention of staying in England a moment longer than she had to and aware that his fiancée would need a reliable and friendly female companion, he asked Princess Mary to find a suitable (though temporary) lady-in-waiting. Mary’s choice was the 36 year old Elizabeth Knollys who was to become Agnes’ closest and dearest friend in England. Elizabeth was the daughter of Sir John St Aubyn and in 1830, she married William Knollys, by 1844 an Equerry to Princess Mary. Knollys was an interesting character, once styled Viscount Wallingford until his father’s claim to the Earldom of Banbury was rejected, he pursued a military career before finding himself appointed to the Household of the King’s aunt. Mary valued Knollys’ service enormously and could think of no better companion for Agnes than his wife Elizabeth given that Mary was to join Agnes at Hanover House to begin the process of preparing the Princess for her new life as Queen consort. The King was only too happy to approve of his aunt’s choice and he hoped that, given the political impartiality of the Knollys couple, Elizabeth might well be able to stay on in some capacity when George and Agnes were wed [2].

    A glimpse into the future shows us just how important both the Arbuthnots and the Knollyses would become to Agnes. Butty became an integral part of the Queen’s Household, admired and respected but also feared for his devotion to his charge. In all things, the Queen came first and there are tales told of junior servants who were dismissed after mere hours in royal service because they failed to meet his exacting standards. But his wife Charlotte (whom the Queen named Lolo) was equally well-liked at court and though she never held an official post in the Royal Household, Charlotte Arbuthnot was to be found “in the presence” on a daily basis, becoming a trusted friend and an essential travelling companion for the young Queen from the earliest days of her marriage. Likewise, following her marriage in 1845, Agnes asked if she could keep Elizabeth Knollys close to her as the King had hoped she might. Though Bessie was never officially appoint as a lady of the bedchamber, she (like Lolo) remained an integral part of the Queen’s inner circle and was with Agnes daily, evidently becoming far more valued and well-liked than any of the ladies in waiting who served the Queen until her death. To accommodate this, the King transferred William Knollys from his aunt’s service to become an Equerry to the Queen and as the years went by, William and Elizabeth’s children followed in their parent’s footsteps, their son Francis becoming Private Secretary to the Prince of Wales in 1869 whilst another son, Henry, served as Private Secretary to Princess Victoria for almost 45 years, a relationship we shall explore further in time.

    Bessie Knollys writes of her first encounter with Princess Agnes at Belmont in November 1844 in her journal and observes that “she has many fine qualities but the trick here shall be to convince her that she need not attempt to display them all at once”. It appears that Agnes was overcome with excitement to be in England again which, whilst charming, also exhausted some within the royal party. Princess Mary was particularly jarred by “the relentless enthusiasm of the girl” but was cheered when she saw Agnes “make a very healthy appetite at supper and she is not at all finicky as is the fashion among the young these days”. This pleased Mary but she warned in a letter to her sister-in-law the Duchess of Cambridge that “if she cannot be brought to heel, I shall have to break her for what is charming in a young bride is far from desirable in the countenance of a Queen”. Though this may hit the modern ear with a sense of shock, the idea that young brides required lessons in how to conduct themselves, so as to rid of them any unattractive qualities, was often undertaken by an older female relative and was far from uncommon. Even the bride’s mother, Duchess Frederica, warned Princess Mary in a letter to “never give in to her and never indulge her for her wilfulness is a blemish on her character and does not reflect well upon her”. These comments may offer a sense of foreboding for the weeks to come and speak to the possibility of clashes between Princess Agnes and Princess Mary, yet if this was foreseen by anyone close to the King they did not mention it and for his part, George was delighted to have Agnes with him in England once more and thought “all preparations made thus far to have satisfactory results”.

    The reunion between the King and his intended was to last just a few days. On the 5th of November 1844, the King had to return to London and Agnes’ parents were to go with him so that they could hold the formal talks concerning the engagement of their daughter with the appropriate parties at Buckingham Palace. Princess Mary took Agnes to Hanover House where her education was to begin with a brief break for two weeks in December when all would come together once more at Windsor for Christmas. Then, Agnes would return to Dorset with Mary until February when the engagement was announced before she was lodged at Marlborough House before her wedding, allowing her a month or so of public engagements in London so that the British people could get a good look at the Princess who was shortly to become their Queen. Whilst Princess Mary concerned herself with the best way to prepare Agnes for court life, the King travelled to London with his future-in-laws and at Buckingham Palace, for the first time, he formally asked the Duke of Anhalt-Dessau for permission to marry his daughter.

    The Duke explained that he was personally delighted that the King and Princess Agnes should have found each other, that they had fallen in love and that they wished to marry. But as the reigning Duke of Anhalt-Dessau, he needed two guarantees before he could formally give his consent to their union. The first concerned money. At this time, it was the form for the bride’s family to provide a dowry which would supplement the annuity granted from her adopted homeland. For example, when the King’s sister married it was acknowledged that she would receive an annuity from her father-in-law, the Tsar, but that the British parliament would supplement this with an annuity paid directly to her by the Treasury. Whilst Agnes could expect a parliamentary annuity equal to that which her predecessor Queen Louise had enjoyed, the Duke of Anhalt-Dessau was not a wealthy man and he could not hope to match the more generous dowries paid to the British Royal Family over the years from the Houses of Hesse-Kassel, Saxe-Meiningen or Mecklenburg-Strelitz. His offer stood at just £10,000 to be paid in instalments of £250 per annum over 40 years – when compared to the £40,000 a year Agnes could expect to receive from parliament, it was a paltry sum and seemed to cause the Duke a degree of embarrassment. George tried to waive the subject but the Duke was insistent. He would meet his obligations as a matter of honour and the idea that he would not do so was not only unthinkable but not open for debate with his future son-in-law.

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    Duke Leopold IV.

    But the second concern the Duke had concerned something far more important than Agnes’ personal allowance. Through the twists and turns of the Anhalt family tree, Leopold IV stood to become the first reigning Duke in centuries to unite the Anhalt lands. Two cousins, Duke Henry of Anhalt-Köthen and Duke Alexander Karl of Anhalt-Bernburg were expected to die without legitimate male heirs and thus Anhalt-Köthen and Anhalt-Bernburg would unite with Anhalt-Dessau. Naturally, the Duke expected to leave this inheritance to his son and heir, Hereditary Duke Frederick, but Leopold IV had his worries. He had lost two sons at birth and all of his aunt’s sons had died in infancy. There was a serious concern that the 13 year old Hereditary Duke may never succeed his father and even he did, Leopold had no other sons to inherit if Frederick left no legitimate male heir. The Duchy of Anhalt and it’s succession was governed by semi-salic law and thus, Leopold IV’s daughters could not inherit unless there were no other living male relations to take the ducal throne. In 1844, Leopold IV had three surviving brothers – and yet, it appeared that were anything to happen to Leopold’s son and heir, the throne of Anhalt would still find it’s way to none other than his eldest daughter, Princess Agnes.

    Readers will be forgiven if they skip this rather tedious walk through the Anhalt family tree, the most important take away from the situation being that, in a roundabout way, Princess Agnes might one day find herself the first female reigning monarch of the Duchy of Anhalt. But for those who wish to learn more, we must begin with Duke Leopold III who died having given the world 12 children – only two of whom were legitimate. Of these two (born to Louise of Brandenburg-Schwedt), only one survived infancy – his son, Hereditary Prince Frederick, the father of Duke Leopold IV. Frederick predeceased Leopold III but he left the succession in a far healthier state than his father had done by producing four sons; Leopold, George Bernhard, Frederick Augustus and William Waldemar. However, the best laid plans of mice and men often go awry. When Leopold III died, he was succeeded by his grandson Leopold as Duke Leopold IV. But if Leopold IV’s son did not succeed his father, Leopold IV would instead be succeeded by his brother George Bernhard.

    Whilst George Bernhard could succeed, his first marriage to Karoline of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt saw both of their children die in infancy before Karoline herself died in 1829. George Bernhard then married again but this time, morganatically to Therese von Erdmannsdorf. Though she was created a Countess, Therese was not George Bernhard’s equal and so none of their three sons could follow their father as Duke of Anhalt. Instead, George Bernhard would be succeeded by his brother, Prince Frederick Augustus. Fortunately, Frederick Augustus had made a perfect match in Princess Marie Luise of Hesse-Kassel, the daughter of King George V’s cousin Prince William of Hesse-Kassel – unfortunately, the couple had produced three daughters and it was widely understood that Marie Luise could have no more children. Thus, if Frederick Augustus succeeded George Bernhard, the ducal throne would pass down the line to the youngest brother – Prince William Waldemar. Like his elder brother however, William Waldemar had marriage morganatically to a German commoner called Emilie Klausnitzer, thereafter created Lady von Stolzenberg. The couple had no children but even if they did, they would not be able to inherit Anhalt. With the male line exhausted, the female descendants of Leopold III could now be considered male for the purposes of the succession but even if Leopold IV’s sister was able to succeed, she had nobody to succeed her as all three of her sons died before 1844. The closest living female relative to the last male holder of the property (the Duchy of Anhalt) was therefore the eldest daughter of Duke Leopold IV (his would-be successors discounted for reasons we have explored) and thus, Princess Agnes stood in line to one day succeed her father in Anhalt if her younger brother did not [3].

    At this time, this was very much a worse case scenario as it was fully expected that Hereditary Duke Frederick would not only have many healthy and happy years ahead of him but that he would ultimately marry and have children of his own. But in the case that Agnes did succeed her uncles in Anhalt (or directly upon her father’s death if he outlived his brothers), Leopold IV expected custom to be followed whereby Agnes would renounce her inheritance so that her sons (if she had any) might follow their grandfather instead. The problem was however that these sons would be British princes, second, third or fourth in line to the throne of the United Kingdom and of Hanover. Putting aside for one moment that Anhalt was aligned with Prussia, there was the obvious drawback in that a total stranger to the people of Leopold IV’s duchy (an Englishman at that) may suddenly arrive one day expecting to take up residence as their ruler – a timeline which did not please Leopold IV at all. It was Leopold’s intention to meet with his brothers to discuss the possibility of forming a new family pact to address this possibility but he could not guarantee the outcome. As such, Leopold IV wanted a cast-iron guarantee from George V that not only would he ensure Agnes renounced her succession rights if the worst happened but that he would personally see to it that any of his sons who might one day inherit Anhalt would not be prevented from taking up their inheritance and that they would be as well-prepared for it as possible. George readily agreed, believing the issue would never arise anyway but he noted in his journal that he was “deeply moved by the commitment the old boy has to his people who number little more than 30,000 when all is said and done”. These two concerns addressed, Leopold IV happily gave his consent to the King’s marriage with Princess Agnes and it was agreed that the King would formally propose and present Agnes with an engagement ring when he felt the time was right.

    Meanwhile at Hanover House, Princess Agnes was being flung headfirst into the deep end of court etiquette by Princess Mary. Agnes later recalled how Mary “made me study the order of precedence until I could perfectly place any individual she named”. For days, Mary would suddenly appear from nowhere whilst the Princess was reading and bark out “A Baronet’s wife!” in the hope of wrong footing her but she never did. Mary was full of praise for Agnes whom she considered “studious and attentive” and she was pleased when she found the Princess reading a book on the history of the Anglican Communion – a communion she would worship in for the rest of her life. Such unprompted interest was welcome but one thing continued to irritate; Agnes was relentlessly, exhaustingly excitable. “There are times when I fear I must tie her to the chair for she fidgets so and her mind wanders during the most inopportune times”. Some of Agnes’ topics of conversation also rankled. When Mary invited the Marchioness of Westminster to tea, a test in which Agnes would have to traverse the finer details of English etiquette and the eccentricities of the peerage, Agnes caused much rattling of cups by asking “Why is your husband not a Duke if he is so rich?”. The subject was quickly changed to the Christmas celebrations ahead but not before Princess Mary had dropped a slice of seed cake and fired her protégé a disapproving glare.

    Princess Mary had another task on hand – to make the preparations for the Christmas celebrations at Windsor, the last time she would tackle the brief personally. The gathering was to be somewhat smaller than in previous years; once again the Tsarevich and his wife could not attend (though Lottie promised they would attend the wedding) and the Prince and Princess of Orange had (understandably) been dropped from the guestlist. The Strelitzes were still in high dudgeon despite the King’s best efforts to convince his aunt to relent somewhat and this left a modest group of the King and his three children, Princess Mary, the Cambridges, the two Dowager Duchesses of Clarence and Sussex respectively, and the Dessaus. But Mary wanted to know when the King intended to propose formally to Agnes now that he had permission from her father. In trying to pin the King down on this point, he became evasive and somewhat withdrawn, pretending to be far too busy. Mary knew well the reason why. Christmas Eve would have marked his 7th wedding anniversary and the family would be gathering at Windsor where the King had married and where the late Queen now lay at rest. George was by no means having second thoughts and he still intended to marry Agnes. Yet making this official by the giving of a ring and asking the question in so important a place to him (and to his late wife) was not something he now felt he could cope with. To that end, he asked Princess Mary to stage the New Year’s gala not at Windsor but at Buckingham Palace instead.

    Until the court left London for Windsor ahead of Christmas 1844, the King had very little time to spend with his in-laws – or indeed, with his intended. Though Lord Melbury’s Whigs had won the general election, the administration would either sink or swim at the presentation of the very first motion of confidence. The opposition had magnanimously agreed not to try to provoke this by tabling any motions of their own before the state opening of parliament in the first week of February 1845 and as the House of Commons was now in recess until that time, Melbury had a little room to breathe. But that did not mean he had little to occupy his time. On the contrary, he had to assemble a cabinet and have these ministers approved and appointed by the Sovereign regardless of whether parliament was sitting or not and this proved to be far more difficult than he had perhaps anticipated. Simply put, many front-runners did not wish to tarnish themselves for the future if the Melbury administration collapsed. This may be taken as them “belonging” to a government that ended in failure and thus, they might find their copy book blotted when future appointments were made. Therefore, Melbury found it difficult to find ministers who were as enthusiastic for the task at hand as he was even though he enjoyed their support. One man who was not afraid to go into battle for the survival of the administration was of course, Lord John Russell. As expected, he was appointed Home Secretary and Leader of the House of Commons but it must be remembered that Melbury’s rise to the top of the Whig party had depended entirely on winning over those who might otherwise have given that role to Russell himself. Melbury was therefore presented with a list of names from Lord John, a roll call of those who now expected a gesture of gratitude in the form of a ministerial post.

    The Prime Minister fully endorsed Russell’s recommendations for the War Office and the Admiralty, appointing Lord Grey and Lord Auckland to the roles respectively. But when it came to the Treasury, there was a stumbling block. Russell had proposed his friend and ally Sir Charles Wood who had previously served as Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury and therefore might expect promotion. But Melbury did not want a Chancellor of the Exchequer who had been so vocal in his support for Russell over Melbury when the leadership was up for grabs. He wanted someone who had been loyal to him and him alone from the first and so, he proposed to give the post to John Parker, the Whig MP for Sheffield. Parker was Wood’s successor as Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury when Wood was promoted to the Admiralty and though Wood had been in the Commons longer, Melbury felt that Parker showed more promise. Russell was deeply displeased and this only increased when Melbury appointed the Earl of Shelburne as Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to serve under Lord Leveson as Foreign Secretary. Again, Leveson was a friend and supporter of Russell’s but he had little experience in the Great Offices of State. Melbury was happy to take Russell’s recommendation but by appointing Lord Shelburne as Under Secretary, it sent a message to Leveson that he was not entirely trusted and that the Prime Minister had installed Shelburne to keep an eye on him – after all, Shelburne was Lord Melbury’s nephew. Unable to accept this, Leveson declined the post and instead, Melbury appointed Viscount Morpeth.

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    Lord Morpeth.

    Morpeth was the son and heir of the 6th Earl of Carlisle and in 1826, he accompanied his uncle, the Duke of Devonshire, to Russia for the coronation of Tsar Nicholas I. He became a great favourite in St Petersburg and this perhaps gave him a taste for a diplomatic career. He embarked first on making a name for himself in politics but after almost 20 years in the Commons, the closest he had come to foreign policy was as Chief Secretary for Ireland in the Melbourne government – a post he held until the Cottenham government was ousted by Sir James Graham’s Tories in 1840. Like John Parker, Morpeth had been a key supporter of Melbury from the beginning and had no objection to Lord Shelburne serving alongside him at the Foreign Office. Melbury was delighted to give his old friend and colleague a chance to fulfil his ambitions but Russell was not convinced. Sour that the post had not gone to his preferred choice of Lord Leveson, Lord John remarked: “I should trust my housekeeper to handle the diplomatic affairs of this nation with more enthusiasm than I do Lord Morpeth”. Nonetheless, this toing and froing eventually produced a Cabinet – perhaps not one as united as it may be hoped but one of many talents regardless.

    When it came to the Royal Household however, Russell had absolutely no say though it is unlikely that he wanted one. The Tory appointments of old (Lord Liverpool as Lord Steward, Lord de la Warr as Lord Chamberlain, Lord Bristol as Treasurer and Benjamin Disraeli as Comptroller) were given their marching orders, though the King did treat them to one final luncheon as a gesture of his thanks for their service. They were to be replaced en masse, though the King noted he was sad to lose Disraeli “though I predict great things for him in his chosen profession”. As Lord Chamberlain, Melbury appointed the Earl of Uxbridge, formerly known as Lord Henry Paget, the Welsh peer and Whig politician who would one day succeed his father as Marquess of Anglesey. The Treasurer of the Household was to be Lord Robert Grosvenor who had previously served as Comptroller of the Household in the King’s youth and who was eager to return to court in addition to his duties as a Member of Parliament for Chester. But it was Melbury’s appointment to the post of Comptroller of the Household that raised eyebrows. Though he took no active interest in these appointments, Russell had heard that his brother, Major General Lord George William Russell, was in line for the post of Comptroller. But when Lord George was put forward to the King, His Majesty seemed a little put out. This was possibly because he didn't really want to lose Benjamin Disraeli who had distinguished himself well in the post but Melbury took the King's lack of enthusiasm as a sign that he didn't approve. Instead, Melbury proffered Viscount Andover as Disraeli’s successor. Andover was the Member of Parliament for Malmsbury until he lost his seat in 1840 but it was restored to him in the general election of 1844. Andover was delighted by the suggestion, Melbury confidant of his success and the King only too willing to accept his Prime Minister’s candidate. But outside Palace walls, it did not take long for tongues to wag. Lord Andover was the son of the Earl of Suffolk and his brother James just so happened to have married Lady Louisa Lansdowne – the niece of Lord Melbury and the sister of Lord Shelburne.

    Lord Melbury was by no means the first, nor the worst offender, when it came to nepotism but the Tories were keen to pick up on anything they could use to tip the balance in their favour at a time when the new government was far from secure. The Tory press quickly ran with the idea that Melbury was showing undue preference to his extended family members and one newspaper carried a cartoon which showed the Melbury family tree and from each branch, apples dressed in baby bonnets. Melbury was depicted placing each apple into a basket, these being labelled in ascending order Minister, Lord High Admiral, Grand Duke of Timbuktu, Pope”. When Melbury saw it, he was far more outraged at the suggestion that he had Catholic leanings in his family than the obvious charge of nepotism and ignored it. But this spoke to a wider concern in political circles – that the King had failed to mention any of this to Melbury because of their friendship. In fairness to George V, politics was rife with nepotism at this time and none of his predecessors would have been expected to have commented upon it when their Prime Ministers put forward their own relatives for advancement. But because George V's friendship with Melbury was well known, the criticism gained traction in certain circles.

    In a letter to Lord Morpeth, William Gladstone alludes to this growing sentiment but he also makes an eery premonition; “It is natural that the King should enjoy a good friendship with his Prime Minister, that is nothing new and so long as it does not exceed the conventions of our constitution one cannot object to Lord Melbury dining as often as he does at the Palace. But what shall happen if Melbury begins to make demands of His Majesty which he otherwise would not consider? Let us suppose that the Prime Minister, as he may well wish to do, follows the example of his predecessor in seeking to “balance” the Lordships – a move I objected to, I hasten to add – Graham was given to understand that His Majesty would never approve another raft of peerages because ours was too great. But shall he deny such a request to a friend? That, my dear fellow, shall be the true test of this thing”.

    How right Mr Gladstone would prove to be…


    Notes

    [1] The Royal George was last used in the OTL in 1842. She was replaced by the Victoria and Albert. The Royal Sovereign was still used until 1849 when she was broken up – as she is here when the Hanover comes into service.

    [2] In the OTL, William and Elizabeth Knollys both served in relatively junior roles at court until the 1860s when William was appointed Treasurer and Comptroller to the Household of the Prince of Wales. Of William’s eight children, two of his sons and one of his daughters followed in his footsteps: Francis Knollys as Private Secretary to King Edward VII, Henry Knollys as Private Secretary to Queen Maud of Norway and Charlotte Knollys as Lady in Waiting and companion to Queen Alexandra.

    [3] The Anhalt family tree is a complex one and the succession even more confusing than that in Baden or Lippe in the 19th century – this is a general overview to get to the salient point.

