Washington Herald Article on Eugene Debs, May 14th, 1920 - Source: LoC
The sentiment of the delegates, freely expressed, never flew past the executive committee. Convention results were predetermined, always. We had had an organization built up enough to override persistent squabbling from the technocrats and lessen the odds of an uncontrollable power struggle. There can be no doubt that all of it, the ceremony in full, was calculated beforehand. It is easy to flash back with nostalgia and reverence on the early days for that reason. Not all was tranquil, but we knew which direction the wind was blowing. The great majority of the membership was not about to repudiate the Third International any more than they would permit Hillquit's motion and lead the American movement into the ditch.
In the end, the calculations meant nothing: When that madman waved his gun around, he saw to that. All order unraveled and utter confusion and unruliness prevailed, at first, putting to the grave any chance of a serene ceremony. It risked spiraling the party to a dark and dismal place. That man would have grinned all the while. But we did not stumble. We recovered, and in a big way. The loss hit us hard, but the NEC rebuffed an indefinite postponement. The conference reconvened and a full day was dedicated to the legacy of Eugene Debs. The members, delegates, staff, everyone in the halls, somber with tears in our eyes, looked upon our fallen comrade's spirit and paid due tribute to the mainstay of Labor and American Socialism.
James Patrick Cannon, House of the Red Sun, 1956
Somewhat recovered from the shock and stun of the paralyzing events of May 12th, the NEC officially reopened the National Convention of the Socialist Party the next morning with stricter security protocols and limitations on non-members. As explained by Cannon's testimony, the speeches and proclamations recited on that day were all devoted to the memory of Eugene Victor Debs. Even if for a moment, the delegates tossed aside their political differences and banded together for a common purpose. Spokespersons reflected on the triumphs of the Labor Movement in the time of 'Gene Debs, from his radicalization in the aftermath of the Pullman Strike to his role in the founding of the IWW. Secretary Wagenknecht provided the lengthiest and more conventional memoriam address followed immediately by a brief yet personal statement from Eugene's younger brother, Theodore Debs, which was read aloud by Indiana delegate John Howard. Yet, the stirring speech offered by one Seymour Stedman, a civil liberties attorney and former two-term Illinois representative, proved instrumental in rebounding and redirecting the purpose of the Socialist convention.
The former congressman too echoed Debs' milestones and celebrated his fallen friend's accomplishments in that regard, but he made certain to do so whilst linking Debs to the greater movements for freedom, peace, and socialism. "Terre Haute hadn't birthed a revolutionary. The change-makers and doers of the world are not born great men. He was matured and transformed by his own observations, by his own experiences. Debs launched the roaring locomotive of history forward only after seeing with his own eyes the profound injustices faced by the American worker. [...] The example is set for us, our candle is lit. We will carry on and we will liberate the working classes of this nation, and of all nations. We are for Socialism because we are for humanity." Stedman was greeted with massive applause for his hastily-reconfigured speech. It appeared the Coliseum delegates concurred with the Chicagoan's emotional message. Others continued in the same manner, likewise extolling Debs' powerful and uplifting personality, his sterling principles, and his unique ability to Americanize socialism in a way easily understood by the average industrial worker. The thematic message was clear: Debs gave his life for the movement and that movement shall go on.
During the remainder of the national convention, the atmosphere and the speakers' rhetoric stayed confined in the realm of gloom and melancholy, though underneath that lied a subtle, raged-fueled undercurrent. Convention goers and sympathetic activists from coast to coast knew the intention of the assassin was to tear the party apart. No other motive seemed tenable. Having survived the arch conservatism of the Depew years and the chaos of the Great War, and thus far endured A. Mitchell Palmer's attempts at a Red Scare, the delegation was hardly about to lie down and allow the moment to pass them by. Per the words of Senator Ashley Miller, "repression in all of its forms is doomed to fail." The ever-determined Socialist Party fastidiously picked up the pieces and bravely proceeded with the nomination. Fortunately, the platform was settled by the end of May 11th. It was designed to work in tandem with the anticipated presidential campaign of Eugene Debs, but the NEC was confident any plausible nominee would benefit similarly to the wide array of unity planks vested in their platform.
Factionalism was strong in 1920. The unity platform incorporated mediated proposals and compromise solutions on everything from wages to war. The Left had an edge due to their NEC majority position, but to reconcile with the party regulars and avoid confrontation on the floor, they adopted moderated positions in certain avenues. Its preamble explained how the political party was merely a vehicle for the working class, and the question of a Workers' Commonwealth was only to be answered by the proletariat. The platform laid out a concise alignment with the Socialist International without maligning the Comintern. It recommended nationalization of all industries for the "welfare of the people," proposed eliminating the Federal Intelligence Authority and abolishing strikebreaking agencies, and demanded the release of Jim Larkin, Benjamin Gitlow, and William Z. Foster from prison. The delegates also voted to do away with a gag rule once generously applied against the left-wing minority. Its shortcomings were plain to see. It laid out no legislative plan to "secure full civil, industrial, and educational rights for Negroes" despite the inclusion of this wording. A more complex proposal was to be considered on May 12th, but the vote was tabled in lieu of the assassination.
Harry Braverman, 6th President of the New York Assembly, The Early Socialists: A Prelude to the Revolution, 1969
Undaunted in its quest to fulfill Debs' dream of a Socialist America, the convention moved to the nominating process. Several notable candidates were considered for the presidential slot, among them Miller and Seidel who each fervently declined, but at the urging of the Illinois delegates, Seymour Stedman allowed his name to be placed in nomination. His odds were extraordinarily favorable from the outset. Stedman was close to Debs for over twenty years. They first met during the Pullman Strike, and the two became well acquainted socially and politically from that point on. They were both present at the founding of the Social Democratic Party following Debs' fallout with the Democratic Party and Stedman's with the Populists, and the latter could boast of his perfect convention attendance and deep ties with the Socialist founders. He also worked vehemently for the election of John Fitzpatrick in the Chicago mayoral election and was often credited by the incumbent mayor for helping build his campaign from scratch.
Once Fitzpatrick called for Stedman's nomination, Seidel seconded it, as did Waldman and Lee. A segment of the Socialist Left briefly tried to talk Max Eastman into entering the unexpected, open contest, but Eastman knew it was a foregone conclusion and declined to be considered. In addition, some union officials preferred James Maurer or Bill Haywood over a stuffy congressman like Stedman, yet even this component failed to muster support from the delegates. In the final count, by a landslide of sorts, Seymour Stedman was confirmed the nomination and Theodore Debs was granted the vice-presidential slot. The campaign slogan wrote itself. "For Gene"