Manicheism has one major problem. That it is a rather ascetic religion, with a negative attitude to sexuality. What does that mean? If it's followers live up to their faith, then the Manichean population would keep shrinking. Especially in a religiously mixed realm or at a crossroad of civilization like Sogdia, it will tend to be eventually be outnumbered by other religions.
Collaborative timeline: Dunes of the Desert, a Timeline without Islam
- Thread starter Tomislav Addai
- Start date
So does Buddhism but it stuck around. I can see Manichean having a strong hold in the Indus valley and Somalia. Not to sure about the ones in Iraq. I might be confused but the pink color on the Religions maps are the Manichean's right
Manicheism is depicted in a sort of goldenish beige (visible in Afghanistan, Indus Valley). Pink in the Ganges Valley is Mahayana Buddhism, a different shade of pink in Tibet for Vajrayana .
Nestorianism CNA be identified by another shade of pink in western Mongolia so far
In the religion in the 900 religion map the pink in Iraq Arabia Somalia and central asia is Manichean or I am i very confused.
Chapter 61: The Seljuqs - Nestorian Shahanshahs of Persia
Moving southwards we enter the cultural region of Greater Iran. The region had been struggling for unity. At the very beginning of the 11th century, there are two major powers holding onto the Iranian Plateau: the Jagudid dynasty in the east and the Bavundids ruling over the western parts of the country.
Bavundid inquisition in Media has severely reduced Manichean presence in the area, with many Manicheans preferring baptism and conversion to Christianity to acceptance of Zoroastrianism. Their aim to restore the Zoroastrian traditions of ancient Persia would however be interrupted by some Turkic nomads to the north.
Originating from the very same area called Dihistan, the invasion route of the Seljuks just repeated the path of the Parthians a couple of centuries earlier.
The Seljuks were a clan of the Oghuz Turks, dwelling at the eastern shore of the Khazar Sea (1). The Seljuks were devout Nestorian Christians (2), and sought to liberate their fellow brothers in faith from the rule of the Manichean Jagudid Empire. This task was accomplished without much difficulty under the leadership of Tughril Beg, who won two major battles at Dandakan and Nishapur. This was around the year 1040.
Coat of arms of the Seljuqs
His conquests would also have included Sogdia and Khwarezmia; and by the mid-eleventh century, he ruled over a realm extending from Khorasan as far as the Jaxartes. Roughly ten years later, he decided to take over also the western portions of the Iranian Plateau, and liberate the Patriarch of Qtēspōn (3). After all, it was an insult to all Nestorians that their Patriarch is a vassal of an infidel, right? (4).
The Bavundids would be defeated and the entirety of Mesopotamia, just up unto the Rhomaic borders, was conquered by the incoming Seljuqs. This also means that the Assyrian kingdom around Niniveh was conquered as well (5).
Being Christians, the Turks know how to behave themselves (6). This does not prevent them from invading Armenia, which they view as a natural defensive obstacle for any Rhomaic army. The smaller Armenian kingdoms and lordships would have to accept Seljuk suzerainty, while their local lords remained in place. The Armenian duties would be restricted to the maintenance of fortresses and garrisons.
Kharagan towers, the tombs of Seljuq princes
The heir of Tughril would later gain the honorific title Alp Arslan, heroic lion. Alp Arslan set out from Mesopotamia westwards into Syria to challenge the world hegemon in the form of the Rhomaic Empire. The Seljuq military of course relied on able rapid cavalry, namely horse archers. Such formations take advantage in a vast inland country, such as Persia. Turkic cavalry had a tactical advantage over the light infantry formations of the Rhomaic Empire.
The two forces met at the western outskirts of Hierapolis (16). The battle was a brisk Seljuq victory, and opened them the doors into the Levant. That was indeed Alp Arslan´s vision, to conquer the entire Levantine coast and claim the city of Jerusalem. On the northern front, Alp Arslan subdued Georgians as well, and the borders with the Rhomaic Empire were established on the Upper Eughrates. Further conquests also subdued the Kartvelian realms south of the Caucasus.
The statue of Alp Arslan
The loss of the entire Levant will of course cause internal unrest among the Rhomaic generals, as well as challenge the loyalty of Kemet to the Rhomaic Empire.