    The Melbury Ministry
    November 1840 -
    • First Lord of the Treasury and Leader of the House of Lords: William Fox-Strangways, 1st Viscount Melbury
    • Chancellor of the Exchequer: John Parker
    • Leader of the House of Commons: Lord John Russell
    • Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: George Howard, Viscount Morpeth
    • Secretary of State for the Home Department: Lord John Russell
    • Secretary of State for War and the Colonies: Henry Grey, Viscount Howick
    • Lord Chancellor: Thomas Wilde, 1st Baron Truro
    • Lord President of the Council: William Cavendish, 6th Duke of Devonshire
    • Lord Privy Seal: George William Frederick Villiers, 4th Earl of Clarendon
    • First Lord of the Admiralty: George Eden, 1st Earl of Auckland
    • President of the Board of Control: John Cam Hobhouse, 1st Baron Broughton
    • Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster: Henry Thomas Pelham, 3rd Earl of Chichester
    • Postmaster-General: Thomas William Anson, 1st Earl of Lichfield
    The Royal Household
    • Lord Steward of the Household: William Hay, 18th Earl of Erroll
    • Lord Chamberlain of the Household: Lord Henry Paget, Earl of Uxbridge
    • Treasurer of the Household: Lord Robert Grosvenor
    • Comptroller of the Household: Charles Howard, Viscount Andover
    • Mistress of the Robes: Vacant until 1845
     
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    GV: Part Three, Chapter Twenty-Nine: Battle Lines
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Twenty-Nine: Battle Lines

    In the second week of December 1844, the King sent an urgent message to his aunt Mary at Hanover House in Dorset. News had come from Decimus Burton that the construction work at Lisson Park had been completed three months ahead of schedule and with the buildings now ready for inspection, George V had in mind a very special task for his intended to focus on before her marriage – the interior design of the three properties within the Inner Circle which for generations would become the private London residence of the British Royal Family. In some ways, this was a conciliatory gesture. When Princess Agnes first visited Buckingham Palace and saw the rooms which had belonged to the late Queen (and which would soon be hers), she found that their décor was not to her taste. But when she asked if she might be allowed to change the colours or select new wallpaper, the answer that came back via Charlie Phipps was a very firm “No”. The King had put aside his grief to allow his new bride to live in the rooms that had once belonged to his darling Sunny but the idea that all traces of the late Queen might be removed from the apartments was simply too much to bear. To that end, George asked Agnes to select an interior designer to work with on the furnishing of Park House, the largest of the three houses in the Inner Circle at Lisson and which had always been intended to serve as a residence for the King and Queen. This commission was incredibly welcome given that Agnes was becoming increasingly restless at Hanover House – though Princess Mary was not too pleased that her protégé now had a legitimate distraction from her studies.

    The interior designer engaged for this mammoth task was the French-born Valère Vachon, a 26 year old colleague of Decimus Burton who (according to the architect) “shows promise but lacks the grand challenge he needs to exhibit his many talents” [1]. Vachon was duly invited to Buckingham Palace to meet with Princess Agnes on the understanding that their meetings must remain entirely confidential and that one word to the press would result in a rebuke so strong that he would never be able to work in London again. Agnes did not tell Vachon that she would be living at Lisson as the King’s wife, rather she explained that “as a friend to His Majesty”, she had been tasked with overseeing the furnishing of the property because the King had nobody else to help him. Vachon was not at all taken in and when the King’s engagement was made public two months later, he quipped “But surely not? Why…I am so very surprised!”. He found Agnes to have “mature and elegant taste” and was thrilled when she told him that she wanted to move away from the heavy patterns and dark neogothic style that was so popular in England at this time. Together, they created something which would become known as the English Brighthouse Style, so named because it used light highlighting colours and because it shied away from the New Georgian tendency to over clutter. [2]

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    Vachon's watercolours depicting the interiors of Park House, 1845.

    Park House was built as a private residence for the Sovereign and his wife to replace the Palace lost at Kensington and so the interiors were carefully designed to reflect the building’s purpose as a place to relax and to retreat from official duties as much as possible. To that end, the main drawing room (thereafter known as the Blue Drawing Room) was kept light and spacious with a pastel blue and white colour scheme lifted by hints of silver such as in the chandelier or the tassels on the draperies. Colour was to be used sparingly and we can see this best in the design for the King’s Bedroom at Park House with it’s unprepossessing cream coloured walls broken only by crimson and red curtains and the odd chair or loveseat. Though Park House was designed to be a non-working palace, both the King and Queen would have a study, George V’s decorated in pale green and gold whilst Agnes’ was furnished in pale pink and silver. Yet they could relax in the Music Room or the Queen’s Salon and when they entertained, guests could make use of a Billiard Room, Smoking Room, and a large ballroom designed to accommodate 80 people for supper and dancing.

    When it came to selecting portraits and furniture, much of this was retrieved from the collection of the late Prince Regent who had amassed an enormous treasure trove of paintings, vases, sculptures, settees, chairs and desks at Carlton House – indeed, the staircase at Park House was lifted from Carlton piece by piece. The exterior of all three buildings in the Inner Circle had been decorated with friezes and statues of important figures in the Hanover family tree (Princess Mary wept when she saw the relief portrait of her father, George III, over the West Door, for example) but in the state rooms at Park House, Agnes decided to feature only those within the immediate family. There were portraits of Maria Georgievna, the Earl of Armagh and the Duke and Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau but one portrait (which is displayed in the vestibule of the East Door at Park House today) was especially commissioned by Princess Agnes as a Christmas gift for her fiancé in 1844. Painted by Franz Xavier Winterhalter, it was made from sketches the artist had begun when the King commissioned him to paint a family portrait before the death of Queen Louise. Agnes asked Winterhalter to produce a portrait of the King in secret and so the artist could have no further sittings with His Majesty, yet the result was so well-loved by Agnes that it “moved” with the court so that she might see it at Buckingham Palace, Windsor, or later, Balmoral. Notably, it is the first portrait of the King that features his trademark moustache which he had apparently adopted since his coming-of-age portrait painted in 1838.

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    Winterhalter's 1844 portrait of King George V.

    At Christmas 1844, the Royal Family gathered once more at Windsor. In the Crimson Drawing Room, the Cambridges, Princess Mary, the Dowager Duchesses of Clarence and Sussex and the Anhalt-Dessaus made a happy but small band as they exchanged gifts and enjoyed all the usual fun and frolics of the season. For the three royal children, there was a very special gift that year as each received a new puppy. Drawn from the kennels at Windsor, they were once again King Charles Cavalier Spaniels and were named Poppy (the Princess Royal’s), Pippa (Princess Victoria’s) and, with no gesture to a theme at all, Nappo (the Prince of Wales’). One of the set pieces of the Christmas celebrations at Windsor was for the King to make a round of the tenant farms. Though these were not Royal Household employees and paid rent to the Crown Estate, from around 1840 onwards, the farmers could expect to receive a Christmas box containing the equivalent to one month's wage paid to a Palace footman or a groom in the Royal Mews as a gift. Up until now, George V had always made these presentations alone but this time, he asked Agnes to accompany him. For many of the estate workers, this was their first opportunity to meet the future Queen, and by now they had heard from the indoor servants what was on the horizon. Agnes handled the responsibility beautifully, though the King noted that she was “prone to dither a little and spends far too long at things if there are small children in the house”.

    From Windsor it was back to Buckingham Palace for a gala held to celebrate the New Year. The entire court assembled in the ballroom where a vast buffet was served comprised of turbot with Sauce Homard (made from pureed lobster meat and lobster coral poached in white wine), Les Filets de Merlans Frits (fried battered whiting with lemon), Les Croquettes á la D’Artois (made from breast of partridge and dressed with an orange sauce), Cailles bardées (roasted quails stuffed with foie gras), Les Couglauffes aux Raisins (better known as a Gugelhupf) served with an apricot sauce and Les Choux á la Créme, au Caramel (cream puffs served with a toffee sauce). In addition to this grand fare were the usual favourites of roast venison, roast beef and boiled ham, a mixture of salads (though not of the green variety we know today) and frozen ices, not so much a sorbet but frozen sugar water flavoured with different syrups. Naturally there was also copious amounts of alcohol served with champagne, wine, liqueurs, brandy and sherry on offer as a full orchestra played favourite tunes of the day such as Then You’ll Remember Me, a popular song from Michael William Balfe’s The Bohemian Girl which had received a Royal Command Performance at Windsor the previous year. As the King’s guests twirled and gavotted, George gave a signal to Charlie Phipps and in the ante-room to the ballroom, all guests were asked politely to move elsewhere as George took Agnes by the hand and once secluded from the crowd by thick red velvet curtains, kissed her on the cheek and then on the hand.

    “Are you having a lovely time?”, he asked with a grin, “I saw you dancing with Gladstone…quite the feat”.

    “He did not listen to the music and kept telling me about the condition of slum housing in a place called Foxhall”, Agnes giggled, “He stepped on my toes many times but I didn’t like to tell him!” [3]

    George laughed.

    “You poor thing!”, he smiled. Then that smile faded a little. This was it. The moment he had so carefully rehearsed and which he hoped would be far more romantic than the chance suggestion of marriage he had offered in the gardens at Herrenhausen.

    “My darling”, he began, “I know we have made so many arrangements, you really have been swept along in all this but…I do want to ask you…are you quite sure you wish to marry me?”

    Agnes giggled again, brushing her hand against George’s cheek.

    “Of course I am!”, she cooed, “I knew I wanted to marry you from the first time I saw you”.

    “Then…that being the case…”

    George reached into his pocked and drew out a small box containing the engagement ring he had commissioned from Garrards. Presenting it to his intended, he kissed her on the cheek and said, “Then we shall be married my love. And we shall be so very, very happy”.

    Agnes took the ring from the box and handed it to the King who nervously slipped it onto her finger. Her father’s permission now given, the question now asked and the engagement sealed with the giving of a ring, George V could finally breath a sigh of relief – he was to be married. Officially. But of course, no public announcement was to made just yet, early February being considered far more opportune. This was because the King and his advisors had decided that Agnes should make a public outing of some kind for though undoubtedly the population had noticed her appearing more and more in the newspapers of late, they had not had much of an opportunity to see her at close quarters. After much deliberation (which did not include the Princess), it was decreed that Agnes would make her first official public appearance in England in London, accompanying the King to the rather macabre sounding Asylum for Fatherless Children in Richmond.

    Founded in September 1844 by the philanthropist and Congregationalist minister Reverend Andrew Reed, the orphanage offered assistance to any fatherless child under the age of 15 regardless of sex or religious background provided that they were classified as destitute by the Asylum’s inspectorate. This was the first orphanage of it’s kind which took in children in the most desperate circumstances whether they were Protestant, Catholic or Jewish, the workhouses being tied to the Church of England and which were legally entitled until 1846 to refuse admission to those not of the Anglican faith. Reed’s vision was to provide education and vocational training ahead of securing apprenticeships for those who boarded there and the standard of both the accommodation and the food was said to be so good that the children who ended up in Richmond rarely wanted to leave when it came time to be discharged. Reed had managed to convince many in the City of London to agree to offer apprenticeships to his boarders and in the third week of January 1845, the Royal Household joined the scheme with housemaids, bootboys and footmen all sourced from the Asylum for Fatherless Children for decades. One such apprentice was Edwin Brown who entered the orphanage in 1848 at the age of 4 and who later became a Page of the Backstairs to George V in 1876. [4]

    Much was made in the press of the King’s visit to Richmond but of course, what made this visit so unusual was the presence of Princess Agnes. The London press dropped not so subtle hints that His Majesty was to be accompanied by “the Princess of Anhalt [sic] who joined the Royal Family for Christmas at Windsor this year with her parents and siblings and who is currently lodging at Marlborough House”. For the times, this was as close as the press would get to publicly confirming a relationship between the King and Princess Agnes and picking up on their intimations, crowds quickly made their way to Richmond forming vast groups along the roadside and outside the Asylum itself. When the royal party arrived, it was noted that “the Princess, dressed in a pale green gown with lace sleeves, wrapped in a white fur against the chill, waved to the crowds from the carriage before His Majesty helped her to alight. The pair then approached those waiting patiently to greet them and exchanged words with the public. Mrs Sinclair, 83, of Chester Row, was one of those fortunate enough to meet the Dessau Princess and said of this encounter; ‘She was very beautiful and very kind to me and told me she was very interested in meeting me'”.

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    The Asylum for Fatherless Children at Richmond.

    After touring the Asylum itself (“the Princess distributed wooden soldiers and dollies to the poor children whilst His Majesty met with the Board”), the King and Princess Agnes returned to the city where they attended a performance of Edward Stirling’s Martin Chuzzlewit, an adaptation of the Dickens novel, which was in the middle of a highly successful run at the Lyceum in the Strand. Once again, crowds formed outside the theatre (having been tipped off by the newspapers that there would be something to see) and the King noted in his journal that “Agnes was well-received with the people cheering her and she took it all well in her stride, neither overly flattered by the attention nor dismissive of it”. It must have come as some relief to George for he was still reeling from the contents of that letter from his cousin Victoria. Whilst he had never believed her assertion that the British people would never accept Agnes as his wife, he was particularly nervous that London might not welcome Agnes particularly enthusiastically. He was never happier to be wrong and with the success of her “entry into the city” complete, the engagement between King George V and Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau was finally made public on the 17th of February 1845, just two days before the State Opening of Parliament.

    Though London was in celebratory mood, one man could not enjoy the festivities with any real enthusiasm. The Prime Minister had been fortunate to take up his office just before the parliamentary recess and so, for almost three months, he had been able to avoid the glaringly obvious – that his government may not survive the week if a confidence motion went against it. This was not unthinkable given that the Tories and the Unionists consistently voted together and to avoid a humiliating defeat, Lord Melbury had been forced to water down the more controversial commitments he wanted to make. It must be noted that Sir James Graham, now Leader of His Majesty’s Opposition, was not out for revenge. Indeed, he sent a rather gentlemanly letter to the Prime Minister reassuring him every consideration would be given to the Whig proposals on a bill-by-bill basis and that the Tories would vote on their merits alone, not on partisanship. But the problem was that regardless of what happened in the Commons, the Tories had stacked the Lords with their own, so much so that the King had refused to create any more peers during the last administration. The ‘Cat and Mouse’ game of each new Prime Minister demanding more peers than the last to tip the upper chamber in their favour had gone on since Lord Grey’s tenure but if it continued, the Lords would quickly outnumber the Commons by an extraordinary number and become a permanent barrier to any administration of a different party to the majority.

    Lord Melbury was well aware that he could not ask the King to create a new raft of Whig peers to rebalance the Lords in the government’s favour. Though many were unhappy about their close friendship, it did mean that George V had made his position on Graham’s “peer spree” abundantly plain. Indeed, he deeply regretted that he had given in and when Melbury complained about the prospect of the Whigs being unable to govern because the Lords would reject every bill that passed the Commons, the King said (half in jest), “Well you’ve got me to blame for that”. The Whigs had promised to “consider matters of the constitution” during the 1844 general election campaign but at this time, every party offered that without any real detail on how, why or when they would do so. It generally covered everything from the calls from the Chartists to demands from the Church, the judiciary and even the Crown but it rarely bore any actual fruit. What made this pledge somewhat different however was that Lord John Russell was not only entirely serious that constitutional reform must be a priority but he also had a stack of proposals ready to submit to Cabinet. Melbury shared much of Russell’s ambition but he was far more wary of pursuing any constitutional reform when the stability of the administration seemed precarious.

    Russell often quoted a favourite Whig axiom that “political parties are like snails for with them it is the tail that moves the head” [5]. Certainly he had a solid caucus of support in the Russell Group with whom he first shared his vision of a reformed House of Lords. In his view, the issue was twofold; 1) that the Lords had grown rapidly in size over the last decade and 2) that the Tory majority in the Lords was secure for generations to come because when one Earl died, his eldest son succeeded him and “in doing so, props up the Tory banner to it’s present height for yet another lifetime”. Russell had a solution for both of these problems, aiming to curtail the Lords from becoming any bigger whilst also rebalancing it gradually so as to avoid charges that the Whigs were following the Tory lead in flooding the upper house with their own. These proposals were put privately to Lord Melbury at Downing Street before the Speech from the Throne in February 1845 with a view to introducing a bill dubbed “the Lords Act”. [6]

    The main priority of the Lords Act was to halt the further creation of an extraordinary number of peers. To do so, even if it benefitted the Whigs, would (Russell insisted) “corrupt the issue and make such reforms impossible”. Lord John therefore proposed that the government should either impose a limit on how many peers should sit at one time or that the Lords be limited in number so that it may never outnumber the Commons – in effect, this would impose a cap of around 650 seats. In 1845, this left a substantial number of seats in the Lords to be filled but this could not be abused as it had in the past for now Russell turned his attention to the composition of the Lords itself. Firstly, he wished to confront the controversial issue of the Lords Spiritual which would limit the number of bishops from the Church of England in the Lords to just 26 [7]. Secondly, he wished to impose restrictions on how many peers could be created at one time. Discounting the Royal Dukes, Russell believed that no more than 8 hereditary peers should be created each year and that two of these creations should be made from candidates sponsored by the Opposition parties [8]. But there would be other peerages up for grabs, namely, life peerages. [9]

    The Crown had the authority (as Fount of Honour) to create two kinds of peerages; the hereditary, which passed to legitimate male heirs and carried with it a right to sit in the House of Lords and the life peerage, which the incumbent only held for his lifetime, which he did not pass on to his legitimate male heirs and which brought with it no right to a place on the red benches of the upper house. Life peerages were nothing new by 1845, indeed, dozens had been created over the years (including 18 women, mostly royal mistresses, who were given a reward for their affections by the monarch of the day). Precedent suggested that the Crown could call upon life peers to take a seat in parliament if the Sovereign so wished but by convention, life peers made no attempt to claim that right and contented themselves to enjoy the social privileges of their title and rank instead. What Russell proposed was for life peers to be given the same legislative rights as hereditary ones. Only four would be created each year but in principle it meant that (in the future) a Tory could not automatically be replaced by another Tory and a Whig could not be replaced automatically by another Whig. An initial intake of 28 life peers was intended to redress the balance of the Lords in 1845 but thereafter, only two dozen could be created over the lifetime of one parliament.

    When the King was first introduced to these proposals he supposedly remarked that it was “a very fine thing”. Lord Melbury explained that he agreed with Russell on most of his reforms but that he wished to see the new intake of 28 life peers drawn from the ranks of senior judges, civil servants, senior officers of the Armed Forces or prominent contributors to the arts, which again met with royal approval but would require supplementary legislation. However, both Melbury and the King seemed to recognise something which Russell had (perhaps knowingly) entirely overlooked in his enthusiasm. The Lords would be required to approve of the reforms before they could receive Royal Assent and become law. George V told Melbury that, in his opinion, “This would be rather like asking the Christmas goose to stuff himself and hop up on the spit – which any sensible old bird would refuse to do”. Nonetheless, Russell insisted that regardless of the bill’s chances, the Whigs should adopt the policy and make it public at the State Opening of Parliament. “If nothing else it demonstrates to the population beyond Westminster that we intend to be a government of do-ers and not just thinkers”. But Melbury resisted. Whilst privately he agreed with almost every word of the bill, he could not unveil such a radical programme of reform which would almost certainly cause the Tories and the Unionists to band together and bring down the government.

    However, Russell and his supporters were of the opinion that the Whigs should declare their intention to be a radical, reforming government regardless of what may happen. For as much as the Tories and the Unionists may bring down the government, so too could a coalition of Whigs, Repeal MPs, radicals and independents bring down a successive Tory administration forcing the country back to the polls. In such an event, Russell believed the Whigs had far more to gain by going into a second campaign on a message that they dearly wanted to address the problems the United Kingdom faced but that the Tories, bitter at being ousted from office, prevented it. Whilst dining with his nephew, the Earl of Shelburne, Melbury raised the spectre of Lord Cottenham. His tenure as Prime Minister had been disastrous because he would not take a firm position and shied away from the big decisions of the day. His caution ended his political career and Melbury certainly did not want to follow in his footsteps. To that end, Melbury agreed to think on Russell’s proposals again and to give an answer on Lords Reform one way or the other three days before the State Opening of Parliament. Russell and his supporters held their fire.

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    Marlborough House today.

    Meanwhile at Marlborough House, a flurry of activity was underway as Princess Agnes settled into her temporary home ahead of her wedding in July. She was now officially the King’s intended and with that came much public interest but it also meant that her time was no longer her own. Every morning at 6am, Charlotte Arbuthnot and Bessie Knollys entered Agnes’ bedroom in order to dress her and arrange her hair. At 7am, the Chaplain from the Chapel Royal at St James’ Palace arrived to lead 15 minutes of morning prayer. Only then was Agnes allowed to eat breakfast, not on a tray in her room as was a married woman’s privilege but in the dining room at Marlborough House – Princess Mary took her breakfast in bed, of course. Thereafter, around 9.30am, Agnes met with Colonel Arbuthnot (her new Private Secretary) who outlined her itinerary for the day which at this time was mostly taken up with dress fittings or meetings with the senior Royal Household staff she would see daily but as yet did not know. Then from 10am to 12pm, she studied everything from British history to English table manners, court etiquette to the order of precedence, before she was driven the short distance to Buckingham Palace to take luncheon with the King. After returning to Marlborough House at around 1.30pm, she was to change for calling hours which coincided with tea at 4pm. Two hours later and she changed again, this time for dinner which she ate at Marlborough House, St James’, Cambridge House or Buckingham Palace depending on which member of the Royal Family wanted the pleasure of her company. At 10.30pm, she was undressed and put to bed. And so this routine would continue, without exception, until the day she married.

    Naturally some of this was second nature. She was well used to changing her clothes many times a day for example, as was customary for women of her class at the time. But other things, such as lengthy meetings with the Bishop of London or a lesson on how menus should be arranged at Buckingham Palace, proved a little more difficult to enjoy for whilst they were a novelty at first, they quickly became rather dull to a Princess who had far more energy than the vast majority of stuffy, aged courtiers who inhabited the Palace. More often than not, Agnes might “go missing” during the hours when she might be studying only to turn up in the gardens playing hopscotch or leaping over little hurdles she had made from wooden orange boxes. Princess Mary found the whole experience of “training” her future niece-in-law far too much to bear and so it was with great relief that word came from Dover that a familiar face would be returning to London in the next few days – the newly ennobled Baroness Wiedl. Mary informed the King that she would leave Agnes in Rosalinde’s capable hands for a time whilst she headed back to Dorset for a well-deserved rest at her seaside townhouse – “For Rosa is far younger than I and so very good at games”.

