Nap,
I just got back from studying the medieval West at Oxford and I find your opinions on medieval times grotesquely exaggerated. As they say, "a little knowledge is a dangerous thing."
The primary impression I get about the medieval times is that the problem was not the Church being all powerful, but ineffective. It was not a conclusion I expected to make.
For example, the Church insisted that a valid marriage had to be consented to by both parties and that adultery by men was just as sinful as adultery by women. It was the secular nobility, many of whom were about as Christian as bin Laden, who were responsible for most of the outrageous behavior.
I am not sure that sexual morality is the best yardstick to measure civilisational benefit. Yet even so, the church not only retained the Roman legal standard of consensual monogamous marriages, but also introduced some rather more interesting ideas that it could not enforce. Of course if we are to believe Freudian theory, it is a state of permanent sexual frustration that creates great civilisations. If that were true, we *could* credit the church with Western Civilisation, I guess, though it makes it hard to explain either modern Islam or sancient Greece
On a more serious note, we can be very thankful that the church was *not* more effective in most of the Middle Ages. In this regard I am not referring to the hoary myths of Romantic novelists (compulsive burning of all interesting books, virgins, and proto-Protestants), but to the political theology of the Vatican. The church in the high middle ages developed and championed a model of cohesive society that is truly Orwellian. Had they been able to make it stick, they would have effectively eliminated all forms of participatory government, the 'bonum commune' paradigm of government, elective kingship, and traditional concepts of privacy (very important in Germanic-based law codes), all of which have been pivotal to European development. It is, of course, quite clear that the idea of papal supremacy developed then was never goping to be effectively enforceable, but that didn't stop them from trying. Reading, say, Bernardo Gui (who, BTW, was not at all like he is portrayed in 'The Name of the Rose', but in many ways much scarier) is a salutary reminder what the church was unable to impose upoin this unfortunate continent.
And on the matter of the Crusades, they started it. Muslim pirates harried Western Europe for centuries before the Crusades, and it wasn't until 1016 that said pirates were finally ejected from the Italian mainland.
Red Herring Alert. Serioous historians do not criticise or condemn the Crusades bewcause they were a military attack on Islam. Certainly not an unprovoked attack upon a defenseless, innocent victim. Warfare between Christian and Muslim states was the order of the day for many centuries, both on the large and the small scale, down to private enterprise (Benjamin of Tudela has interesting comments to make about the Genoese in this context). The Epic of Digenes Akritas is made of much the same stuff as the life of Tariq or, presumably, the unsung achievements of the sea captains of Pisa and Bari, Palermo and Mahdia. The point to the Crusades was that they, quite uniquely, involved an absolute authority of the spiritual realm promising an entirely disproportionate reward for something that the religion in question actually condemns. It was that the Crusaders were told lies (if we can believe our chroniclers, which is not always certain) and given explicit instruction on the authority of leaders who should have known better (Bernard of Clairvaux had read the Qur'an, so he has no business making the claims he did, or calling for the extermination or forcible conversion of all non-Christians). And finally, the practises of the Crusaders are frequently and rightly the subject of condemnation. Muslim raiders harried the coasts and cities of Europe (and received the same compliments in return when the military situation allowed), but there were established customs of war which did *not* allow for the inhabitants of a major city being deliberately and indiscriminately slaughtered. Neither did they usually involve the utter rejection of diplomacy or the refusal of ransoms. Such things did occasionally happen, but along the routes of the early Crusades they were systemic.
The Crusades were far more than just wars.
And on the matter of cannibalism, it was eat the dead or starve. It's not like they deliberately killed Muslims to eat them.
Actually, much evidence indicates it was precisely that. We do not have much written material about the 'tafuri', groups of religious extremists on the First Crusade who were responsible for many of these instances, but the sources we have differ very noticeably in their decriptions of hunger cannibalism (as during the Seljuq siege of Antioch) and tafur cannibalistic episodes. The best guess we have is that this was a type of gang ritual analogue. There is some mention of similar episodes (on both sides) in Spain prior to the First Crusade, but never on the scale described there. It is also not described in any later Crusades, while hunger was a relatively common occurrence on those.