While geopolitically very similar, culturally it was different from both earlier incarnations of Persia and from an alternate Turkish empire. The rulers of the Seljuq realm did not bear the title “Sultan”; rather they titled themselves as “Shahanshah”, which is the Persian title for emperor. The Oghuz tribesmen rapidly adopted very much of Persian culture, from things like the gesture of prostration before the ruler, to the celebration of Nowruz.
Feudal blue now dominates Iran. Nomadic golden in places where Turkic tribes settled; also take a look at republics (pink) and the theocracy of the Patriarchal State (grey).
Contrary to previous empires in the region, the Seljuqs did not adopt the Sassanid way of state administration. Rather, the realm was divided among the members of the ruling dynasty as appanages, thus establishing a sort of feudal society in Iran.
The division of the Seljuk Empire. Dark purple is the Patriarchal State of Qtespon.
Upon the death of Malik Shah, the westernmost portions of the empire split apart. The Georgian and Armenian statelets reassumed their independence; while independent Meliks (Kings) rose up in Niniveh and Syria (Tutush I.). The fragmentation also resulted in the independence of the counties of Anbar, Nehardea and the Patriarchal State.
The adoption of Persian as the official language of administration in non-ecclesiastical matters means a step forward for a rapid assimilation of the civilian Turkish populations, and the elite. Turkish remains of course the language of the military.
Taking a look at the regional scale, what can we see? Beginning in the northeast we can see Khwarezmia on the lower Oxus. In this region, the local Khwarezmian Iranic language is under heavy pressure from neighbouring Turkic languages (7). Khwarezmia is still one of the few predominantly Manichean parts of the world.
Further southeast we arrive into Sogdia (8). This area is still a multireligious and multicultural; however population dynamics, especially birth rates have shifted the religious mosaic considerably. Due to its ascetic nature and antimaterialism, Manichaeism has had a negative attitude to sexuality. After a few centuries, this has led to a decline of Manichaeism, dropping to a mere 30% of Sogdia proper (9). Manichaeans have been outnumbered by Nestorian Christians, numbering as much as 42%. Smaller communities in Sogdia proper still include Mahayana Buddhists (11%), Zoroastrians (8%), Jews (4%), Jacobites (4%) and other immigrant communities (such as Orthodoxes, Chinese, Indians, 1%) (10).
Religious structure of Greater Iran: Nestorianism (purple) dominates Mesopotamia,the Gulf Margiana and Dihistan. Manicheism (beige-light golden) present in prts of Khoroasan; another variety present east of Lake Urmieh. Zoroastrianism (olive green) to be found throughout Iran. A Miaphysite belt extendsfrom the Red Sea across eastern Syria to Armenia.
Ruled now by a Nestorian Turkish empire, the Nestorian faith will now be promoted even more. Earlier Sogdian tolerance and openness will soon be challenged by these changes, and some kind of confrontation between Christians and Manicheans in Sogdia is not out of question.
The mountainous regions of Tukharistan (11) on the upper Oxus valleys remain a clearly Buddhist area, one of the few refuges of western Buddhism (12). Buddhism also remains in place in the mountains of Hindukush to places like Bamyan.
While the region around Merv (Margiana) had a mainly Christian presence (13), Khorasan also known historically as Parthia had a Manichean majority. This was also partially a legacy of the Jagudid conquests; the Seljuqs however funded the consruction of a large number of Assyrian monasteries in the region, especially in the proximity of Herat.
The Khorasani language, formed by the mixing of Old Parthian and Oghuz Turkic is once more exposed to Turkic influence. It becomes hardly intelligible with Persian.
Linguistic structure of Greater Iran
Many Turkic clans have settled in the lands of Persia proper, not only in Pars, but also in a few regions along the Silk Road. Some retain their nomadic lifestyle, while others become the new urban elite. This elite takes up, as mentioned, local customs quickly; however what they don’t give up is their religion. Conversion to Christianity is encouraged by taxation benefits, although Zoroastrianism is not openly persecuted, it is not state-sponsored anymore (14). The previously predominantly Christian city of Reyy has become the capital of the Seljuq Empire.