    But this did not please Princess Agnes. Whilst Baroness Wiedl had been nothing but generous and welcoming to her (arguably the King might never have proposed had Rosalinde not encouraged his advances towards Agnes), the Princess’ role had changed since their last meeting - and so had her opinion of the Baroness. Agnes was now the King’s fiancée and in a few months’ time, she would become his Queen. Suddenly she seemed less comfortable with the idea of Rosalinde joining her household as an Extra Lady of the Bedchamber, protesting that she didn’t know the Baroness very well and that she did not want to feel she was being kept an eye on by a close friend of the King who might report back to him on everything Agnes did. This was not why the King wished Rosalinde to serve Agnes in the slightest but though both Mrs Arbuthnot and Mrs Knollys tried to explain that the Baroness had been at court for a long time and would be a great help to Agnes, “the Princess shall not be moved and sulked for a good hour or more at the suggestion”. We do not have to look far for the reason why.

    The Duke and Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau returned home shortly after their daughter’s engagement was made official and would not see her again until they came back to England for the wedding in July 1845. The Duchess’ parting gift to her daughter was to poison her mind with suspicion and gossip. In a letter to her mother written around this time, Agnes says; “The King’s friend is return to us soon and now I am filled with dread for I cannot bring myself to be in her company. O! Darling Mama, I wish you had not given me these thoughts in your leaving for now I am consumed by them, and they are horrid thoughts, beastly thoughts I should never have had were it not for you saying the things you did. I know you did all for me but it has given me a burden I cannot share with anybody and so I must bear it alone and with great anxiety at a time when I should only know happiness. Please dearest Mama, will you return to me soon and tell me all you said was not true?”.

    Across the Channel in Biarritz, Baroness Wiedl was writing a letter of her own to the King; “You have arranged everything so beautifully for my return and though I shall be quite exhausted from my journey, I insist you allow me to repay you in inviting you to dine with me at Bloomsbury Square as soon as I am back in dear old England. Please do accept for it has been too long since we have been together”.

    Upon receiving this note, George smiled and summoned Phipps to his study.

    “Your Majesty?”

    “Ah yes Charlie", the King said cheerfully, “Rosa will be back with us on the 3rd of next month, keep that evening free for me, there’s a good chap”.

    Charlie cleared his throat awkwardly.

    “The 3rd, Sir? I’m afraid you are engaged to accompany Princess Agnes to the theatre that evening. At the invitation of Lord and Lady Maynard…”

    “Oh dash it all”, George sniffed, “I had forgotten that. Oh well, can’t be helped. Ask the Cambridges to accompany the Princess for me would you? Aunt Augusta was only saying the other day how long it’s been since she saw a good show...is it a good show?”

    Charlie nodded eagerly, “The Lady of Lyons, Your Majesty. A revival I’m afraid. But Mrs Richardson is reprising her Pauline, I believe”.

    The King chuckled, “Well she can reprise it for my aunt. I have seen The Lady of Lyons and I was none too taken with her. Send my apologies to Marlborough House, the tickets to Cambridge House and arrange for my carriage to take me to Bloomsbury Square at say…7.30 on the evening of the 3rd”.

    Phipps bowed and left the room. A nagging feeling in his stomach told him that this wasn’t the last he had heard of The Lady of Lyons…or the Lady of Bloomsbury Square.


    Notes

    [1] Vachon has been invented for our purposes.

    [2] In much the same way as Victoria and Albert set trends in the OTL (and as I had Louise set fashion trends ITTL), Agnes leaves her mark on England too.

    [3] Vauxhall.

    [4] Reedham Orphanage (as it became known) existed as described in the OTL but the scheme with the Palace, and Edwin Brown, did not.

    [5] As Marx tells us…

    [6] This is based on the efforts Russell made to reform the Lords during his first and second tenure as Prime Minister (1846 – 1852 and 1865 – 1866) and whilst they seem quite modern, this perhaps serves to show just how old the debate on Lords reform actually is whilst the basic principles have remained largely the same. Here there is an added urgency given the scenario I’ve created with successive governments packing the Lords benches and with the Chartist movement gaining traction once more, we’ll soon get into some constitutional tinkering to give us quite a different political landscape.

    [7] An idea explored, debated, passed in the Commons but rejected by the Lords in 1847.

    [8] Again, an idea he put forward in his first term as PM but which was never introduced when his reforms to the Lords Spiritual were rejected.

    [9] This idea wasn’t explored until Russell’s second term in the OTL but he had written of it long before then and I feel the events of TTL allow for it to be considered a little earlier.

    All references to theatre shows are based on real performances given in 1845 in the OTL and the buffet menu was inspired by that fabulous resource, https://www.royal-menus.com

    It's also worth saying that I've been learning how to use an AI Image Generator in recent days which supplied both the interiors of Park House and the Winterhalter of George V. I'm hoping to mix these sorts of images with existing ones from the time to illustrate the timeline in future. As ever, many thanks for reading!
     
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    GV: Part Three, Chapter Thirty: Otherwise Engaged
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Thirty: Otherwise Engaged

    When news of King George V’s engagement to Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau was finally confirmed, the intricate network of European royalty responded as one might expect. Those closest to the couple were (mostly) delighted and waited patiently for their invitation to the wedding whilst those on the outskirts of the family acknowledged the development but were not overly hopeful for their chances of claiming a seat at Westminster Abbey. But of course, a simple note of congratulation was not enough for most and from February 1845 onwards, a generous stream of gifts arrived from across the globe as tokens of affection for the couple which it fell to Princess Agnes to catalogue, arrange and acknowledge in hundreds of hand written thankyou notes. These gifts ranged from the sublime to the slightly ridiculous – though naturally everyone who sent something did so with the very best of intentions. From Siam, King Nangklao (Rama III) sent a highly prized white elephant from the Royal Elephant Stables in Bangkok. She was named Junta (meaning star) and was shipped to England whereupon she found a home at London Zoo. The proximity of the Zoo to Lisson Park gave the children of the Royal Family ample opportunity to visit “Papa’s Elephant” which they did for the next 28 years until Junta died in 1873.

    From the King of Greece (Otho) there were traditional Greek costumes, though these were never worn and were instead displayed at the Greek Embassy in Upper Brook Street, Mayfair. From the Dutch King (Willem II, who was far more generous than his daughter-in-law Victoria who was still estranged from her cousin George after sending a rather nasty missive doubting Agnes’ suitability as a bride) came a gift of silver loving cup whilst the King of Denmark (Christian VIII, who for reasons which remain unclear today) sent a canoe. The Emperor of Austria (Ferdinand I) did not send a gift but his nephew, the Archduke Franz Joseph, dispatched a clock. The King and Queen of France (Louis Philippe and Maria Amalia) sent a portrait of themselves, the King of Prussia (Frederick William IV) sent two Meissen vases whilst the Queen of Portugal (Maria II) sent 24 orange saplings. The most generous gift came from the Tsar of Russia (Nicholas I), a gift which George V himself noted was “far too extravagant and really quite gauche”. In 1839, the House of Bolin had become Jewellers to the Imperial Court in St Petersburg and were now providing the Empress and Grand Duchesses of Russia with magnificent jewels which are still widely regarded today as the very best example of their type. The Tsar tasked Bolin with creating a beautiful tiara for the future Queen consort of the United Kingdom, known to history as the Bolin Diadem.

    Sammy-S-pencil-sketch-of-a-tiara-19th-century-royal-jewels-bande-45ce22be-16b4-497a-b93e-1e6cc9acff8.png

    The Bolin Diadem.

    The Bolin Diadem was personally designed by Carl Bolin who produced three sketches for the Tsar to choose from. These sketches provide the only surviving image of the Bolin Diadem which was to be fashioned from silver and gold and set with diamond brilliants. But the piece was extraordinary given that it could be worn in four ways. The diadem itself could be “dismantled” by the turn of a silver key in the base which allowed the top half to be removed leaving a smaller tiara (which could also be worn as a necklace) behind. This had a thinner band of silver and diamonds with a diamond flower above. But the flower itself could also be removed and could be worn as a pendant on a brooch formed from the top of the diadem. Additionally, the diadem was accompanied by a floral aigrette which could be worn at the back of the hair. We know that Queen Agnes only wore the diadem in its original setting once – it was far too heavy and caused her an excruciating headache – but she adored the Bolin in the “junior” setting with its small tiara and aigrette. This possibly explains why diadem was very rarely seen in it’s “senior” setting yet it survived in tact until at least the late 1860s when it made it’s way to Denmark. From there, it simply disappeared. The accepted account of the diadem’s fate is that it was stolen in 1912 but others believe it was broken up and the stones used to create a new piece as the original design was so impractical.

    Nonetheless, Queen Agnes was deeply appreciative of the Tsar’s kindness and her first thankyou note was therefore to him, thanking him for his “most generous gift which really is so very beautiful that I confess I wept tears upon opening the box!”. But another gift would not be quite so well received and Agnes’ naïve response to it caused a distinctly unpleasant atmosphere at Buckingham Palace. Since his marriage in 1842, the mere mention of Prince George of Cambridge (now Hanover) had been verboten at the English court and as such, Princess Mary failed to inform her protégé that Agnes should not raise the subject of their debauchee son and heir with the Cambridges – or with the King. Agnes undoubtedly knew who the Earl of Tipperary was but perhaps this extended only to how he was related to her future husband. So when George Hanover sent a rather lovely Japanese lacquer box to his cousin as an engagement gift (surely a very well-intentioned peace offering), Agnes proudly sent it to Buckingham Palace with instructions that it should be placed on the King’s desk in his study as a cigarette box. The King returned from a luncheon at the Draper’s Hall to find this new addition and naturally asked where it had come from. When the source was revealed, George flew into a terrible tantrum and ordered it to be sent back to Germany. He dispatched a hasty note to Marlborough House to inform his fiancée that she had “acted in very poor judgement which does not please me” and the poor girl had to sheepishly ask Princess Mary what she had done that was so awful it warranted two days of royal sulking.

    Fortunately this squabble was not prolonged but it appeared another, far more serious quarrel, was now brewing, one which would erupt on the 4th of March 1845. On the previous day, the King had agreed to accompany Princess Agnes to the theatre at the invitation of the Maynards to see a revival of The Lady of Lyons but then His Majesty changed his plans when Baroness Wiedl wrote to him announcing that she would soon be back in England and hoped he might join her in Bloomsbury Square for a private supper on the same evening he was due to take his fiancé to the Lyceum. The King accepted and asked Phipps to see that the Cambridges accompanied Princess Agnes to the theatre instead, sending his apologies to the Maynards. But he failed to explain his decision to Princess Agnes. Instead, Phipps was sent to Marlborough House to inform Agnes of the new arrangements. She took it well, evening chuckling when Phipps awkwardly announced that the King was “otherwise engaged” and could not spend the evening with Agnes as intended. Agnes laughed and replied, “Oh really Mr Phipps, I thought His Majesty was engaged to me!”

    Phipps did not reveal that the King was to spend the evening with Baroness Wiedl and on the 3rd of March, as scheduled, Princess Agnes joined the Maynards and the Cambridges at the theatre whilst George V headed off to Bloomsbury to be reunited with his friend. The following day, Princess Mary arrived at Marlborough House to bid Agnes farewell – she was heading to Weymouth for a rest – before Baroness Wiedl began her duties as an Extra Lady of the Bedchamber (though at this time she did not have this title or appointment formally as the Queen’s Household had not yet been officially constituted). It was Princess Mary who accidentally put the cat among the pigeons. When she explained that Rosalinde would be arriving in a few day's time to begin her duties, Agnes looked downcast. She did not relish the prospect, her mother having dripped poison in her ear that there was something improper about the relationship between the King and his friend, the Baroness. Agnes had been unable to overcome this and was now deeply suspicious, no doubt made worse by the fact that she could not discuss the matter openly with any of her new attendants. Instead of raising the matter with Princess Mary, Agnes tried another tactic. When Mary told Agnes that Rosalinde would soon arrive at Marlborough House, Agnes replied, “Oh? But she has not yet returned from France, I believe?”.

    “Oh really child”, Princess Mary said haughtily, “You must learn to keep track of these things! Rosa returned to us last evening”.

    Agnes sniffed.

    “Have you a cold my dear?”, Mary queried, accusingly, “Because that would never do. I shall ask Knollys to fetch a medicament. Now when Rosa comes, I want you to be on your best behaviour, your very best, Georgie tells me she is quite exhausted after a dreadful crossing and-“

    “Georgie said that? How did he know?”

    Without hesitation, Mary proudly declared, “Because he dined with her yesterday my dear. Now when Rosa comes-“

    “But I thought-“, Agnes interrupted. Mary sighed in frustration.

    “My dear, I have few years left to me”, she chided, “But in the time God yet grants to me, I hope to be able to be heard. Now…when Rosa comes…

    But Agnes did not hear a word Princess Mary said. Her stomach felt heavy and her heartbeat pounded in her ears. Why had Georgie lied to her? And why did he go to see that woman when he had promised to accompany Agnes to the theatre? Oh God. This was exactly what Mama had meant…her anxiety gripped her and it must have been noticeable.

    “Oh my dear”, Mary cooed, “You really do look quite pale. You are ill. I shall ring for Knollys; you really should be put to bed at once”.

    Agnes dutifully allowed herself to be taken to her room. She said nothing until the ladies had left her. Then she burst into sobs.

    Meanwhile, the King had been invited to a luncheon at the Royal Military Academy in Woolwich, South East London, where a guard of honour from 130 cadets formed to welcome His Majesty. Woolwich had been in use as a military training college since 1806 and whilst enrolled, cadets were instructed in mathematics, mapping, land-surveillance, fortification and engineering as well as in the use of muskets, sword-exercises and fieldpieces. George arrived in military uniform, passing up and down the ranks of cadets before being led to the dining room where the top brass of the Academy raised a toast to His Majesty before a sumptuous six course meal was served. But the King was not impressed. Throughout the luncheon, he remained surly and quiet, gently seething until he left with a few perfunctory handshakes which left the recipients somewhat puzzled. It was only when he returned to Buckingham Palace that the reason for his ire became clear.

    “If these cadets are the future of the British Army then we might all sleep with a musket under our bed for never have I seen such lack-lustre young men, poorly attired, weak in discipline and without care for their studies”, the King wrote, “I was appalled Sir, and most aggrieved, by the entire atmosphere of the Academy which reminds me of all the worst traits of the English public school, indeed I would go further, that Woolwich has become little more than Eton with drill, a most dissatisfactory establishment which I consider to be of detriment both to the British Army as the greatest fighting force in the world today and to those young men who have placed their trust in the institution to make of them the very same. That such men should give their lives so bravely for their country is a sacrifice made poorer by the outrageous inefficiency and wastefulness of the Academy which must be reviewed and corrected without delay or hesitation”. This angry assessment of the Woolwich Academy was hand delivered within the hour to Henry Grey (soon to be the 3rd Earl Grey upon the death of his father, the former Prime Minister, Charles Grey), then Secretary of State for War and the Colonies. [1]

    These observations would not have been out of place in 1845, indeed, the Academy was described by Edward Mogg in 1844 as “having the ethos of a public school”, the result of changes which saw cadets removed from the muster roll and their parents’ charged fees for their attendance. This restricted the student body to the children of the wealthy or well-established military families who might then purchase a commission for their offspring once they graduated. Social precedence had been allowed to dominate the decisions regarding promotion at Woolwich and this meant that cadets there often had a totally different preparation and training experience than their counterparts at Sandhurst or Great Marlow. For someone with a keen interest in the military, George V was shocked by his visit to Woolwich and it seemed to spark in him not only a desire but a strong determination to force his government to undertake a serious review of the state of the British Army and to reform that which, in his view, was detrimental to it overall. Lord Grey agreed with the King’s assessment of Woolwich and promised to look into the matter, visiting the Academy personally to experience what the King had noted first hand.

    640px-2017-Woolwich%2C_RMA_-_3.jpg

    The Royal Military Academy, Woolwich

    Whilst George V still exhibited signs of a hot temper, by now this mellowed enough to prompt him to action rather than rage. In this case, he blew off steam and listed his objections to Lord Grey but then he set about finding a way he could contribute personally to seeking some kind of correction. In later years, George often said, “Where one finds a problem, one must also find a resolution” and certainly in 1845 he was driven to do just that, spending every spare moment he had studying anything he thought might be of use among the pages of his extensive library. Quite correctly, George V expressed his concerns in a private and confidential letter to Lord Grey at the War Office and asked if he had any objection to the King submitting proposals for reforms to him in the future. In this, we see how George had learned from past experience. Rather than demand a role to play in what was ostensibly a matter outside of the purview of the Crown (as he had perhaps been guilty of when he tried his hand at diplomacy), this time the King did his utmost to avoid any clash with his ministers. But as proper as his conduct was, he did put pressure on Lord Grey to act swiftly – possibly because he, like so many others at that time, had concerns that the Whigs may not last much longer in government.

    The King attended the State Opening of Parliament in the second week of February 1845, the ceremony familiar but the composition of those in the Commons a relatively unusual body. Everyone present knew that the Whig government could be brought down at any moment and most predicted that the Melbury ministry wouldn’t last the month. Ahead of the King’s speech, Melbury finally committed himself to endorsing Lord Russell’s proposed reforms for the House of Lords but this was referenced in the address the King gave as “Efforts shall be made to introduce further constitutional reforms”. In a private agreement, Melbury and Lord Russell compromised that the so-called Lords Act would not be brought forward immediately and that the detail of the reform should be kept within Cabinet for the time being. But at their post-address clash in the Commons, Lord Russell responded furiously to claims by Sir James Graham that the Whigs were “making ham-fisted efforts to tear up the constitution to suit their own purposes”. Russell snapped back that if one wanted to see an example of such behaviour, they need look no further than “the mass production of peers we saw by the previous government at the Right Honourable Gentleman’s behest”. This proved electric in the Commons debate as Graham assured all those present that Russell’s words were “a clear indication that the government intends to assault the constitutional role played by those in the Other Place”.

    Lord Melbury was furious that Russell had allowed his pride to get the better of him but calmed in his attitude when there were positive signs from other opposition parties (such as the Repeal Association, Chartists and Radicals) that they welcomed Lords Reform and expected the bill to be brought forward far sooner than was being suggested. After days of debate, senior Whigs paced the division lobbies nervously. The government had a majority of 24, diminished to 22 because one of their number was unwell and another had failed to surface from his country estate after the weekend. The Tories and the Unionists were bound to vote together to defeat the bill – but the other opposition parties may go either way. If the government lost the division, it would be taken as a vote of no confidence in the Whigs. At the very last, the result was declared; the Whigs had won the day by 49 votes, a clear win for the day but the Prime Minister urged caution. This might not be repeated when individual bills were brought forward. Melbury returned to Downing Street, still a little sore at Russell’s behaviour, but otherwise relieved.

    As Melbury hovered in corridors waiting to hear his fate that evening, an almighty row was taking place in the King’s Private Apartments at Buckingham Palace. Princess Agnes, consumed with jealousy and suspicion, did the unthinkable. She got out of her sick bed at Marlborough House, dressed herself, took herself the short distance to the Palace on foot and made her way to the King’s Drawing Room where he was fully engrossed in his military studies.

    “What the devil…”, he said in surprise as Agnes appeared before him, without being announced by an astonished Phipps in the ante-room.

    “Georgie, I must speak with you”, Agnes said, her voice a little tremulous with emotion.

    “Nessa!”, the King cried, standing to his feet and walking over to comfort his intended, “Aunt Mary told me you had a cold, my darling you look absolutely frightful, come here by the fire and get warm, I…I hope you didn’t come here on foot…”

    “I did and I had to”, Agnes said sourly, “Because I am not happy Georgie, I am not happy at all”.

    The King chuckled.

    “Well we can’t have that, can we? Now you sit there and you tell me all about it…”

    Agnes drew a deep breath.

    “We were supposed to go to the theatre together Georgie, you and I, with the Maynards”.

    “Yes I know, that was a bother wasn’t it? But Aunt Augusta told me you enjoyed the play, she said you…”

    “She shouldn’t have had to tell you Georgie because you should have been there to enjoy it with me. And instead…”, she faltered but then regained her courage, “Instead you were dining with another woman”

    “Another woman?”, George guffawed, “What on earth do you mean by that? Oh! My supper with Rosa? Oh darling, that really is very silly, Rosa has been away for a very long time and I-“

    “You were dishonest Georgie”, Agnes continued, “You were dishonest and unkind and now I am left wretched and you…you do not even care!”

    George was no longer smiling. He dropped Agnes’ hands and walked over to the window for a moment, the room filled with a dangerous silence. Then he rounded.

    “Now you listen to me Nessa and you listen very carefully for I do not intend to have this conversation with you ever again”, he hissed, “Rosa is one of my oldest and dearest friends, she has been a loyal and much loved companion in this house before you were a thought in my mind. If I wish to dine with her, I shall do so, without reproach, from you or from anybody else, do I make myself clear?”

    “No!”, Agnes shouted, throwing herself up from the chair and launching toward the King, “No you do not because where she is concerned, things are far from clear. Do you know what they say about you and that woman? Because I do. Mama told me. They say you are in love with her”.

    The King walked over to his desk and pushed the button that rang a bell in the outer room. Phipps appeared nervously at the door.

    “Charlie, escort the Princess back to Marlborough House”, George said coldly, “She is unwell”.

    “You do not have the right to order me about!”, Agnes screamed.

    “I have every right, I am the King!”, George bellowed.

    “I shan’t go until I have learned the truth of this!”, Agnes hollered.

    “The truth is there but you are too silly to see it!”, George raged back.

    Agnes began to sob.

    “Now…you will go with Charlie and you will ask your ladies to give you whatever remedy it takes to bring you out of this childish, petty nonsense. And until such a time as you are cured of this ridiculous behaviour, you shall remain at Marlborough House until I call for you. Phipps…take the Princess home”. [2]

    Phipps entered the room and gently led Agnes away. He had been correct to predict that the return of Baroness Wiedl may ruffle feathers but he could never have foreseen the clash he had just witnessed. An ominous silence pervaded for two days, neither side willing to give grounds. But then came an olive branch. Word was sent to Marlborough House that the King wished Princess Agnes to be present at a dinner party and now somewhat calmer, though nowhere near reassured, the Princess dressed in her best and was taken by carriage to the Palace where she was seated between Viscount Maynard and the Foreign Secretary, Lord Morpeth. The King welcomed Agnes home with a kiss and no mention was made of their previous disagreement but those present were quickly acquainted with the awkwardness of this reunion. As the guests tucked into the game course (a partridge roasted in the centre of a Savoy cabbage), the conversation turned to news from the Bay of Islands in New Zealand which had just appeared in the evening newspapers.

    558px-HekeFlagstaff.jpg

    The British Ensign is removed by Hōne Heke.

    Since the adoption of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840, there had been growing unrest among the Māori tribes over the exact meaning of the document signed. The British were insistent that the treaty ceded sovereignty to the Crown allowing for the foundation of the Colony of New Zealand in 1841. But the Māori upheld that they had not understood the treaty when it was put before them and they had no intention whatsoever of giving the British Crown authority over their territory. In July 1844, a flagstaff erected on Maiki Hill at the north end of Kororāreka by the first British resident, James Busby, was cut down by the Pakaraka chief Te Haratua. The result was a conference called by the Governor of New South Wales, Robert Fitzroy, which eased the rising tensions and the flagstaff was replaced. But in January 1845, the flagstaff was once again cut down. The British responded by replacing it with an iron flagstaff but this was again felled. However, by this time Governor FitzRoy had far more to concern himself with. Kororāreka was to provide a backdrop for an uprising with warriors from various tribes led by Chiefs Hōne Heke, Te Ruki Kawiti and Pūkuma sent to plunder the British settlement there. FitzRoy called for reinforcements and all was set for bloody and brutal clash between forces of the Crown and the Māori. [3]

    “All this fuss over a flagpole”, Lord Maynard commented, “Can you credit it?”

    “Ah it is more than that”, Lord Morpeth replied, “It is a test of the colony, of the authority of the Governor over the native peoples and of the validity of the treaty, I’m afraid it shall escalate until those points are proven militarily to the Māori”.

    “I feel sad for them”, Agnes mused, pushing her food about her plate with her fork.

    “For whom Ma’am?”, Morpeth replied curiously.

    “The Māori”, Agnes said sadly, “It must all be so strange for them. To lose their land and not to understand why”.

    “But they are savages Ma’am”, Maynard declared arrogantly, “Tribal people. It is our duty to Christianise them, to show them a more civilised way of living, as we have done in all our colonies”. [4]

    “I do see that Lord Maynard”, Lady Wigmore opined, trying to change the subject away from politics as she knew must, “And on that very thing, did you read in the supplement last evening that there are to be Anglican nuns in a house in St Pancras?”

    “I did see that Lady Wigmore, indeed”, Maynard nodded approvingly.

    “I do hope they will not find the gardens a chore”, Lady Wigmore continued, “Our roses are looking quite poor this year, it really is so unfortunate”

    “Well I still think it’s sad”, Agnes repeated, refusing to be moved, “I shall pray for them”

    Lady Wigmore looked down nervously at her plate.

    “What’s that?”, the King asked from the other end of the table, “What is being said now?”

    Lord Morpeth exercised his diplomatic skills.

    “We were discussing the issue of the flagstaff in New Zealand, Your Majesty”, Morpeth replied, “The Princess was just telling us how sorry she was about the incident”

    “Is that so?”, George replied gruffly, “I didn’t know you knew anything about it Agnes”.

    “I read a great deal about it”, Agnes said haughtily, “And I think it’s very unfortunate for the poor Māori, I’m sure they’re very decent people after all”

    “Very clearly you have not understood a word you have read”, George snapped, “Now let us talk no more of this tonight. Lady Maynard, will you be joining us at Windsor for Easter next week?”

    “Oh yes Sir”, Lady Maynard began, “We are very much looking forward to-“

    “What do you say, Bishop?”, Agnes interjected, casting a grin toward the Bishop of London, who almost choked into his glass of wine, “Do you believe the Māori are a savage people?”

    The King stood up, his red flushed red. He threw his napkin onto his plate with a loud crash of the cutlery beneath. Silence reigned.

    “I’m afraid I have quite lost my appetite”, he said tersely, “Perhaps the ladies might wish to leave us now”

    Mid-course, the women at table rose as one, the gentlemen quickly following suit. Agnes shot a prideful grin toward the King and then sauntered out of the room, Lady Wigmore, Lady Maynard et al trundling out after her. The King poured a glass of port and tried to relax but it was no use. He could no longer enjoy himself. With apologies to his remaining guests, he excused himself and retreated to his study.

    When we consider Agnes’ behaviour at this dinner party, it is natural that we might compare her to her predecessor, Louise. The thought that the late Queen might ever behave in the way Agnes did that evening is difficult to imagine. Yet it must be remembered that whilst Louise was not that much older than her husband, she was very mature for her years. As such, she seemed to accept her role as Queen consort with ease and though their marriage did have it’s problems, there was rarely the back and forth that was now evident between George and Agnes. Simply put, Agnes was 20 years old, in a foreign country, among strangers. But she was also unhappy at this time and just as she knew what was expected of her – she had Princess Mary to thank for that – she knew exactly how to behave contrary to expectation to cause a stir. Whilst her comments would go no further than the royal dinner table, the King was incensed that she should make them regardless. But rather than speak to her privately and offer a calm, reasoned correction, he did not. Instead, the King wrote a note for Phipps to take to the Princess the next morning. It read:

    “Madam,

    I do not expect the behaviour of last evening to be repeated ever again at my table and I trust you are suitably ashamed. It is to be regretted that you thought to behave in this way for now I do not wish to see you today.

    George R”


    When Phipps delivered it, Agnes read it and handed it back.

    “Return it”, she said with a little smile, “The King is not my husband yet, I shall not be addressed in this way. I shall see His Majesty at tea, as we agreed”.

    “With respect Ma’am”, Phipps began, “His Majesty has made his position clear. And…and he shall not be at home for tea”.

    Agnes stopped smiling immediately.

    “Where then shall he be?”, she asked, her voice a little shaky.

    “He…the….His Majesty is taking tea at Bloomsbury Square, Ma’am”, Phipps replied bluntly. He refused to tell a lie.

    Agnes shook her head in disbelief.

    “With her”, she said softly, her voice breaking with emotion, “He will be with her”

    Phipps waited to be dismissed and then left the room. As he closed the door behind him, he heard the Princess weeping. Something would have to be done. And quickly at that.


    Notes

    [1] I know there was some interest in how the British Army might be reformed during this period, having removed some of the key players. This is by no means my area of expertise so if there are errors, please do point them out as I’d like to do the best I can and my research may not be as detailed as the knowledge some of my readers already have.

    [2] Not a happy read for our romantics but I did say that George’s relationship with Agnes wouldn’t be the garden of roses he enjoyed with poor Louise. The personality clash here was inevitable with the characters I’ve given them and who really can blame Agnes for being suspicious?

    [3] As in the OTL.

    [4] I wanted to stress here (as I have when we have covered similar views of the period such as antisemitism) that I absolutely abhor the attitude displayed here by Lord Maynard - particularly the use of the word savages. I know the use of this word led to a ban recently - though it wasn't part of a timeline - so I have flagged it up before I've published. But my reason for including it here is to show the arrogance of the average British colonialist at the time. The notion that indigenous people needed to be "civilised" is horrific to us today but back then? Agnes would have been in the minority for thinking of the Maori as people, fellow human beings with the same rights, thoughts and feelings as she has.

    Please be aware I don't intend to abuse this sort of language in future posts and it appears here only to highlight the prevailing attitude of the day but also to show us a little of Agnes' personality drawn from her character in the OTL. The real life Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau had a keen interest from a young age in trying to fight prejudices - most notably against Jewish people in her country. I felt the flagstaff war would give a good opportunity for us to see that but also to see how her immaturity can lead to her "showing off" - as I believe she probably would in this situation. She's talking politics when she knows she shouldn't. And she's challenging the established view of the day.

    All this being said, if a Mod would like me to remove these lines and replace them with something else, I'm only too happy to do so.

    Also to add, Chapter Thirty-One is written and ready to publish but before when I've put two chapters up at the same time, I've had feedback that people often overlook the first because "last post" takes you to the second. And I also don't want to confront people with a wall of text to sift through which might make people a little bored of TTL. To that end, I'll put up the next chapter tomorrow morning and as ever, thankyou for reading!
     
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    GV: Part Three, Chapter Thirty-One: Peace from Panic
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Thirty-One: Peace from Panic

    At Gloucester House in Weymouth, Princess Mary was enjoying a much-needed period of rest and recuperation. So content was she in her seaside residence that she had asked to be excused from the Easter celebrations at Windsor so that she might stay a little longer. It appeared that she too was feeling a little frustrated by prolonged exposure to Princess Agnes’ effervescent personality and so she hid way in Dorset, ensconced in her salon, wrapped in a fur blanket and engaged in her favourite pastime – eating. She was just working her way through a second plate of toasted crumpets topped with thick slices of Irish cheddar when her rather creaky butler announced that she had a visitor.

    “That is incorrect”, Mary declared, “Calling hours are not upon us. What I have is an intruder. See them off at once Ives”.

    Ives stood stock still. A wiry relic with a slight hunch, his face rather resembled a sheep asleep.

    “IVES”, Mary bellowed, in accommodation of the old man’s deafness, “SEND THEM AWAY”

    “Can’t Mum”, Ives replied sadly, “Is the King’s man”. [1]

    “What?”, Mary quibbled impatiently, “Who is Mr Kingsman?”

    “King’s Secretary Mum”, Ives explained, “Outside he is. Wants to see you”.

    Mary lowered her plate and wiped her buttery fingers on her blanket.

    “Phipps?!”, she called out, “Phipps, is that you out there?”

    “Yes it is Your Royal Highness”, Phipps called back through the wall.

    “Merciful heavens”, Mary cried, rolling her eyes, “Show him in Ives…SHOW - HIM - IN!”

    Phipps walked in unprompted and made his way over to Princess Mary offering a little bow. The Princess extended her hand, which he kissed, and then waived him to a chair opposite her.

    “Phipps, Mum”, Ives intoned gravely.

    “He is already IN”, Mary shouted.

    “Beg pardon Mum?”, Ives replied.

    “HE IS ALREADY – oh it doesn’t matter Ives, leave us. YOU MAY LEAVE US”

    Ives shuffled silently from the room. Phipps stifled a giggle.

    “The burden of servants”, Mary sighed, “And what brings you here? I doubt it is the sea air”.

    Phipps nodded. In truth, he had acted entirely on impulse after a sleepless night, asking Major Smith to cover for him with a tale of a stomach ailment before Phipps dashed to Paddington Station bound for Bristol before a long carriage ride to Weymouth. Exhausted and a little shaken, now he had arrived at his destination he was somewhat unsure as to where he should begin. Though he was not technically a servant, it was equally not his affair to involve himself in the private affairs of the King or of his family. Yet as many before him, he believed his duty went far beyond the constitutional role of the Crown he was engaged to support, especially if that role may be hampered by a degree of personal unhappiness on the part of the Sovereign. Phipps was discretion personified and it is testament to his understanding of the limitations of his role that he did not seek to try and rectify the disagreements between George V and Princess Agnes personally – that would have been overstepping the social and professional boundaries that must always be recognised and respected.

    Yet Phipps knew there was one person he could discuss the worrying developments at the Palace with who would not reproach his interest but who was also far better placed than he to try and resolve matters – that person was Princess Mary. She listened studiously as Phipps recounted what had occurred between the King and his intended, he explained what the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau had told her daughter about George’s relationship with Baroness Wiedl and he recounted the ordeal of the ill-fated dinner party at Buckingham Palace which left the King in a very sour mood indeed. Patiently, Mary waited until Phipps was done and then, she held up her hand and rang a small bell. This time, a house parlour maid appeared suitably attired in a black dress with white lace apron and cap.

    “Your Royal Highness, Ma’am”, the young girl said as she bobbed politely. Mary narrowed her eyes.

    “Which one are you?”, she barked from across the room, squinting, “Ethel, is it?”

    “Enid, Ma’am”, the poor girl replied.

    “What peculiar names girls have these days”, Mary said incredulously, “Now, I want you to listen to me very carefully child. I am to go to Windsor first thing in the morning. Have my trunk prepared and my carriage called”.

    “Yes Ma’am”, Enid replied.

    “And tell Ives he is to go and stay with his sister whilst I am away”, Mary added, heaving herself up from her chair on two sticks, the fur blanket tumbling to the ground, “And may the Lord have mercy on her soul…”

    Meanwhile at Windsor, totally unaware of his aunt’s impending arrival, the King was doing his best to avoid his fiancée in her wing of the castle, the pair having travelled together but in a distinctly cold atmosphere where the couple barely exchanged two words. Once arrived, the King’s Household separated from that of the Princess with Major Smith and Lord Beauclerk accompanying George to the Augusta Tower and Colonel Arbuthnot and Bessie Knollys lodged with Agnes in the State Apartments – though here there was a clear indication that Agnes was not Queen yet. Rather than use the apartments reserved for the Queen consort, she was instead accommodated in the Cornwall Tower which hadn’t been used for years. Agnes thought the Cornwall Tower small, old fashioned and uncomfortable but she seemed to sense that perhaps she had gone too far in asserting her independence with George and made no complaint. Though in time, Agnes would certainly never shy away from making her views on her surroundings known even if they did cause unpleasantness and upheaval. When she became Queen Dowager some forty years later, it was expected that Agnes would leave the “big house” at Lisson and vacate the private apartments at Buckingham Palace in favour of Marlborough House. Agnes refused to budge from either royal residence, much to the irritation of her stepson. [2]

    The King’s guests at Windsor that Easter included Lord Melbury, the Maynards, the Earl of Burlington and his sister Lady Fanny Howard, Admiral John Colville (known as Jock, he was also 9th Lord of Culross) and his wife Lady Anne Colville, the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, Princess Mary Adelaide of Cambridge, the Dowager Duchess of Clarence and the Dowager Duchess of Sussex. Amid all the traditions associated with Easter, the Royal Family observed a unique one – tolerating the endless complaints of the King. Every year as clockwork, George would become sullen in the immediate days before the celebrations began and was only truly cheered when it was all over. Traditionally the Royal Family spent Easter at Windsor but tradition also dictated there should be no blood sports on Easter Sunday – this meant there would be no shooting and as a result, George regarded Easter weekend as “a horrible waste of a good house party”. [3]

    Fortunately the ladies of the family were far more cheerful as they didn’t shoot anyway and instead they happily gathered to crochet lace or to settle at bead work – traditional English Easter observances. There was one custom however, which George absolutely adored in spite of himself and which marked the high point of the holiday: the annual Windsor Egg Roll. Egg rolling, a German tradition, was first introduced in Britain in the early 1800s, though not by Queen Charlotte as urban legend has it. Though the late Queen did not bring the Easter Egg Roll to Britain’s shores however, it was certainly embraced with enthusiasm at Windsor. George V had enjoyed the game as a child and now, his own children threw themselves into with great gusto, much to the King’s delight. Special eggs painted with “M-L”, “V” and “W” were provided for the Princess Royal, Princess Victoria and the Prince of Wales – the latter’s egg decorated with the Prince of Wales’ feathers on the reverse – and the King wrapped each of these in a ribbon so that he could present them to his children ahead of the race. However, the day before the egg roll, news came from the Nursery Floor at Windsor which stopped the King dead in his tracks and rocked him to his core.

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    Winterhalter's portrait of the Prince of Wales, painted in late 1845.

    Lady Maria Beauclerk, Governess to the Royal Nursery, sent an urgent message to the King asking him to come to the nursery floor at once. The Prince of Wales was unwell. The royal physician, Dr Alison, had been called to assess the situation and when George dashed to his son’s bedside, he found Alison mid-examination. The little Prince, now three years old, had a barking cough, a high temperature and cried out constantly causing him to descend once more into a fit of prolonged hacking. Alison diagnosed croup. The very word acted like a jolt to the King’s chest.

    “I know croup”, he said quietly, “Eddy had croup”.

    In 1825, the King’s younger brother had indeed been diagnosed with croup, though doctors at the time were seriously concerned the little Prince was suffering from diphtheria. Prince Edward recovered from his illness (though he tragically died in an accident at Buckingham Palace a short time later) but in 1845, many considered croup to be just as deadly as diphtheria because the more severe forms had yet to be curtailed by vaccination. But equally as dangerous as the croup itself was the standard treatment given by New Georgian doctors. The first course of action was to employ the use of a croup kettle which spouted steam into the room for hours at a time so that the moist air could relieve mucus. But in some children, this was not enough and doctors might then consider a course of emetics, the idea being that if they vomited the mucus (as much as half a dozen times a day), their breathing would be improved. This often led to dehydration which made the situation worse and thus, many children died from the very medical intervention which was supposed to save them.

    But there were more severe – and far more dangerous - treatments than purging. Some children who did not respond to the use of a kettle or emetics were given mercury or opium and in very rare and desperate cases, tracheotomies were regarded as a last resort. By 1832, French physician Pierre Bretonneau was endorsing the use of tracheotomies for diphtheria and by 1845, his student and assistant Armand Trousseau had performed hundreds in trying to save children from the severest cases of croup. Not only was the operation incredibly stressful to small children, but it also opened the door to other infections as a result of surgery. In other words, a diagnosis of croup was extremely frightening to any parent in the 1840s, just as it was to George V that Easter weekend. All celebrations were cancelled with the exception of a private church service on Easter Sunday morning where prayers for the Prince of Wales were to be added to the liturgy. Estate employees and members of the general public were not to be welcomed into the castle environs to greet the Royal Family and the traditional luncheon held for nearly 150 in St George’s Hall was abandoned. Those who were not related to the King left Windsor with only members of the Royal Family remaining behind, all suspended in a state of anguish and worry as they awaited news from the nursery floor. [4]

    George was beside himself and as he knelt by his son’s bed, he wept and prayed aloud. He thought of his younger brother. Had Eddy lived, he would have celebrated his 20th birthday a month earlier. The King’s thoughts wandered to the kind of young man the Prince might have been. Would he have had the army career denied to George? No. He would no doubt have followed Uncle William into the navy. Water. The King shuddered. Then his mind was filled with images of Sunny, how she’d been so terribly pale and exhausted as she held the little Prince now breathing heavily and looking just as drained as Louise had been in those final hours. He could almost feel Sunny’s presence in that room. George remembered how he’d walked from her death bed to the nursery, to see their new-born child. He had made a promise to himself then that he would do all he could to protect little William from harm, to ensure he thrived and lived the long and happy life denied to Sunny…and to Eddy. And yet now, as his son lay gravely ill, he could do nothing. Once again, the King faced the horrifying thought that another of those he loved most was about to be cruelly taken from him. Tears splashed down his cheeks as he became lost in memory and then suddenly...

    Princess Agnes had been out walking in the Great Park when a footman rushed to her to tell her of the Prince’s condition. Without a word, Agnes ran across the sodden grass, the bottom of her skirts soaked through and her boots caked in mud. Her bonnet came loose and fell to the ground as she dashed along the South Terrace and darted toward the Nursery Floor as fast as her legs could carry her. She burst into the room where the Prince lay, the King by his side, Agnes’ hair was loose, her brow was pouring with sweat and her clothes were crumpled and wet. Without a word to George or Dr Alison, she flung open the windows and then seized the Prince of Wales from his bed, placing him on her lap and leaning him forward, gently rubbing his back with her hand. She began to sing softly. Wide-eyed, the King went to admonish her but Dr Alison gently placed his arm on George’s shoulder as the Prince of Wales stopped screaming. [5]

    “Do not worry Sir”, Alison whispered, “His Royal Highness is in the best of hands”.

    For the next two days, Agnes refused to leave the nursery. Though the King had to concede defeat and retire to his bed for a few hours, the Princess quickly silenced any who suggested she might do the same, “I am where I should be”, she said, “And here I stay”. The nursery nurses looked on as Agnes bathed the little Prince, swirling menthol into the water which released a strong aroma of peppermint and beeswax into the room. Every hour, on the hour, Agnes filled the croup kettle herself from the nursery pantry and as the water boiled, she scooped out a cup or two to brew weak tea for William to drink when it had cooled. Slowly but surely, the rasp in the Prince’s breathing left him. His cough slowed. His temperature came down. After a few hours rest, the King returned to the nursery and was amazed by what he saw. There was the Prince of Wales, sitting on the floor, chortling and chuckling as he and Agnes played with some wooden blocks. Alison examined the Prince. He was fully recovered. The King was left speechless. Lady Maria Beauclerk took her charge and Dr Alison followed her out, leaving George and Agnes alone together in the nursery. Agnes must have been exhausted yet she did not show it.

    For a moment they stood in silence, avoiding eye contact. Then, the King rushed toward Agnes and embraced her, holding her tightly as he wept; “You saved my boy. You saved him”.

    Agnes comforted the King. She made to speak but she now became acutely aware of just how tired she really was.

    “Look at you”, the King said kindly, “You’re exhausted, come my darling, let me take you to rest”.

    And so, the King helped his fiancée along the corridors until they reached the Queen’s Private Apartments. He laid her on a settee in the morning room and covered her with a woollen blanket. Then, he sat beside her and held her hand tightly.

    “Nessa…I…I wish to apologise…”

    Agnes nodded slowly.

    “The fault was mine Georgie”, she said softly, “I’ve behaved so very badly, I really do feel very wretched about everything. But I…I believed something terrible and perhaps I was wrong to do so…”

    “I know what you believed”, George replied, stroking her hair, “But you must believe me when I tell you that there is no truth to it, to any of it, none whatsoever. It’s simply that…”

    “Yes?”

    “I have thought much these past few days about those I have lost”, George said, his voice breaking a little, “My poor brother, Eddy. Dear Uncle William, such a wonderful old man, you would have liked him very much I think. And Lottie…well, I lost her in a different way…but Sunny…well…Sunny….they all left me quite alone you see. And I really didn’t have anyone to confide in or to rely upon, to listen to my troubles…to tell me when I was wrong…”

    “Oh Georgie”

    “Rosa is as dear to me as a sister”, the King said quietly, finally broaching the issue once and for all, “And I know that others, those with poisonous minds, seek to betray that friendship and offer it as something which it never was and which it never shall be. Rosa is my friend. But you…you are to be my wife…and I love you in a way I have never, and will never, love her. I want you to remember that Nessa. Promise me you shall remember that?”

    Agnes smiled gently.

    “I already knew it my darling. Deep down”, she replied, “I just…needed to hear you say it…”

    The King kissed her and continued to stroke her hair as she drifted off to sleep. That night, Agnes slept soundly and the King had much to be grateful for.

    So it was that Princess Mary’s mercy dash to Windsor was in vain, though she was glad to see that amends had been made and that the King and the Princess were “as sympatico as two turtledoves”. Once again, George and Agnes walked the corridors of Windsor hand in hand and to celebrate their good fortune, the King decided to throw an impromptu gala at the castle the following weekend so as to allow their guests to return and enjoy royal hospitality at its best.

    Some 500 miles away in Hanover, the Armaghs had much to celebrate too. That Easter marked their first at Herrenhausen as the Viceregal couple and there was the added joy of it being the first Easter they celebrated as a family with their infant son Prince George Augustus. They attended a church service at the Royal Guelphic Chapel before a public parade, the Countess handing out small wooden hand painted eggs to the children whilst the Earl handed out ribbons to young debutantes who affixed them to their straw bonnets. There were military bands and pony rides and the atmosphere was one of great enjoyment, the engravings from the day proving very popular in England where all could congratulate the new Viceroy of Hanover for settling into his new position so well. However, this snapshot of a Kingdom at play belied the stirrings of something that was about to shatter the image of Hanover as a Ruritanian paradise. [6]

    After the Easter celebrations, the Hanoverian parliament sat once more and after 6 months of backroom discussions, a private member’s bill was introduced by Emil Tebbel, a liberal from Bothfeld. The Viceroyalty Act 1845 had the support of 23 members – though not from the ruling party - and came as a huge shock to the conservative establishment. The bill opened with a loyal address to His Majesty King George V (thereby avoiding any accusations of causing insult to the Sovereign) but what followed sought to curtail the monarch’s powers in his “Other Kingdom”. The Act sought to amend the 1819 constitution of Hanover which gave the Sovereign the ultimate authority to appoint a Viceroy for Hanover and instead, demanded that in the future such an appointment be considered a “nomination” instead. Thereafter, parliament would vote on the candidate who could only be appointed as Viceroy if he won two-thirds support of its members. Furthermore, and wishing to avoid a repeat of the lengthy tenure of the Duke of Cambridge, term limits were to be imposed with a Viceroy only eligible to hold office for two terms of five years, either consecutively or non-consecutively. Those in favour insisted that Hanover must evolve her system of government to reflect the will of the people for though Hanover’s constitution had been modelled on that of England, in practise the Kingdom was administered more as an absolute monarchy than a constitutional one.

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    The Earl of Armagh.

    The proposed reform to the Viceroyalty was not intended as an assault on royal authority, indeed, when the bill reached the ears of the Earl of Armagh he said he believed the bill was practical and that he welcomed the notion of his appointment being approved by the people’s representatives. [7] But the vast majority of the Hanoverian parliament did not feel the same way and the bill was howled down in a flurry of angry roars. Needless to say, it did not proceed to a vote but the Tebbelites (as they became known) had the backing of very prominent liberal figures, such as William Albrecht. Albrecht was well known to George V as in 1840 he had caused outrage when he appeared to criticise the King for failing to visit Hanover when he paid a trip to Germany with Queen Louise at that time. Initially furious with Albrecht, the King relented, saw that he was reinstated to the University at Göttingen and then embarked on the creation of Hanover Week to repair the estranged relationship with his Hanoverian subjects which the Professor had highlighted. Now, Albrecht signed his name to a letter endorsing Tebbel’s 1845 bill.

    But this time, rather than being ostracised by his colleagues, six other Professors at Göttingen followed Albrecht’s example. These were Friedrich Christian Dahlmann (a liberal reformist from Wismar), Georg Gottfried Gervinus (a historian from Darmstadt), Wilhelm Weber (a physicist from Wittenberg), Heinrich Ewald (an orientalist from Gottingen) and Wilhelm and Jacob Grimm (better known to history as the Brothers Grimm, the popular storytellers of folk tales). Though the Earl of Armagh had sympathy with their cause, there was very little he could do if the Hanoverian parliament did not adopt and approve the bill Emil Tebbel and his supporters had introduced. However, as the debate spilled out onto the streets, a huge number of Hanoverians came out in support of Tebbel and his proposals. They felt it high time that they had a say in their system of government and whilst nobody wished to dispense with the monarchy, or indeed the Viceroy, the idea that the King could simply install a family member to the highest position in the land to serve as long as he liked without recourse to their parliament seemed incredible. But it also spoke to the fact that Hanover’s constitution had only ever been brushed up a little since the first was granted in 1819. The changes since did little to improve things in the Kingdom and those of a more liberal view felt that if that approach didn’t change, Hanover might one day find itself in a position where the personal union with the British Crown was no longer tenable. As Wilhelm Weber put it; “Why should it be that the King’s subjects in England enjoy a better system of government than the King’s subjects in Hanover, for are we not equal in our loyalty to His Majesty?”.

    In London, the Hanoverian Chancery received word of the rumblings in George V’s “Other Kingdom” at the worst possible time [8]. The Head of the Chancery, Count von Ompteda, was now over 70 years old and had served in his post for almost 15 years. It had never been an office he had aspired to but his loyalty to the Crown demanded he accept it. Just as the Duke of Cambridge had stepped back from his role in the Hanoverian government, so too was Count von Ompteda casting an eye to his future. Whatever time he had left to him, he wished to spend it at his home in Celle which for many years he had only ever been able to visit for a few months of the year. Before he could retire however, Ompteda had to recommend a successor to the King. Whilst the Count longed to end his tenure as Head of the Chancery, he had no choice but to delay for he could not bring himself to nominate the successor the Hanoverian parliament had made clear it wanted. As with the Viceroy, the parliament in Hanover had no constitutional role to play in the appointment of the Head of the Chancery but there was no doubt in the minds of the ruling conservatives that there could be only one candidate for the position they could accept. His name was Count George zu Münster. Münster was born in London in 1820 during his father’s tenure as Hanoverian minister to the Court of St James’. Having studied at the University of Göttingen with the sons of George III, Ernst zu Münster entered the public service of the Electorate of Hanover and rose through the ranks until he was appointed Head of the Chancery. In this role, Münster was charged with overseeing the fortunes of the German assets of the House of Hanover and was most successful in promoting them at the Congress of Vienna in 18115 which saw the Electorate elevated to a Kingdom. His son, George zu Münster, had followed in his father’s footsteps by studying at Göttingen but when George was just 18, his father died and George inherited the family estates as well as a hereditary seat in the Hanoverian parliament. From that time on, Münster continued the family tradition and joined the Hanoverian diplomatic service but he also upheld the family’s politics. He held strong Guelph sympathies and was known to be a passionate conservative, far more reactionary perhaps than Ompteda but very much in the model of his illustrious father.

    It may be for this reason that Ompteda did not consider Münster a suitable successor for the post of Head of the Chancery. This was not the reason he gave to Münster’s supporters of course, rather he said that Münster was still very young and had little experience of the Chancery in London in adulthood. Ompteda proposed his own candidate whom he felt was far more appropriate; his nephew, Count August Christian von Ompteda, then serving as an auditor in the Chancery. August Christian was twice Münster’s age, he had assisted his uncle well and he was moderate in his politics, though still aligned himself with the conservative majority. This suggestion did not go down well with the ruling class in Hanover. Though they objected on the grounds of nepotism (somewhat hypocritically), their real opposition to Ompteda’s nephew taking the post was that they wanted a strong, conservative voice in the Chancery who could react with force and authority when confronted with liberal calls for reforms such as the Viceroyalty Act. The conservatives did not believe August Christian had the determination – or even the conviction – needed to do so and they threw their weight entirely behind Münster. Yet Ompteda feared that far from holding back the liberal surge in Hanover, Münster’s brand of conservatism would only serve to exacerbate tensions and risk plunging Hanover into crisis. Ahead of a private audience with George V to inform him of the situation regarding the Viceroyalty Act, Ompteda finally made his decision – he would do nothing. If his retirement, which he had already indicated to the King was forthcoming, was mentioned, Ompteda would simply defer and say he had not yet considered it enough to submit his resignation. It bought time. But that was all.

    At Windsor, George V knew nothing of the stirrings in Hanover as he and Princess Agnes (ably assisted by Princess Mary) began to put the finishing touches to their wedding plans. The date was finally set for Friday the 11th of July 1845 – nearly two months after the King’s preferred date of the 2nd of May. This delay had nothing to do with the couple themselves or even the availability of the Abbey, rather it was to accommodate one guest whom the King was determined would attend his wedding – the Tsarevna of Russia. Maria Georgievna had been reunited with her brother in Germany and the Netherlands but she had not returned to England since her marriage five years earlier. At that time, it was made clear that the public animosity toward Russia may cause unpleasantness for the Tsarevna if she visited England too regularly but nobody could have imagined that she would stay away from her birth country for quite so long. Simply put, two pregnancies and a complex new role to adopt had left Maria Georgievna with no real inclination to return to London even though she always considered herself to be thoroughly English. Before the May date was proposed, word came from St Petersburg informing George V that, with regret, the Tsarevna could not possibly leave Russia for the next three months.

    The Russian Court was once again in mourning. Grand Duchess Mikhailovna, the daughter of Grand Duke Michael Pavlovich to whom the Tsarevich was so close, died at the end of January 1845. The Grand Duchess had married Adolf, Duke of Nassau in 1844 but just as with the poor Grand Duchess Alexandra Nikolaevna (known as Adini) less than six months earlier, Elizabeth died shortly after giving birth to a stillborn chill. Court mourning in St Petersburg had been declared in the first week of February and would last for 90 days after the funeral, so neither the Tsarevich nor his wife could even think of leaving Russia until that concluded – which it would in the first week of May when the King hoped to marry Princess Agnes. The King was frustrated but as no invitations had been sent out and as no wedding date had been made public, the wedding date was pushed back so as to allow his sister and her husband to attend. Having settled this with the Archbishop of Canterbury, the King remarked (rather insensitively), “Now let us hope we shall see no more Grand Duchesses go to their eternal reward before we walk up the aisle or else we shan’t be married until we are eighty in the shade” [9].

    The King and Princess Agnes now engaged in a tradition well known to many couples – opening the can of worms on whom they should invite to their wedding and whom should be left out. Swallowing his pride, George accepted that he must invite his cousin Victoria. Though he had ignored her fervent apologies since that letter had been received, he knew the public would expect to see her in the procession and besides, it was a state occasion to which the Dutch would naturally expect an invitation. He was adamant however that Victoria and her husband could not be accommodated at Buckingham Palace and would have to go elsewhere. In the end, they were pushed into the Dutch Embassy in South Kensington which appalled Victoria and which she complained about for months thereafter. Meanwhile, the Anhalt-Dessaus had problem relations of their own.

    The Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau was insistent that her erstwhile stepfather, the Duke of Cumberland, should be invited. She was not particularly close to him but she knew the King loathed him. Frederica was livid when the King said if the Duke of Cumberland came to the wedding, he would not. But she won out on other demands. Just as George V threatened to boycott his own wedding if his uncle was present, so did Frederica insist that she would stay at home if two of her brothers-in-law were invited. These were Prince George Bernard and Prince William Waldemar. Both had married morganatically, George Bernhard to a woman of lesser nobility and William Waldemar to a commoner. They were never to be received in Dessau when the Duchess was present and they could only visit their brother Leopold IV when Frederica was in Berlin visiting her Prussian relations. Agnes was not particularly close to either of her uncles and agreed to her mother’s wishes but in doing so, she also unwittingly approved the remainder of her mother’s list which saw nine Prussian families invited who would vastly outnumber the Anhalts. On the groom’s side, the Hesse-Kassels were also invited but there remained the question of the Mecklenburg-Strelitzes. George dearly wanted his former parents-in-law to attend his wedding but Grand Duchess Marie refused to consider it and so even though an invitation was sent to Neustrelitz, only the King’s cousin Augusta and her husband Hereditary Grand Duke Frederick William came to London for the occasion.

    Princess Agnes had, until now, been kept away from making any decisions concerning her own wedding but there were certain things only a bride could choose. These included her wedding gown, her bouquet and how she might wear her hair but she was also allowed to select her own bridal party. When she presented her list of bridesmaids to Princess Mary, the old girl looked up at Agnes sternly and said, “My dear, this is not a bridal party – this is a regiment”. Agnes had selected the Princess Royal, Princess Victoria, Princess Maria Anna of Anhalt Dessau, Princesses Adelaide Marie, Bathildis and Hilda of Anhalt-Dessau and Princesses Marie Louise and Maria Anna of Prussia. The eldest was to be Princess Mary Adelaide of Cambridge (at 12 years old) and the youngest was to be Princess Anna of Hesse and by Rhine (at just 2 years old). Agnes insisted that she had only added to the British representation to the names which her mother had sent her and keen to avoid a dispute, Princess Mary sighed and agreed. Therefore, Princess Agnes would be marched to the aisle accompanied by no less than ten bridesmaids – all wearing the same shade of lavender, which Agnes declared delightful and which Princess Mary said would give them the appearance of “a troop of plums waddling through the Abbey”. Mary was particularly concerned about Princess Mary Adelaide of Cambridge; “for she is so very enormous for her age, she is bound to look quite ridiculous in such a colour” [10]. Agnes suggested the bridesmaids might wear cream-coloured sashes to break up the lilac hue she favoured but Mary vetoed this on the grounds that “they shall probably get them doused in custard or something similarly unpleasant at the wedding breakfast”.

    The wedding breakfast itself was to be held at Buckingham Palace directly after the wedding but then came the question of the honeymoon. The King proposed two weeks be allocated to the couple which Agnes suggested they might spend at Burg Rheinstein where they first met. But George had other ideas. Following his trip to Scotland, he had met with Lord Aberdeen to discuss the possibility of his acquiring the remaining lease on Balmoral. Aberdeen was only too pleased to accept this, the house being vacant and in need of a reliable tenant – and who could be better suited to that task than His Majesty the King? But George also wanted something else – Birkhall. Lord Aberdeen had never resided there and instead, had opened Birkhall to private tenants. Sir Reginald and Lady Isabella Crosbie, now in their 60s, had lived at Birkhall for thirty years on a gentleman’s agreement but now, the King wished to acquire Birkhall along with the remaining lease on Balmoral. It was agreed that the King would pay £20,000 (the equivalent to £1.2m today) to Lord Aberdeen to secure a lease of 5 years on Balmoral and to buy Birkhall outright. When the lease on Balmoral expired, the King would pay Aberdeen another £20,000 to buy Balmoral outright and link the two estates. Sir Reginald and Lady Crosbie were rather unfairly evicted from Birkhall and unbeknown to anybody, the King sent a team to Scotland to give the house a much needed facelift. [11]

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    The Birkhall Estate, 1845.

    Birkhall was to be Agnes’ wedding gift from the King and though he made mention only of honeymooning in Scotland (which Agnes was only too happy to agree to), the Princess could have no idea that she was about to visit a property which would become her favourite of all royal residences, so much so that when George V died he bequeathed Birkhall to Agnes in her own right so that she might always have use of it. From the moment she arrived, Agnes fell in love with Birkhall and said that the surrounding estate reminded her of her home in Dessau. Over the years, she would extend and remodel Birkhall and though the King spent time with her there on occasion, it was understood from the very start that Birkhall was a place for Agnes to be as independent as she wished. The house was very much her private fiefdom and she was under no obligation to receive anybody there she did not wish. When the King was away for extended periods of time or during the summer months when her diary allowed, Queen Agnes would retreat to Birkhall, a place she always called “my darling little house”. Of course, Princess Mary knew that the King had it in mind to take Balmoral as a house in Scotland and news that the royal couple would honeymoon there did not surprise her. But she urged a word of caution at the same time; “Wasn’t that a little expensive Georgie?”, she asked soberly, “After all, you still have so much to do at the Park…and what of the house in Dorset?”. The King told his aunt not to be such an old hen. He could easily afford Balmoral and after all, the government agreed it was advantageous for the Sovereign to have a permanent residence in Scotland. Mary remained unconvinced.

    There was one final set of arrangements to be made ahead of the King’s marriage but this had nothing to do with gowns, bridesmaids or Scottish estates, neither was something the King or his intended could settle. Now that the government had survived a confidence vote, the King formally asked his Prime Minister to appoint six ladies of the bedchamber to the soon to be established Queen’s Household. Such appointments often took time to confirm and it was hoped that (the bridesmaids being purely for show), these ladies might serve as attendants to Princess Agnes on her wedding day. Lord Melbury agreed, though we might wonder if he ever thought his appointments would take up their roles given that his government could fall at any time. Still, after careful thought, he sent his list to the King. The most senior appointment would be that of the Mistress of the Robes who by convention was to be a Duchess. It was privately communicated to the Prime Minister that he should not consider the Duchess of Sutherland who had previously held the role as she had served the late Queen – and had been present when she died. Also vetoed was the Duchess of Argyll because her husband had been divorced and that would never do. The honour of serving the new Queen consort as Mistress of the Robes was therefore offered to Mary FitzRoy, Duchess of Grafton, wife of the 5th Duke, a former Whig MP and who now sat on the government benches of the House of Lords.

    The remaining five ladies were not required to be of ducal rank but Melbury was advised he should not choose only those ladies married to incumbent members of the Cabinet as Prime Ministers were wont to do. To this end, Melbury’s final choices were:
    • Katherine Villiers, Countess of Clarendon (wife of the Lord Privy Seal)
    • Mary Pelham, Countess of Chichester (wife of the Postmaster General)
    • Mary Brougham, Baroness Brougham and Vaux (wife of the former Lord Chancellor)
    • Mary Fox, Baroness Holland (wife of the former Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster)
    • Lady Harriet Anson, daughter of the 1st Earl of Lichfield and sister of Anne Anson, the former lady in waiting of Maria Georgievna who married the Earl of Wemyss in 1843.
    When this list was given to Princess Agnes, she laughed “Goodness me, what a lot of Marys I have!” and this inspired her to give each of her ladies a nickname as she considering using their surnames or territorial designations to be unfeminine. The Duchess of Grafton therefore became May, whilst the Countess of Chichester was known as Jilly (taken from her middle name, Juliana). Mary Brougham was Daisy, whilst Mary Fox became Gussie (for her middle name, Augusta). The remaining ladies were also given nicknames so that they did not feel left out of the future Queen’s affections. Katherine Villiers became Katy whilst Harriet Anson became known as Shula – though nobody, even Lady Harriet, could understand why. With these offers extended and accepted, the ladies of the future Queen consort were to assemble at Marlborough House for a tea party so that they could get to know their charge a little better. But as they gathered, there was one more to their number who was finally well enough to return to society.

    Walking behind Lady Anson in a bright green satin gown and a matching hat trimmed with ostrich feathers stood Baroness Wiedl. She sank into a low curtsey before the Princess who paused for a moment before extending her hand. Rosa dutifully kissed it.

    “My dear Rosa”, Agnes said calmly, “How wonderful it is to see you again…”

    In a hushed whisper in the back row of the assembled ladies, Lady Holland leaned in toward Lady Anson.

    "Do you suppose it is a truce, then?", she said with a naughty smile.

    "I'm sure I don't know what you mean...", Lady Anson lied. She only hoped Lady Holland was right.

    Notes

    [1] ‘Mum’ for ‘Ma’am was quite common – in both senses of the word – and etiquette/housekeeping books from this time explicitly state that ladies of the house should discourage servants from calling them ‘Mum’ instead of ‘Ma’am’ or ‘Madam’. Here however, I think Mary has accepted this is a losing battle with poor Ives!

    [2] In a similar way to Queen Alexandra in the OTL in 1910 when she point-blank refused to leave Sandringham House forcing her son and his family to live in a smaller cottage on the estate. This infuriated George V but despite being a King-Emperor, he could not shift “Mother Dear” from the home she loved.

    [3] I believe this tradition is still observed today but certainly it was very much honoured in 1845.

    [4] The croup treatments here are all researched from medical journals of the day and would have been known to Alison.

    [5] This isn’t miraculous intuition on Agnes’ part. It was often felt prudent for young princesses at the German courts to learn a certain amount of nursing for common illnesses as they would most likely experience them in their children when they married. In the OTL, Agnes enjoyed this and for the rest of her life, she committed herself to nursing – the study of it and the foundation of hospitals etc. So again, we begin to see more of her character and interests which she might develop in TTL in her new role in England.

    [6] This section is how I believe Hanover would have developed if it was still in personal union. I’ve invented this bill and those who proposed it but there’s inspiration here from the OTL Göttingen Seven (who make an appearance in this chapter) and from the clash which took place between the arch-Tory Duke of Cumberland as King Ernst Augustus and his more liberal subjects.

    [7] We know that the OTL George V of Hanover was far more open to liberal reforms than his father had been.

    [8] Again, entirely invented as the progression of the PoD where Hanover remains in personal union. In the OTL, Ompteda’s tenure as Head of the Chancery ended in 1837 when the personal union ended.

    [9] A popular phrase of the period meaning when someone is in the twilight years of their life.

    [10] Cruel but poor Mary Teck was always the butt of family jokes for her enormous size. Indeed, they called her “Fat Mary” – some of them to her face.

    [11] Loosely based on the way Balmoral was acquired by Prince Albert in the OTL.
     
    GV: Part Three, Chapter Thirty-Two: Three Brides
  • King George V

    Part Three, Chapter Thirty-Two: Three Brides


    Agnes

    1842-presume-de-la-princess.jpeg

    Though King George V was initially frustrated that his preferred wedding date of the 2nd of May 1845 had to be changed to accommodate the travel arrangements of his sister, the Tsarevna of Russia, the events of that particular day gave all at Buckingham Palace pause for thought as they pondered what might have been. In the seaside town of Great Yarmouth in Norfolk, Cooke’s Royal Circus (which had received the patronage of the late Duke of Clarence in 1830) was staging a series of stunts on the River Bure. Led by their star turn, a clown named Arthur Nelson, the highlight of the performance was “Nelson’s Flagship”, a trick in which a bathtub (attached to a rowboat by an underwater line) sailed on the river, apparently pulled by four geese. Naturally the best vantage point to witness this absurd but enjoyable feat was on the suspension bridge over the Bure and so it was that around three to four hundred people amassed on the bridge, standing around 4-5 deep on the southern footway. Just half an hour after the crowds arrived, one spectator noticed that one of the eyebars in the southern suspension chain broke. Yet he didn't raise the alarm, nor did he attempt to evacuate the bridge. Less than five minutes later, the second eyebar failed. The south side of the bridge gave an almighty groan and collapsed into the river, tipping the majority of the crowd into the water below. A parapet railing swung forward, crushing those who had managed to hold on to the remaining structure as those on the banks of the Bure watched on aghast. 79 lives were lost that day – 58 of them were children. [1]

    The Yarmouth Disaster saw a wide outpouring of sympathy across the United Kingdom. Though many people could not place the town on a map, heart-breaking stories from survivors (mostly parents who had seen their children drowned) appeared in national newspapers and prompted the country to expressing collective grief in the form of church services and two minute silences. A fund was established to raise money for the survivors, to which the King gave a personal donation of £100 (£6,000 today). Had His Majesty insisted on his wedding taking place that day, the celebrations would have (quite rightly) been entirely overshadowed by the news from Yarmouth but it may even have been taken as an omen of bad fortune for the newlyweds. Whilst this might sound like suspicious nonsense, a similar event in Darmstadt in 1861 gave rise to precisely these claims and the unfortunate events which plagued the family in later years later were always related back to the tragic events that took place in the market square in the Grand Duchy on a royal wedding day, events we shall revisit in detail in the future. [2]

    As her wedding approached, Princess Agnes set about finding a couturier to supply her gown. Upon her arrival in England, Agnes quickly realised that her meagre wardrobe was drawing unwanted attention at court. As her parents had little money, she had become used to rotating the two or three dresses she had but mostly she wore the same white jacket with a selection of skirts to give the impression that she had a far more extensive collection of clothes than she really did. However, all that changed after her engagement when the King ordered Phipps to open an account for Agnes with a dressmaker. It must be remembered that when the late Queen Louise arrived in England, women were eager to copy what become known as the Mecklenburg Style whereby corsetry was relaxed and the skirts brought in (and off hoops) to provide a more natural silhouette. With the exception of her evening wear, Louise had favoured light materials such as cottons and muslins and this simpler style was not only easily replicated but was also affordable to women outside the court – something quite novel in 1838. The Mecklenburg Style was still very popular in England in 1845 and this was in part thanks to the former Dress Maker Extraordinary, Mary Bettans, who helped to introduce it to a wider audience.

    Bettans had a long association with the British Royal Family having not only supplied them with day and evening wear but she was also responsible for creating the wedding gown of Princess Victoria of Kent in 1837. She was denied the chance to do likewise for the late Queen as the King’s mother much preferred the fashions of the Knightsbridge-based dressmaker Madame Yvonne (better known as Elsie Fitch). After her marriage, Queen Louise promoted Bettans to Dress Maker Extraordinary to the Court and relied entirely on her workshop for all her garments but the two women frequently clashed as Bettans tried to pull Louise away from her simple Mecklenburg style and push her instead toward French fashions. Nonetheless, Bettans was proud to serve as couturière to the Queen, eventually embraced her simple commissions and was devastated when Queen Louise died in 1842. Bettans role as Dress Maker to the Court had come to a sudden end but she was still a popular purveyor of fashions in high society. She was overjoyed when Phipps visited her shop in Jermyn Street to ask if she might take on royal commissions once again and a week later, she travelled to Marlborough House. Bettans was delighted to find that Princess Agnes “has a taste for heavier fabrics in bold prints and colours, and that she is in agreement with me that the latest Parisian styles are far superior to anything produced in Knightsbridge today”. [3]

    The French style was far more extravagant than the Mecklenburg in that it still favoured a more traditional silhouette. Crinolines were de rigeuer as they were needed to support stiff, voluminous, wide sweeping skirts which made the corseted torso look even slimmer. Jackets and skirts were preferred for day wear as opposed to dresses and these were often fitted at the waist to hip-length and heavily decorated with embroidery. Poke bonnets were extremely popular with high crowns, broad brims and ribbons tied under the chin in a bow whereas the standard English cap was seen as servant’s wear and dispensed with. As well it may be for French ladies spent hours having their hair dressed in the latest fashion which was far more feminine and romantic than the English penchant for neat waves tied in a bun at the back of the head. The beauties of Paris had built on this with a neat braid woven around the bun but with loose curls falling on either side of the face, which was regarded to be far more genteel and so much softer than the severe and flat London fashion. Mary Bettans was tasked with producing a whole new wardrobe based on these trends and created day and evening wear in a variety of bold jewel tones which Agnes favoured thereafter. Gone were muslins and cottons and in their place came duchess satins, silks and taffetas in brilliant shades of emerald green, shocking pink and even electric blue. [4]

    The ladies of the bedchamber appointed to the future Queen Agnes in 1845 were horrified when they first saw these creations for it was expected that they would follow whichever trend the Queen preferred. Whilst they had become used to less whalebone and more cotton, now it appeared they would be clad in garish shades in crisp fabrics which did not offer the same comfort (or the same cost-efficiency) as the Mecklenburg style had. But one thing that shocked them more than the Queen’s penchant for lively Parisian fashions was her use of makeup [5]. New Georgian women took their lead on the use of makeup from the churchmen of the day who regarded any cosmetic which altered the appearance to be “a most deceitful and vain practise which is only engaged by prostitutes and dandies”. Much was made of the infamous Beau Brummel dying in a lunatic asylum in Caen in 1840, a certain sign “that a life of vanity produces a sickness in the brain which is so easily avoided by foregoing the use of powders, paints and other ointments which twist the fine, natural appearance of God’s perfect design”. However, it would be wrong to say that British women in the 1840s did not use makeup – they did – the trick however was to use such it with subtlety that it was almost undetectable.

    Princess Agnes had never worn makeup in Dessau, she simply would not have dared. But with her new independence came a curiosity and she discretely obtained several products which became essential to her daily toilette. The beauty ideal of the early New Georgians was for a smooth complexion which should be untanned and unblemished with a natural rosy glow. One way to achieve this was the liberal use of something called Crème Céleste – a homemade concoction classed as an ointment and not a cosmetic – which was created from a mixture of oil, water and wax which was then whipped together and applied to cleanse the skin. To make the application more pleasant, rosewater or almond oils were added to give a pleasant smell. But then came the problem of a greasy, shiny appearance. To offset this, women frequently used powder applied with a puff (usually made of chamois) to apply either rice powder, French chalk, or even powder of pearl, which covered the greasy after-effects of the Crème Céleste but had the unfortunate side-effect of making ladies look extremely pale. Princess Agnes was about to change that.

    Soon after her arrival in Britain, Agnes began to experiment with the use of makeup – though never in public. This is not to say that she used actual “greasepaint”, this being the reserve of actresses and “ladies of the night” (which in the 1840s amounted to the same thing in the minds of the general public) but she did apply subtle embellishments to ensure she always looked bright and well-groomed. She applied a lightly tinted salve to her lips which gave them a very delicate pink hue (previously only plain waxes were used) whilst she also engaged something called bugloss stirred into beeswax to provide that much sought after rosy glow beneath the powder of pearl. Whilst eyeliners and mascaras were absolutely verboten, Agnes did use a black powder created from burnt cherrywood to slightly darken her eyebrows and she used a very delicate brush to apply castor oil to her eyelashes to make them look thick and healthy, ending the popular practise of trimming the lashes to encourage fuller growth – which never had the effects the ladies home journals promised anyway. Thankfully, Agnes never went too far in her use of cosmetics and reasoned that, because everything she made use of was entirely natural, it could not be at all wicked. Whilst some of her ladies were reluctant to follow her example, the King (if he noticed Agnes was wearing makeup) did not object and thus Agnes’ toilette was deemed not only appropriate and proper but desirable too. [6]

    With her new coiffure and visage widely admired, Agnes perhaps felt a certain amount of pressure to impress with her choice of wedding gown. Mary Bettans was tasked with this important endeavour and produced a series of sketches based on wedding dresses she had previously created or those she had seen in books of fashion plates. The last royal wedding dress Bettans had created was for the Princess of Orange in 1837 and at the time, Victoria had put aside the trend for silver and gold for a cream-coloured satin gown embellished with deep flounces of lace. This decision had encouraged other young ladies to followed suit and now, the traditional colour for brides in England was white or cream. Agnes bent to this relatively new custom, though she (rather insensitively) said that she thought Victoria’s gown was “so very horrid in shape” and instead Bettans ( who had designed Victoria's dress) was asked to apply Agnes’ enthusiasm for the Parisian to her design. The end result was a long-waisted, form fitting gown with narrow sleeves trimmed with gathered tulle. The same was applied to the skirt along with strips of braid and buttons and the silk satin itself was figured with flower baskets and sprays, a nod to the heavy embroidery so beloved in France. The neckline was kept deliberately low but still modest to accommodate Agnes’ jewels and the sleeves were flounced with lace and net at the elbow so as to allow the shoulders to be framed by the veil which, as was traditional for English royal brides, was fashioned from Honiton lace.

    Of course, there was the question of jewellery and under the watchful gaze of Princess Mary, the Royal Vaults were opened wide and their contents laid out on a blue velvet cloth strung across a billiard table so that Agnes could select the pieces she wanted to wear. In the usual way of things, the bride’s family would have provided a tiara but the Anhalt-Dessaus were not forthcoming in this – presumably because the Duchess didn’t have much in her collection and wanted to keep her best pieces for herself. But though the British collection of jewels was substantial, Agnes would have to be diplomatic in her choices. Of the pieces assembled, most had either been acquired or worn by Queen Louise, the Queen Mother or the late Queen Louise during her tenure as the consort of King George V. Yet from the moment she married, the entire assemblage of tiaras, diadems, earrings and necklaces would become Agnes’ to use as she saw fit and though Princess Mary made her aware of which pieces had belonged to which member of the Royal Family, she intended to select those items which she felt suited her best. Fortunately, none of the pieces closely associated with either of the two Louises took Agnes’ fancy and instead, she selected items which had been deposited in the vault by the Dowager Duchess of Clarence. Adelaide had no need of them as she now lived the quiet life of an invalid and was rarely at court and it was with her blessing therefore that Agnes wore a diamond fringe tiara given to Adelaide on her wedding day by her husband William, and a diamond necklace which had belonged to the late Queen Charlotte.

    In the week proceeding the wedding of King George V and Princess Agnes, London was transformed into a vast parade ground, so extensive and illustrious were the guests who filled the Thames with their yachts as they arrived for the festivities. Though he was now enjoying his retirement at Kew, the Duke of Cambridge was appointed to greet each delegation as it arrived but so numerous were the invited royalties that three reception marquees had to be erected at different points throughout the city so as to offer a formal welcome. The first was at St Katharine Dock, the second at Horse Guards Parade and the third in Hyde Park. All were identical with a raised dais covered in red carpet, the “walls” banked with bunting fashioned from alternating Union flags and those of Anhalt-Dessau. Each guest and their party were brought to their particular reception point where a small honour guard stood watch and a military band played the national anthem of the country they represented. Luckily, the Earl of Armagh arrived in enough time to help the Duke of Cambridge and spare him the arduous task of dashing between the marquees and so in this way, no guest arrived at his final destination (whether that be St James’, Clarence House, Marlborough House or his nation’s embassy) without the proper etiquette being observed. On the evening before the wedding, a gala ball was staged at Buckingham Palace where a glittering assemblage of European royalties gathered to toast the fortunes of the couple who would the very next day be married.

    For the King, there was only one guest who took his interest that evening: his sister, the Tsarevna of Russia. This marked the first occasion on which Maria Georgievna had returned to England in five long years and there were some who worried what kind of reception she may get as the wife of the Russian heir as her carriage passed through London’s streets. They needn’t have doubted the goodwill of the British public. The crowds which formed to see the great and the good descend on the capital for the royal wedding were delighted to see the Princess they had always held such great affection for and there were cries of “Welcome home!” and “God Bless Princess Charlotte!” as she acknowledged their warmth with a regal wave of the hand. At the gala that night, Maria Georgievna (wearing her Oak Leaf parure gifted to her by Princess Mary) had her first meeting with Princess Agnes, the girl who would now become Queen but would also become her new sister-in-law. The Tsarevna thought Agnes “a very pretty girl, quite enthusiastic and a little unpolished but quite the match for our Georgie”. George complained that it had been far too long since he had seen his sister and jokingly berated Sasha for “keeping her all to yourself”. Sasha replied that the King was welcome to visit them in Russia any time he liked, indeed, nothing would please the couple more. George was sure to pass this comment to the Foreign Secretary a few days later for it must be remembered that the relationship between Britain and Russia was experiencing some degree of strain regarding access to the Dardanelles. Prince Metternich had proposed George go to Russia to see the Tsar personally but the Tory-led Foreign Office had poo-pooed the suggestion. The King hoped the new Whig incumbent would be far more positive about the possibility, if only because it meant he could see Lottie again.

    The Princess of Orange behaved well, though she and her husband left the ball so early as to make it noticeable. The King had given her a kind word or two upon their arrival but Victoria was keen to return to the Dutch Embassy where her son, Prince William, lay sleeping. Princess Victoria Paulina was not with the Prince and Princess of Orange and instead remained at Het Loo with her governess. When Princess Mary asked why, Victoria rather cattily replied “Well she was not asked to serve as a bridesmaid so I did not think it necessary to bring her”. In reality, Victoria had no intention of bringing her daughter to England in the first place – unsurprisingly, considering that she barely included her in things at Het Loo, let alone in the country of Victoria’s birth. The Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau was remarkably well behaved too, even jolly, though many felt this was because she had successfully ensured that her Prussian relations outnumbered her husband’s Anhalt relations. So content was the Duchess that she forgot that she was supposed to be upset that the Duke of Cumberland was not present, though as we shall soon see, he was far too busy with his own affairs to miss the party he was not invited to.

    The following morning on the 11th of July 1845, Princess Agnes awoke at Marlborough House and was bathed, coiffed and dressed by her ladies in waiting, presided over by the Duchess of Grafton. The procession amassed outside was formed of the Household Division led by the 1st Regiment of Life Guards which it was announced from Buckingham Palace that morning had been renamed The Queen’s Own Life Guards in Agnes’ honour. Agnes was helped into her carriage, her ladies and bridesmaids travelling in a fleet of six further carriages behind her and as she was driven through the streets of London to Westminster Abbey, thousands seemed to line the route cheering, waving and clutching handfuls of rice which they intended to let loose on Agnes’ return journey to the Palace. At the Abbey itself, the King had arrived dressed in military uniform, his uncle the Duke of Cambridge and his cousin the Earl of Armagh acting as his supporters as he stood nervously before the Archbishop of Canterbury, William Howley. As the Abbey bells rang out at 11am precisely, Agnes took her last steps as a Princess and led by her father, Duke Leopold, slowly processed along the aisle up to the High Altar. She was the first royal bride to be wed at the royal peculiar since the 13th century when in 1290, Princess Margaret of England, daughter of King Edward I, married John of Brabant. As she approached her husband to be, her father lifted her veil and kissed her cheek, then her hand which he placed carefully in the King’s. Then, the assembled guests stood at the Archbishop began the ceremony. 53 minutes later, King George V emerged from the Great West Door with his wife by his side. It was said that the roar of the crowd was so loud that birds shot out of the trees in St James’ Park in such huge numbers that it appeared “they too were celebrating this most happy occasion”.

    Agnes smiled, overawed but steady, as she stepped into the carriage alongside her husband. The young woman from a small and rather unremarkable German Duchy now travelled through the streets of London, a Princess no longer - but a Queen.

    Luise

    Louise_Marie_Meklenburg_Schwerin.jpg

    In 1701, a treaty was signed in Hamburg which sought to settle a family dispute. Duke Christian Louis of Mecklenburg (1623 – 1692) had been married twice, yet neither union had produced children and thus the House of Mecklenburg was divided as to whom should assume the headship of their family. Some backed Christian Louis’ brother, Adolphus Frederick, but others felt Christian Louis’ nephew, Frederick William had the stronger claim. The matter was put to the Lantag and with the endorsement of the Imperial state of the Lower Saxon Circle, Mecklenburg was divided; Frederick William received Mecklenburg-Strelitz, the line from which the first wife of King George V, Queen Louise, descended. The other half of Christian Louis’ territory, Mecklenburg-Schwerin, was given to Adolphus Frederick and from this line came another Louise destined to serve as a royal consort.

    She was the daughter of Grand Duke Paul Frederick, head of the House of Mecklenburg-Schwerin from 1837 until 1842. His people did not think much of Grand Duke Paul Frederick, a man consumed by his love of the military but also by his mistress, leaving very little time for him to build a relationship with the subjects he ruled over. His reputation was restored at the last when in 1842, a fire broke out in the capital and Paul Frederick bravely rushed to assist in putting it out. The fire was extinguished, Paul Frederick returned to his palace, developed a cold and then dropped dead at just 41. By his wife Princess Alexandrine of Prussia (the daughter of King Frederick William III of Prussia and his wife Louise of Mecklenburg-Strelitz), Paul Frederick left behind two sons, the eldest of whom succeeded him as Grand Duke Frederick Franz II, and a daughter Luise. Born in 1824, Luise was pretty and intelligent, artistic and bright and by the time she turned 18 in the year her father died, many of the Royal Houses of Europe were looking to her to join their ranks as a bride for one of their sons. Luise’s pedigree was impressive even though she came from a relatively small court. She was not only the granddaughter of the King of Prussia but she was also a great-granddaughter of Tsar Paul of Russia and his wife, Maria Feodorovna (born Sophia Dorothea, the daughter of the Duke of Württemberg).

    When Luise’s father died in 1842, her mother (the Dowager Grand Duchess Alexandrine) was overwhelmed by the flurry of interest that suddenly came regarding the prospects of her only daughter. Alexandrine was a remote consort but a devoted mother and she wanted the very best for her children. This was particularly important to her where marriage was concerned as her own had not been a very happy one. She knew that Luise would be the focus of much attention in the courts of Europe but she also believed that Luise should hold out for a love match, rather than one simply contracted for dynastic purposes as Alexandrine had entered into. However, this could only go so far. Shortly after her father died, Luise fell hopelessly in love with a 23-year-old cavalry officer in Schwerin and declared to her mother that she had found her future husband. Alexandrine was horrified and immediately packed her daughter off to Paris to stay with her aunt Helene, recently widowed when her husband, Prince Ferdinand Philippe, Duke of Orléans was killed in a tragic carriage accident.

    Luise proved a great success at the French court and immediately caught the eye of King Louis Philippe’s son, the Prince de Joinville, who wasted no time in asking his sister-in-law if he might ask for Luise’s hand in marriage. Sadly, Luise was not impressed with François in the least – he was 6 years older, quite deaf and a little too serious. The Prince was disappointed but did not linger for long. Six months later, he headed to Brazil and by 1843, had found a love match in Princess Francisca, the younger sister of Emperor Pedro II and Princess Januária of Brazil. It was then the Duke of Aumaule who turned his attention to Luise, encouraged by King Louis Phillipe who thought Luise quite a prize. But Aumaule found Luise far too intellectual and in 1844, he married Princess Maria Carolina of the Two-Sicilies instead. Here readers may recall that Maria Carolina was very reluctant indeed to marry Aumaule because she had her heart set on marrying the brother of the Duke’s sister-in-law Francisca, Emperor Pedro II of Brazil. In 1844, Prince Albert, Duke of Paraiba, was sent on a mission to Europe from Rio to find the Emperor a bride and though he favoured Maria Carolina, Prince Metternich did not. Albert had no choice to return to Coburg empty handed, awaiting news from Rio as to what he should do next. [7]

    In their meeting, Metternich had proposed that Albert go to St Petersburg and seek out Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna, the daughter of Tsar Nicholas I. Olga was undoubtedly beautiful and renowned all over Europe for her many talents which included composing music, painting landscapes and mastering several languages – but she was also Russian Orthodox. For one so devout as the Tsar, the idea that any of his daughters would change their religion was unthinkable. Indeed, when his eldest daughter Maria sought to marry the nephew of King Ludwig of Bavaria, the Duke of Leuchtenberg, the Tsar was prepared to overlook his relatively junior rank but not his Catholicism. Mindful of the teachings of the Russian Orthodox Church which governed his every decision, Nicholas I decreed that Maria could marry for love but that the Duke of Leuchtenberg would have to convert. He did so and was given the title of Imperial Highness for his troubles. With this in mind, the idea that the Tsar would allow Olga to convert from Orthodoxy to Catholicism, even to marry an Emperor, was inconceivable and as a result, Albert did not act on Metternich’s advice, returning to Coburg instead.

    Though Albert had kept the true cause for his visit to Europe from his uncle, King Leopold of the Belgians, once Metternich had brought the curtain down on a Habsburg match he no longer had reason to maintain this secrecy. Had there been an available Coburg princess, Albert might well have thought better of approaching his uncle who was a well-known matchmaker and sought to see his dynasty spread it’s roots further in the royal family tree that connected the great reigning houses of Europe. Yet the last Coburg princess who could have possibly been a good match for Emperor Pedro was Leopold’s niece Victoria and she had already married the Duke of Nemours – again, a marriage arranged by King Leopold to see the Coburg genes reach as far as Paris. However, this did not fail to deter Leopold from interfering in Albert’s problem and naturally, the formidable Baron Stockmar who had played such an integral role in Albert’s own marriage was called to Brussels to discuss the matter. As they struggled to find a suitable bride for Pedro in the Almanac de Gotha with a direct line to the Coburgs, there was one match they overlooked until Queen Louise, King Leopold’s wife, reminded her husband that her sister Helene, Dowager Duchess of Orléans would be visiting them at Laeken in a few days’ time. Stockmar looked at Leopold, Leopold grinned. Whilst Helene herself was too old for Pedro, she would bring with her the very beautiful, very eligible Princess Luise of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, niece to both the Dowager Duchess and to King Leopold’s wife.

    A marriage between Pedro and Luise had many advantages on paper. Firstly, she was the right age and secondly, she came from a good family but a relatively small nation – which meant there could be no demands on Brazil’s military from the Great Powers. That said, she could still claim some connection to the ruling families of Russia, Prussia, France and Belgium and that in itself was quite the feat. Of course, she was Lutheran but just as this had been overcome for Albert to marry the Emperor’s sister Januária, so too could Luise cross the Tiber in order to meet the credentials expected of a Brazilian Empress consort by the government in Rio. King Leopold urged Albert not to delay. A profile of the girl and a recent portrait were quickly acquired and dispatched to Rio by Prince Albert, who could not deny that Luise certainly struck him as an interesting candidate. But he was insistent that he would not force any bride on his brother-in-law. Only if Pedro himself wished to meet Luise would Albert pursue her on his behalf, though as he himself remarked upon seeing Luise’s portrait “He should have to be mad, blind or both not to see her charms”. Albert was right. When Pedro was shown a picture of Luise by his sister Januária, he immediately asked when he could meet her. With her mother’s consent, Luisa, accompanied by her Aunt Helene, travelled to Brazil where she stayed with the Prince and Princess de Joinville. Albert looked on as Pedro was introduced to Luise and whispered to his wife, “I believe we have just acquired an Empress”.

    Whilst the vast majority of European royalties therefore gathered in London in July 1845 for the wedding of King George V and Princess Agnes of Anhalt-Dessau, others were making their way to Rio for the wedding of Emperor Pedro II and Princess Luise of Mecklenburg-Schwerin which took place just 6 days later. The new Empress consort of Brazil (who adopted the name Maria Luisa) was cheered by the crowds as she departed the Igreja de Nossa Senhora do Monte do Carmo da antiga Sé and the young Emperor proclaimed to his family that he could never have wished for a more beautiful bride than Luise. Albert contented himself that he had performed his task well, further proof to the Brazilian government that Princess Januaria had found a most unique husband who was quickly proving himself a true asset to the Brazilian monarchy. Though the British sent no representation to the wedding beyond their Minister Plenipotentiary, King George V did dispatch a letter of congratulation to his Brazilian counterpart – but he also sent one to Prince Albert. He closed this note with the following invitation; “I ask that you should know that you are welcome to visit us here at any time you should wish, for it has been too long since we have enjoyed your company”. A similar note from the Tsarevna, sent to the Emperor, included the words “With my very best wishes to your dear sister and her husband”. It appeared that the past had truly been forgotten and perhaps, with wedding fever in the air, those friendships which had broken down previously might well be recovered in the near future.

    Edith

    Female-Portrait-2-master.jpg

    The Duke of Cumberland had not been invited to his nephew’s wedding for reasons well known to us by now. Never a popular figure in England, either with his own family or with the general public, he had truly blotted his copy book once and for all by trying to exploit his sister Princess Sophia in order to grab a hefty pay out from the sale of the Arcot diamonds – which he intended to see sold by forcing the matter in court. George V had put the issue of the diamonds to the former Attorney General, Sir Frederick Pollock, who advised that Cumberland had no case because his claim to the diamonds was a fairly vague one. It was simple enough for Princess Sophia to retract the affidavit the Duke had forced her to sign in 1843 stating that she wished to see the Arcot diamonds sold and this Sophia did weeks after her brother’s deception was made clear to her. But Pollock encouraged the King to go into a process of arbitration with the Duke nonetheless as he feared Cumberland may find other ways of bringing the case without Sophia’s input. Therefore, in January 1845, both parties signed a private agreement in which the Duke relinquished any claim he might have to the Arcot diamonds in exchange for an increase in his annuity. The King agreed, though he refused to raise the allowance to the £20,000 from £10,000 the Duke petitioned for and instead, agreed to increase it by £5,000 for the period of five years, after which time, the King would only pay an increase of £2,500.

    With this new cash injection, Cumberland was finally able to finish the renovations he wanted to make to his home at Schloss Elze in Hildesheim. He was now 74 years old and had been a widower for four years. He could claim no fondness or friendship with his siblings, nieces or nephews but what hurt him most was that, even with his son now resident in Hanover as Viceroy, he was never invited to Herrenhausen. Prince George was not unkind however. He did allow the Countess of Armagh to take the Duke’s grandson, Prince George August, to see Cumberland once a fortnight at Schloss Elze – though the Countess was frequently exhausted by the old man’s endless complaints. But it was during these visits to her father-in-law that Auguste became aware of a possible problem lurking on the horizon. Since his effective exile from England, both in Berlin and in Hanover, the Duke had relied on the services of Joachim Holzinger, a solicitor he met in Berlin and whom cared for the Duke’s financial and legal affairs. In 1844, Holzinger died leaving behind a daughter, Edith. She was 50 years old, had formerly been married to a member of the Hanoverian parliament and had a reputation for being extremely plain, extremely fat and extremely bossy. When her husband died in 1839, she moved to Hildesheim to care for her father. When he died, the Duke of Cumberland claimed he felt he had a responsibility to look out for Edith’s interests…a duty he seems to have taken very seriously indeed. On the last of her visits to Schloss Elze, the Countess of Armagh noticed that Edith was becoming increasingly familiar with the Duke and that rather than admonish her, the Duke seemed to be enjoying this attention. He even appeared to encourage it.

    The Countess of Armagh was right to be concerned. On the 1st of August 1845, the Duke of Cumberland married Edith Wegener at Schloss Elze. He did not tell his son of his intentions and the only two witnesses to the ceremony were friends of Edith’s, who stayed just long enough to see the exchange of vows before they departed without so much as a glass of champagne. Historians speculate as to how and why the Duke came to his decision to marry Edith. It has been suggested that he was lonely, saw Edith as a suitable companion and after being frozen out by his family, did what any forlorn old widower would do and reached out for affection from a younger woman. Others suggest it was motivated by spite, retaliation for not being invited to his nephew’s wedding when so many of his relations were fortunate enough to join in the festivities. The truth is possibly somewhere in between. When news reached London that the Duke of Cumberland had married, George V was stunned and referred the matter to the new Attorney General, Sir John Jervis. It was Jervis who communicated the King’s formal reaction to the Duke’s marriage to Schloss Elze in late August 1845.

    Whereas in days of old the Cumberland-Wegener marriage might have come under the purview of the Royal Marriages Act of 1772, this had been repealed and replaced with the Succession to the Crown Act. Under the terms of this legislation, the law of the land expected the first twelve in the line of succession to the British throne to seek the Sovereign’s permission before they married. If they did not, the Succession to the Crown Act allowed their marriages to be considered valid (a departure from the old legislation) but the individuals in question forfeited their succession rights. The eldest surviving son of King George III had now lost his birth right. But there was more. Whilst the Duke’s marriage was valid, and whilst he might retain his peerage, by contracting a marriage in violation of the Succession to the Crown Act, the Duke of Cumberland forfeited his styles of His Royal Highness and Prince of the United Kingdom. He was now in exactly the same position as his nephew, George Cambridge.

    However, unlike George Cambridge, Ernest Augustus had a safety net. The Royal House Act, passed alongside the Succession to the Crown Act, allowed for the Duke to assume the style of His Highness Prince Ernest Augustus of Hanover. Consequently, by his own arrogance or stupidity depending on your point of view, Cumberland had demoted himself spectacularly. The Attorney General explained that the King, in his generosity, wished to remind the Duke that the Royal House Act did allow for his new wife to style herself as Her Highness Princess Ernest Augustus of Hanover and that it was entirely appropriate that she should also use the courtesy title Duchess of Cumberland. But this was not enough. Ernest Augustus was furious and in a letter to his brother the Duke of Cambridge, he insisted that he would never, could never, be denied his birth right as both a Royal Highness and a Prince of the United Kingdom. He intended to challenge the law and was preparing to come to England at once to reclaim what was rightfully his. Except…he didn’t.

    Just six weeks after Edith Wegener married the Duke of Cumberland, she claimed an elderly aunt had been taken ill in Berlin and that she must go to her. Cumberland offered to accompany Edith to Berlin but she declined on the grounds that she could not know when she might be back and that the Duke needed the peace and quiet of his estate at Hildesheim. She would not return for another two months and when she did, it was to collect her remaining possessions and inform Cumberland that she had a made a terrible mistake and would be seeking an annulment. Thereafter, she vanished. Tracing her movements today, we can see that she reappeared in Berlin in 1849 when she applied for financial aid from her parish church. She listed her marital status as a widower and made no mention of her marriage to the Duke of Cumberland giving her name as Edith Marie Holzinger Wegener. Thereafter, she vanishes once more until we find a record of her death in 1880 in the archives of a parish church in Bonn.

    It is likely that Wegener left and sought to dissolve her marriage to the Duke because she simply could not bear his company, though more unkind theories propose she wanted to be a member of the Royal Family (which she was denied), that she thought the Duke was richer than he was (he was still a wealthy man) or that she was paid a sum of money by the Earl of Armagh to leave (unlikely given that she was claiming poor relief just a few years later). Whatever her reasoning, the Duke thereafter blamed Wegener for his misfortunes. Now, he was lonelier than ever as his extended family reacted to his folly. His son took a stand and refused to allow the Duke access to his grandchild for almost two years, only relenting when the Duke begged to see the little boy. Even Cumberland’s remaining supporters in his extended family frowned upon his recent behaviour so much that they pretended he no longer existed. One of these was none other than the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau. She now insisted that she had never liked her stepfather and considered him “a beastly, wicked old man for betraying the memory of my darling Mama with that awful, common creature”.

    Cumberland sent one last petition to England in February 1846 when he finally obtained an annulment of his marriage to Edith Wegener. In light of this, he expected that his succession rights and royal styles be returned to him. Neither the Succession to the Crown Act nor the Royal House Act made provision for an individual to “return” to their former privileges if their marriage was annulled or dissolved by divorce. This had been a deliberate decision when the bill was written, specifically because the King wished to discourage his family from believing they could marry on a whim with a buffer of dissolution to return them to their previous state – especially if they dared ever consider a divorce which the Royal House Act took an extremely firm stance against. The King could not do anything about Cumberland’s succession rights, those were indeed now lost to time barring an act of parliament but the old man could not seriously believe he had an earthly chance of ever taking advantage of them anyway. However George V could, if he so wished, issue Letters Patent which restored the use of Royal Highness to his uncle – indeed, we know he was considering a similar course of action ahead of the birth of Prince George Augustus of Hanover to elevate his status but was discouraged from doing so by Sir James Graham.

    The King had very little cause to take any action that might benefit his uncle. Firstly, the Duke had spent the last two decades causing untold misery for his nephew. From the Cumberland Plot to the row over the Arcot diamonds, Ernest Augustus had been a thorn in George’s side for years and had brought nothing but disagreements, problems and trials to the Royal Family, even when he was young. It is little surprise therefore that when Sir John Jervis went to see the King to ask him what his decision was on reinstating Cumberland’s style of Royal Highness, George fell silent and asked for a day or two to consider it. Jervis waited for the inevitable. The King withdrew to his study and began to write a letter to his uncle. “It is with regret Sir…”

    Then, George paused. He stood up from his desk and began to pace the floor. His eyes settled on the portrait of his father that had, for the last 7 years, overseen his every decision as Sovereign. And in that moment, the King knew exactly what he must do...

    Post-Script

    His Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland died on the 18th of November 1851 at Schloss Elze. He was 80 years old. Try as he might, George V could not bring himself to deny his uncle the royal style he had enjoyed for so many years. To do so would have made George petty and vindictive and whatever the provocation – or even justification – he simply could take no joy in treating his father’s brother with such spite. Very few in the family discussed the matter openly. Princess Mary simply nodded when she heard of the King’s decision. She saw it as a sign of the King’s growing maturity. Conversely, the Duchess of Cambridge was furious. She could not understand why her son was continually denied any royal rank at all, especially when he had not caused nearly as much scandal and heartache as the Duke of Cumberland. It cannot have helped matters from Augusta's point of view that the King also sent a private letter to the Earl and Countess of Armagh in February 1846 informing them that it was his intention, when their son turned 18 years old, to grant him the use of the style Royal Highness in expectation that he would follow in the footsteps of his father as Viceroy of Hanover. The Armaghs were deeply touched and it did much for the King personally to ease the nagging feeling in his stomach that he had taken the wrong decision when it came to the Duke of Cumberland.

    At 25 years old, George had reigned for 18 years. In that time, he had seen the older generation depart and a new generation arrive. He had lost those he loved and he had found unexpected successors. But he had also risen to his role as Sovereign, he had begun to carve out his own style, a way of Kingship that met the expectation established by his predecessors but which also restored public interest in, and even affection for, the Crown. In February 1846, Dr Alison confirmed that Queen Agnes was expecting her first child. The King was overjoyed, yet it prompted him to draw a line in the sand – the past was the past, the future just beginning. In the coming years, Europe would be gripped by those who sought to uphold the old ideals and those who wished to wash them away entirely. The old guard of Europe had successfully recovered from earlier challenges to their authority and had found a way to hold the balance firmly in their favour. But now there were new ideas to be heard…and the voices calling for them were growing louder by the day.

    By the end of the decade, who knew what fate might have in store – for the World, for Europe or for King George V.

    Notes

    [1] Sadly this is a real event which took place on the 2nd of May 1845 in the OTL.

    [2] Hold that thought until we get there.

    [3] We’re revisiting Mary Bettans who was Dress Maker to Queen Victoria in the OTL.

    [4] Taken from French fashion plates of the 1840s.

    [5] The use of makeup was growing in popularity (for men and women) from the late 1790s to the late 1830s. However, then Queen Victoria arrived and decried it as something sinful and to be abhorred. For that reason, English ladies had to be extremely subtle in the cosmetics they used until Princess Alexandra adopted the use of bolder paints in the 1890s. When she was criticised for this Alexandra explained that it helped her to be seen from afar but of course, the criticism didn’t come from the women of high society who had been desperate to experiment with new makeup for decades – and so the commonplace use of makeup began, the styles getting bigger and bolder with each decade.

    [6] Forgive this indulgence but I just loved these little details and how I might subtly change them and couldn’t resist including them in this chapter!

    [7] Here we pick up on our previous Appendix: A Brief Trip to Rio

    And so we reach the end of Part Three!

    Firstly, a huge thankyou to everyone who has stuck with Crown Imperial for so long. It's still so much fun to write and research and I'm always grateful for your feedback which helps me tailor the story to include the things I know people might like to see. I'm aware that we spent quite a long time covering just a few years in Part Three but I really felt this was necessary as I hated the idea of simply dropping such a popular character as Queen Louise and suddenly unleashing Queen Agnes on us all. I needed her introduction to be slow so as to accommodate the feelings of all parties and I hope I've achieved that.

    Secondly, I did say before that when we reach the end of Part Three, I would do two Albert-style catch ups for Victoria and Lottie (@FalconHonour!) because I know readers who have followed TTL from the beginning have an interest in what their lives have been like and we only get the brief glimpse of them here or there at the moment. So expect those this week. I've some housekeeping to do - I must finish the catch up for TTL so far for new readers - and I'll also be adding some finishing details to my plans for the next ten years of our story which will form Part Four - and naturally this will be heavily influenced by the OTL events of 1848 and TTL's version of those events...

    Also, we won't be hurtling into March 1846 and we will pick up where we left off in Part Three so don't worry, we will see Agnes' first pregnancy and the first months of her new role as Queen consort.

    So once again, many many thanks for supporting TTL as you all do and I hope you'll join me when we begin Part Four which I'm hoping to bring you in the latter half of next week!
     
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    GV: Part Four, Chapter One: Setting Sail
  • King George V

    Part Four, Chapter One: Setting Sail

    Whilst the vast majority of newly weds might be able to enjoy a few days of recuperation from the festivities of their big day, this privilege was not extended to King George V and Queen Agnes after their marriage on the 11th of July 1845. They were to have a honeymoon of course but it could not take place until the last of their guests had left London – and some deliberately lingered a little longer to take full advantage of the kind of royal hospitality they might not be able to indulge in on a regular basis at home. For the King, this was actually quite welcome in the case of two guests in particular; his sister Maria Georgievna and her husband the Tsarevich of Russia. It must be said that until now, George V had few opportunities to build a friendship with Alexander and he slightly resented the man who had won his sister’s heart and taken her far away from her homeland. Political expediency had seen the Tsarevna avoid visits to England for almost five years but the warm reception she was shown by the crowds who came to see the King married cheered her greatly. Delighted that she was to stay in England a little longer, George V decided to host an intimate family reunion at Marlborough House (diplomatically allowing those not so closely connected to remain at Buckingham Palace without an obvious snub) which included the Tsarevich and Tsarevna, the Prince and Princess of Orange, Princess Mary, the Cambridges and their two daughters, the Earl of Armagh and the Dowager Duchesses of Clarence and Sussex. [1]

    Noticeable by their absence however were the Queen’s family. Though he dearly wished to remain in London for a little longer, the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau demanded they return home – possibly because she had grown tired of being outranked at the British court and wanted the reassurance of her own superiority in her own palace. This parting was particularly difficult for Agnes who suddenly realised that opportunities to see her father and her siblings may be few and far between. When the Duke left Buckingham Palace, he promised Agnes that he would write to her at every opportunity and in his first letter, we see how deeply Leopold IV felt the “loss” of his eldest daughter; “For you have been my treasure all these years and whilst your happiness brings me much joy, I cannot deceive you my dearest daughter and must confess that our parting brought me such anguish that I dare not recall it here”. As for the Duchess, her first letter to her daughter after Agnes was married and became Queen consort advised her daughter “not to tarry with the reorganisation of the Household for under Mary Gloucester the Palace has become so very dirty and old fashioned and the servants utterly hopeless”.

    In fact, the Duchess of Anhalt-Dessau couldn’t have been more mistaken. Charlie Phipps had prepared the reconstitution of the Queen’s Household so adeptly that those now taking up their new roles at court simply slotted into their positions without fuss or disruption. In the Queen’s Private Apartments, Charles Arbuthnot (known to the Queen as Butty) was given his own office adjoining the Queen’s study from which he established the nerve centre of the new household which would faithfully serve Agnes for the next 40 years. Each morning at breakfast, the Queen was presented with a light blue leather bound ledger embossed with her new coat of arms in which Butty carefully listed each engagement, the names and brief biographies of those the Queen would be meeting and a few recommended talking points. Agnes made her own notes in this ledger with questions which Butty took to his office and studied as the Queen was dressed by her ladies in her bedroom, returning to her with the answers promptly before she set off to wherever she may be going.

    Elizabeth Knollys (Bessie) was not a lady of the bedchamber and was instead referred to as “the Queen’s Companion” and it was Bessie who was often called upon to explain the history of a charity or to pass on important social titbits, allowing the Queen to meet the grand ladies who often headed charities at this time without being wrong footed. The ladies of the bedchamber were rotated with two accompanying Agnes on every engagement, though this quickly saw the Mistress of the Robes, Mary FitzRoy, Duchess of Grafton (known as May), as a staple with a more junior lady in waiting bringing up the rear. The King was delighted to see just how smoothly the Queen’s Household had fallen into place and it was agreed that Their Majesties should undertake a week of public engagements to test this new infrastructure in the week proceeding their departure for their honeymoon in Scotland. If Agnes had hoped for a gentle introduction to her new role, she was to be disappointed yet Agnes expressed no sense of anxiety or concern, rather she was eager to discover exactly what her new life had in store for her.

    In January 1845, the King had been contacted by the directors of the Great Western Steamship Company to ask if His Majesty would consider attending a ceremony to mark the maiden voyage of the firm’s newest acquisition, the SS Great Britain. The Great Britain was to be the largest passenger steamship in the world, designed by the King of Engineering himself, Isambard Kingdom Brunel. She could carry as many as 360 passengers on her crossings from Bristol to New York City and at the time, she was the most luxurious and comfortable (not to mention most efficient) vessel in service. Launched in 1843, the ship had suffered a string of setbacks and had spent a year trapped in Bristol harbour because the harbour was nowhere near as modern as the ship itself and thus, when the Captain tried to sail her out of Bristol harbour, the SS Great Britain got stuck. But the Great Britain was more than a ship. She was a hallmark of progress and of Britain’s place as a leader of technology, innovation and design. In short, she was a flagship for British ingenuity. Keen to protect and preserve this image, the GWSC wanted to stage a kind of re-launch in 1845 to restore public interest - and their company's success which was now in danger of being overshadowed by the impeccable record of the rival Cunard Line. George V had been delighted to accept the invitation to this event in January and when his engagement was made public in February, he wrote to the GWSC asking if the honour of "sponsoring" the Great Britain might instead be given to Queen Agnes. So it was that on July the 19th 1845, the King and Queen were to travel to Bristol aboard the King’s private railway carriage from London for a whistlestop visit to the city where huge crowds were forming to watch the Great Britain set out on her maiden voyage to New York. [2]

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    The Great Britain being fitted out in 1844. This photograph is believed to be the very first ever taken of a ship.

    This formed the centre point of “Introduction Week” and would come amidst several high-profile engagements which would serve to be a baptism of fire for Queen Agnes. On the 17th of July, the King and Queen were invited to a grand luncheon at the Guildhall to celebrate their marriage given by the Lord Mayor of London on behalf of the City of London Corporation. The Corporation can trace its roots back to the 11th century and despite a brief suspension of its privileges by King Charles II in 1683, these were restored after the Glorious Revolution in 1690. The Lord Mayor and the Council of Aldermen naturally wished to express their good wishes for the royal couple and so too did the Livery Companies, representing some of London’s most ancient trade guilds. So as well as a luncheon at the Guildhall on the 17th, a gala dinner was given for Their Majesties at the Fishmonger’s Hall on the 18th. But there was a slight problem. In the usual way of things, any invitations extended to the King or Queen would be put through their Private Secretary. Phipps or Arbuthnot would accept or decline as directed and then the engagement was entered into the book for publication in the Court Circular. But Agnes was not yet familiar with this and instead, she presented Butty with the news on the morning of the 17th of July that on the 18th she was to go to Pinner with May Grafton and Lady Holland (Gussie). Butty explained that the Queen had already been scheduled to meet with representatives from several charities seeking her patronage that afternoon (including the Disabled Missionaries Widows and Orphans Fund of the London City Mission, the Foreign Aid Society and the Colonial Bishoprics' Fund) but the Queen would not hear of changing her plans. [3]

    Shortly after her visit to the Asylum for Fatherless Children in Richmond in January 1845, Queen Agnes received a letter from Mrs Irene Lowe of the Commercial Traveller’s School for Orphans and Necessitous Children in Pinner. Mrs Lowe invited the Queen to visit the school where the children had been working especially hard to produce gifts for Her Majesty to commemorate her wedding day and so touched was the Queen by this, that she immediately wrote back to Mrs Lowe accepting her invitation to tea. Agnes could not bear the thought of disappointing the children and insisted that her meetings at Buckingham Palace would simply have to be kept to no more than twenty minutes to allow her to get to Pinner and back before she had to dress for the dinner at the Fishmonger’s Hall. Arbuthnot was not pleased but accepted there would naturally be teething troubles like this and he did his best to fit everything into the Queen’s schedule.

    Naturally Her Majesty’s visit to Pinner was not only well-received by Mrs Lowe and the board of the Commercial Traveller’s School but by the press. People were charmed by the Queen’s interest in poor children which would become one of her three most important “causes” throughout her tenure as Queen consort. But when the Queen returned to Buckingham Palace late on the 18th, the King was not best pleased to be kept waiting as her ladies rushed to help her change for the Liverymen’s dinner and he was even less impressed when her dithering at Pinner meant they arrived at the Fishmonger’s Hall half an hour late. Still, he agreed with Butty that these things were to be expected and that in time, these little wrinkles would soon be smoothed out. May Grafton was not so easily reassured. She felt the Queen was taking on far too much too soon and in a letter to Dr Alison, she noted that “Her Majesty appears pale and she is not sleeping well, a sure sign that she should not be so eager in her exertions”. The Queen herself had other ideas. During her “training” with Princess Mary, she had been advised to choose one or two of the aforementioned “causes” she wished to make her own after her marriage. This was not so much a formal declaration of interest but it was seen as quite proper for all ladies of means to select a charitable cause or two that resonated with them and which could benefit from their patronage. For Queen Agnes however, this discussion germinated the seed of an idea that would prove to cement her place in the affection’s of the British people for decades to come – even if the workload it brought did little to ease the Duchess of Grafton’s anxieties.

    In 1838, the late Queen Louise had formed the Royal Committee for the Hungarian Emergency to raise funds for people of Pest who had experienced a terrible flood. This generosity was so warmly received that the King had no hesitation in giving Agnes permission to form her own Royal Committee for a cause she cared about after their marriage. Though she would always champion the plight of poor children, there were already charities in place which assisted them – though her fundraising efforts over the years undoubtedly helped many not only to survive but to thrive. It must be remembered that in 1870, Queen Agnes personally gave a donation of £5,000 to assist with the foundation and operations of a new boy’s orphanage at 18 Stepney Causeway – the founder of this orphanage was none other than Dr Thomas John Barnardo and Queen Agnes would personally visit his many homes for “waif children” as much as five times a year from 1870 until her death. However, when Agnes began to think about the charities she might wish to work with, one cause in particular took her interest more than any other – nursing. Like many women of her class, she had been given a moderate training in the basics of nursing as it was also considered quite proper for young unmarried girls to have a rudimentary knowledge of how to care for an infirm aunt or a sick child. But for Agnes, nursing meant something far more than dispensing Cod Liver Oil or knowing how to apply a crepe bandage. For Agnes, nursing was the profession she admired most and indeed, in her later years she admitted “I should have liked to have been a matron far more than a patron”.

    Nursing in Britain in the 1840s had it’s roots in alms-houses (hence the use of ‘Sister’ for nurses) but hospitals themselves were totally disparate establishments dependent on donations and on their location, which determined their size and efficiency. Most “nurses” were middle class spinsters who saw their work in voluntary hospitals as their Christian duty but they received almost no formal training and they could not expect any real renumeration for their efforts – the average rate of pay was 9s 6d a week and only those in London could expect board and lodging to be provided. Nurses were taken from uneducated backgrounds and so long as a woman could cook and clean, the medical side of her profession was considered secondary for most hospitals were more in the business of keeping patients comfortable than they were curing diseases. However, this was changing and many were making concerted efforts to improve the standard of nursing in the capital and beyond. To this end, Agnes invited representatives of four charities to Buckingham Palace on the 18th of July 1845 to gain a greater insight into their work and how she might help.

    The first of these was St Luke’s Hospital and Convalescent Establishment which had facilities at Old Street, Nether Court, Ramsgate and Gerrard’s Cross. The hospital (established as a charity) sought to treat and cure mental diseases free of charge at the point of access. Many had come to rely on St Luke’s but it had been denied any state grant by successive governments and existed by seeking donations from wealthy patrons. The second organisation was the Royal Hospital Greenwich which provided assistance to aged and maimed seamen (in addition to providing financial support for naval widows and educational programmes for their children) and came under the purview of the Admiralty. The third was the Friendly Female Society (est in 1802) which had Almshouses at Camberwell and Brixton and provided “poor relief and nursing care to single women and inform widows of good character who have seen better days and have less than 8s a week and who reside within 7 miles of St Paul’s”. But the final deputation was to come from an organisation which really fascinated Agnes most; the Nursing Sister’s Institution based in Devonshire Square, Bishopsgate. Founded in 1840, this charity was established to provide “experienced, conscientious and Christian nurses for the sick” and to “raise the standards of the occupation of nursing”. Four sisters from the Institute were invited to the Palace but their delegation was to be headed by their founder: Mrs Elizabeth Fry.

    Elizabeth-Fry-engraving-1920.jpg

    Elizabeth Fry.

    Elizabeth Fry, born in 1780, was best known as the “Angel of Prisons” and was instrumental in seeing the introduction of Gaols Act in 1823 which mandated that prisons not only be sex-segregated but that female prisoners should be protected from sexual exploitation by the provision of female warders. Her efforts for prison reform as well as other social causes brought her nationwide fame and this helped her to raise enormous sums of money to establish projects like the Nursing Sister’s Institute. The King himself had donated to this project in 1840 and other royal benefactors included the King of Prussia and the Tsar of Russia. Limited royal patronage had been given to Fry by the Dowager Duchess of Clarence too, the Nursing Sister’s Institute almost exclusively providing private nurses to the wealthy at this time (and to the Duchess personally) but it wasn’t until 1845 that the Royal Family forged it’s strongest association yet with Mrs Fry’s endeavours and that was solely the achievement of Queen Agnes. When she was introduced to Mrs Fry on the 18th of July 1845, she told the elderly campaigner “I have read of your efforts and I hope you shall allow me to help in any way I can”. Fry replied, “There is always work for willing hands Your Majesty”. Agnes was certainly willing, so much so that her enthusiasm for finding a way she could help Mrs Fry became an obsession that dominated everything.

    From her audience with the four nursing charities she selected, Agnes embarked on an extensive study of the state of nursing in the United Kingdom and highlighted what she thought each organisation could offer to a new approach whilst also pointing out where she thought their work was limited in it’s outreach and effect. This took some time of course but given her enthusiasm, it is perhaps understandable that when she awoke to head to Bristol for the launch of the SS Great Britain, she had slept very little and had instead spent half the night documenting her talks with Mrs Fry and the other delegates. Worthy of note here is a conversation the Queen had with her husband after Mrs Fry’s visit. In 1838, Queen Louise had established an order of chivalry to recognise the efforts made by women in Britain and beyond for their charitable causes. However, there had been very few appointments to this order which was considered to be dormant since the death of Queen Louise in 1842. Now, the Queen asked the King if he would have any objection to an appointment being made to it – specifically for Mrs Elizabeth Fry. George promised to think on the matter. Finally he concluded that he did not feel the Order of Queen Louise should be revived but instead, he proposed that a new order be constituted – the Order of Queen Agnes – following the precedent of the Royal Family Orders which had begun in the reign of his father, King George IV. The Order of Queen Agnes followed the same constitution as that which had been introduced for the Order of Queen Louise. The insignia of the old order featured a profile of the late Queen on a gold medallion affixed to a badge made of pink and white ribbon; the new order featured a portrait of Queen Agnes with a pale yellow and white ribbon, the yellow taken from the colour of the insignia of the Royal Family Order of King George V. A second class was introduced with a silver medal rather than gold but the motto “With Gratitude” remained the same for both. Agnes was appointed Lady Chancellor of the Order (the King serving as Sovereign) and it was agreed that the annual thanksgiving service held on the 31st of May (Queen Louise’s birthday) should be moved to the 24th of June (Queen Agnes’ birthday). The order was formally established on the 31st of July 1845 and its first recipient was Mrs Elizabeth Fry in the degree of 1st Class.

    As the Duchess of Grafton had predicted, Queen Agnes’ exertions were indeed taking their toll. May noted in her journal on the day of the launch of the SS Great Britain that rousing the Queen at 5.30am on the 19th July proved “an impossible task and Her Majesty did not rise from her bed until at least a quarter past six” [4]. So engrossed was she in her notes from the previous day that Agnes paid no attention to her breakfast and had to be “practically pinned to the dressing table so that we might fashion her hair” all the while “endlessly chattering in a most unbecoming and erratic fashion”. When the Duchess complained of this to Princess Mary, she was surprised to hear the grand old dowager actually approved; “An abundance of energy is quickly calmed by good works”, she said, “And it does sound as if my niece has adopted intentions for the good”. The King was thrilled too as he saw his young wife assume her new responsibilities with gusto but this soon became a little testing. George V adored railways and he was always delighted when he had an opportunity to use his own private carriage, as he did that day when the royal couple made their progress to Bristol. As he tried to explain the intricacies of the new network, how the engine worked and what innovations had been included in the carriage itself, all Agnes could talk of was Mrs Fry and her nurses. Phipps referred to this in his diary as “the battle of great interests” which ultimately was declared a truce when their train pulled into the station and they disembarked to board a horse-drawn carriage which would take them the rest of the way to Bristol.

    The city itself was teeming with people in buoyant mood. A processional route had been carved out through the streets all decorated with flags, flowers, bunting and ribbons. Schoolchildren were lined up to present posies and there was a guard of honour provided by the local police, soldiers and dragoons. Amidst crashing military marches, the sun broke through the crowds and the atmosphere gave itself over to that of a public holiday with a huge roar of approval as the King and Queen’s carriage reached the dais at the dockside where the almighty SS Great Britain lay waiting for her "re-launch", a magnificent ship dwarfing those who gazed up in wonder at this fine example of British engineering and craftsmanship. The King gave a brief address with the Queen at his side, paying tribute to Mr Brunel and the Great Western Steamship Company which had made the vessel a reality. As she had already been named, it was decided that the Queen should make a brief statement announcing her new role as the ship's "sponsor". Having never performed such a task, the Queen was a little nervous. The Director of the GWSC handed her a piece of paper but she dropped it and as he scrabbled for it on the ground, Agnes simply said loudly, “I am very happy to see this ship and I shall follow it's many voyages with interest and affection”. Then, as the director righted himself, she pulled a lever which sent a bottle of champagne smashing against the bow (not entirely the done thing but which nobody much minded) to the wild applause and delighted cheers of the crowds. The Bristol Mirror reported that “our young and beautiful Queen was most enthusiastically received by the people who all hoped for a moment in her company. Her Majesty happily swung a bottle of champagne at the bow of the great ship which to the delight of all present was thereupon smashed about, a sure sign of good fortune for this most miraculous feat of British engineering”.

    At the luncheon at City Hall that followed, the Queen was noted by those present (though not in the press) to be a little withdrawn. Within an hour or so, the couple were whizzing back to London and at Buckingham Palace, Agnes had to be bathed and dressed for a dinner being held for Anglican Bishops before she could be put to bed. The following morning, she again woke late but thankfully her only obligation that day was a small family dinner in the evening which would allow Princess Mary, the Cambridges et al to wish the King and Queen well before they departed for their honeymoon the following morning. Agnes spent the entire day furiously engaged in her work, asking for her luncheon to be served on a tray rather than her private dining room which the Duchess of Grafton refused to do and insisted that Her Majesty cease work and actually eat something substantial. May won where luncheon was concerned but Agnes was victorious when it came to tea time and the Queen worked on. At 7pm, half an hour before the King and Queen were due to receive their guests, George V left his rooms fully attired and availed himself of a brief moment to smoke a cigarette and walk up and down the corridor to help break in his new pair of evening shoes. But by 7.15pm, there was still no sign of the Queen. By 7.30pm, the King was fast becoming impatient and so he sent Phipps to hurry Agnes along a little. When Phipps reached the Queen’s Apartments, he found a distraught Duchess of Grafton. Plead as she might, the Queen would not allow herself to be bathed and dressed. She wanted to continue her work. Phipps relayed this to the King who made his way to the Queen’s bedroom. What he saw shocked him. Agnes was clearly unwell, pale and drawn and very overwrought.

    “Agnes darling, you are late again”, he said somewhat sternly, “Don’t you think you ought to leave all that now and let May and Daisy dress you for dinner?”

    “Oh Georgie”, Agnes said softly, her voice breaking with emotion, “I shall never get it all right, never!”

    The King looked down at the reams of paper covered in scribble. Suddenly he was not quite so petulant.

    “And I don’t know half of the words!”, she cried, “It is slowing me down so much and this beastly dictionary is so hard to understand and I…I just wanted to make you proud of me”

    Tears rolled down the Queen’s cheeks. George's frown was replaced by a kind smile as he knelt down beside his wife.

    “Agnes…I am very proud of you…very, very proud”, he began, “But Rome was not built in a day my darling. I know how important these things are to you but…”

    “No you can’t know, you can’t possibly know!”, Agnes wailed.

    “Then you tell me”, the King said encouragingly.

    “It’s just that…”, Agnes sniffed, pausing to look into the King’s eyes, perhaps a little nervous at what his reaction might be to her words, “Aunt Mary told me how much everybody loved Louise because she did so many good things for people…and I…well…I….”

    “You are worried that you won’t meet her example?”, George said soberly, nodding slowly, “I see…”

    “I’m sorry”, Agnes sighed, “I’ve made a dreadful mess of things. And now I’ve upset you”

    George leaned forward gently and kissed Agnes on the cheek.

    “You’ve done no such thing”, he whispered, “It is true that Sunny did many good things. And it is also true that people loved her for it. But you shall do equally good things, great things, I am sure of it. And the people will love you too. Just as much as I already do”

    Agnes smiled, wiping her tears with a handkerchief.

    “And now I think you had better wipe your tears, get dressed and come and have supper with your family. Because they love you and they have come to see you. And if we wait any longer, Aunt Mary may start buttering the furniture…”

    Agnes laughed. “Oh Georgie!”, she cried happily, throwing her arms around the King, “Have I been a silly little Nessa?”

    “Maybe. But it doesn't matter”, the King grinned, “Now hurry along, I’m ravenous myself”.

    Four days later and the King and Queen were safely ensconced together at Birkhall, their honeymoon providing Agnes with the perfect setting to take a breath and slow down a little. Though the King had acquired the larger house at Balmoral, it was nowhere near ready for the couple to stay in and so whilst they made use of the estate, it was Birkhall where the pair spent their first holiday together in Scotland…and perusing a calendar (though it is perhaps indecorous to point out such things) where it is almost certain their first child was conceived. Of course, the King already had three children and though the royal honeymoon was a time for George and Agnes to spend together, Agnes insisted that the Princess Royal (allowed to remain in England a little longer after her father’s wedding), Princess Victoria and the Prince of Wales accompany them so that she might have time with her new step-children away from the hustle and bustle of the court.

    The Princess Royal was now seven years old and her time at the Heidecke School had been extremely advantageous to her development. As she grew older, it also became clear as to just how severe her deafness was. It is estimated that she had at least 30% in her left ear even though her right had none at all and this perhaps meant that unlike some of her contemporaries at the school in Leipzig, she not only found it far easier to form words – but also to speak them. The Heidecke school was particularly proud of the fact that many of it’s pupils could speak well and without trace of their deafness but this was not guaranteed for all. Thankfully, in Missy’s case, this proved (mostly) to be true and though she took far longer than her siblings to begin talking, by the age of 7 she was fully able to communicate, to comprehend and to express herself with only a few traces of her disability in her speech patterns. That said, the sound of her voice would always be a little nasal which the Heidecke method later advanced to correct [5]. But she was still profoundly deaf and all her life she would depend on lip-reading which everybody in her family both in England and later Darmstadt had to accommodate.

    Right from the very start, the Princess Royal formed a close bond with her stepmother. Perhaps because she was the eldest or perhaps because she had spent so long abroad in her childhood, she fully accepted that Agnes was now a part of her family. One sensitive issue was what the children should call Agnes but this was resolved immediately by Missy who called Agnes “Mama” from the very beginning. George accepted this for if his children were comfortable in addressing his second wife as “Mama”, he did not wish to forbid it. That said, he perhaps saw it as a term of affection similar to that which he used for his mother-in-law and he did ensure that Louise’s portraits were always on prominent display in the children’s rooms. When the King had time to read to his children at bedtime, it was never from story books but rather, he would relay his own memories of their mother and in this way, Queen Louise’s memory was honoured and kept alive. Willy followed Missy’s example, after all, Agnes was the only mother figure he had ever really known. Over the years, he came to adore Agnes and their relationship developed into a close one. But there was one exception: Princess Victoria.

    Sammy-S-19th-century-portrait-head-and-shoulders-five-year-old-g-87e53cae-bdfc-4373-b16f-a8a7e54d5e7.png

    Princess Victoria, aged 5, by Winterhalter.

    Princess Victoria was just two years old when her mother died and only five years old when her father remarried. As a child, she was as close to Agnes as her siblings and even when her half-brothers and sisters arrived on the scene, she never resented them or felt that she was in any way second place in either her father’s, or her stepmother’s, affections. But in later years, Victoria’s attitude toward Agnes changed until, by the time her father died, she only tolerated being in the Queen’s company when her presence was unavoidable. She did not write to her stepmother as her siblings did, neither did she holiday with her and by the time Toria reached her 50s, she had developed an outright dislike of her stepmother for reasons which may become clear as we progress further. This saddened Agnes who could never understand why the close relationship she had built with Toria broke down as the years went by but in 1845, nobody could deny that though her introduction to the British Royal Family had not been without it’s teething problems, those closest to the King and Queen (and even those who saw them from afar) could delight in a new era in which the United Kingdom once again had a happy (and even a model) Royal Family at the helm.

    Notes

    [1] For those anxious for the promised Lottie and Drina update, fear not! They’ve gone back home but George will be going to them so we can explore what’s been going on with the Tsarevna and the Princess of Orange in a bit more detail on their home turf.

    [2] With thanks to @nathanael1234 for his suggestion that we might include the Great Britain in some way.

    [3] A key resource for this chapter has been Herbert Fry’s Guide to the Royal Charities which you can find here: https://www.victorianlondon.org/charities/charities.htm

    [4] A minor point here but I’ve had to shift the dates slightly to accommodate the maiden voyage and the King’s honeymoon – so the maiden voyage here uses the same date as the launch in 1843 to avoid a clash!

    [5] In finding a plausible outcome for Missy's time at the Heidecke School, I've researched accounts of their success stories, how the method changed and how the most severe cases benefitted from it. In Missy's case, I feel this is a fair resolution which doesn't magic away her deafness and retains the challenges that poses but it doesn't doom her to the sad fate of many deaf people in this period who really had no hope of any real, practical help or progress with their disability. She will find life difficult but she can still have the life the King would wish for her and though she will struggle at times, the door to things like marriage and children won't be closed to her - neither will her involving herself fully in the hustle and bustle of court and family life as she grows older.

    So here we begin Part Four!

    Once again, a huge thankyou to all who have kept with Crown Imperial for such a long time - nearly 18 months now!

    I apologise for the delay in returning to TTL but I've been laid low with this blasted chest infection which took far longer to shake than was comfortable. We're now back into the swing of things and I hope to be able to accommodate as many of the themes and things you'd like to see as we go forward. This was quite a domestic chapter but I felt it important to address how Agnes was settling in - and also many of you had asked for some news on how the children were doing. In our next few chapters, we'll be moving away from the British court and looking much further afield...

    As ever, many thanks for reading!
     
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