While looking at northwestern Iran, one can observe a strengthening of Zoroastrian presence, especially in the region of Media (where the Manicheans had been force-converted under the Bavundids).
As for Mesopotamia, the region welcomed the Turkish invaders (15). As mentioned, the Nestorian patriarch makes a deal with the Seljuqs, and the “Donation of Tughril” includes the city of Qtespon itself, Babil region as well as the regions to the north of Qtespon.
Mesopotamia sees again all of its Manichean and Zoroastrian populations kicked out; while the Jews continue to live in a handful of cities to the west of Qtespon. Assyrian science continues to flourish. The Academy of Gundeshapur in Elam is matched by a Patriarchal Academy at Qtespon, as well as further educational institutions at Nisibis, Nishapur and Reyy. Persian-Assyrian science had proceeded mainly in astronomy, mathematics and medicine.
The sole part of the Iranian Plateau unconquered is the region of Hormuz, which remains independent (yet tributary) of the Seljuqs.
(1) Caspian Sea
(2) They were so in fact, before converting to islam
(3) Yes, the campaigns happen in a very similar way, but the motivations are different.
(4) We can see a Carolingian sort-of situation, complete with a “Patrimony of Mar Addai”; a sort of theocratic state being established in parts of Mesopotamia.
(5) There is however no major reason to invade
(6) And do not commit barbarous massacres for no reason. Especially not to Christian cities.
(7) Are going to have an English-like scenario? With a half-Germanic, half-Romance language? I don’t actually think so, for the Iranian culture is more sophisticated than the Turkic one.
(8) Synonymous with Uzbekistan south of the Kyzilkum plus the Tajik Ferghana panhandle, should I be correct.
(9) This is however not comparable with earlier statistics, for those included also Bactria and Tukharistan. Including these areas results in following figures: Manichean 35%, Nestorian 33%, Buddhist 21%, Zoroastrian 6%, Judaism 3%, Jacobite 3% and immigrant 1%. These population dynamics are not explained only by birth rate differences, but also by conversions and mixed marriages.
(10)Tengri pagans in Sogdia have almost all adopted some major world religion. Should some of them still be around by 1100 AD, their numbers negligible
(11)Known previously as Bactria, corresponding to Tajikistan except the Ferghana panhandle plus NE Afghanistan
(12) At its greatest extent, Buddhism reached as far west as the Aral Sea. Places like Sogdia get conquered far too often, but backwater mountain valleys increase the chances of survival for Buddhism. You know, mountains and Buddhists go together … *me thinks of Tibet*
(13)Especially Turkmenistan and northern Afghanistan.
(14)The Seljuq state stops all sponsoring of Zoroastrian religious institutions and clergy; these must be now sponsored by their believers. In modern terms, you could say that the religion is restricted to the private sphere; essentially an American system of congregation funding. I would not call this a Ctrl+C Ctrl+V from the Dhimmitude system, as there was no harassment of Zoroastrians here.
Bavundid inquisition in Media has severely reduced Manichean presence in the area, with many Manicheans preferring baptism and conversion to Christianity to acceptance of Zoroastrianism. Their aim to restore the Zoroastrian traditions of ancient Persia would however be interrupted by some Turkic nomads to the north.
Originating from the very same area called Dihistan, the invasion route of the Seljuks just repeated the path of the Parthians a couple of centuries earlier.
The Seljuks were a clan of the Oghuz Turks, dwelling at the eastern shore of the Khazar Sea (1). The Seljuks were devout Nestorian Christians (2), and sought to liberate their fellow brothers in faith from the rule of the Manichean Jagudid Empire. This task was accomplished without much difficulty under the leadership of Tughril Beg, who won two major battles at Dandakan and Nishapur. This was around the year 1040.
Coat of arms of the Seljuqs
His conquests would also have included Sogdia and Khwarezmia; and by the mid-eleventh century, he ruled over a realm extending from Khorasan as far as the Jaxartes. Roughly ten years later, he decided to take over also the western portions of the Iranian Plateau, and liberate the Patriarch of Qtēspōn (3). After all, it was an insult to all Nestorians that their Patriarch is a vassal of an infidel, right? (4).
The Bavundids would be defeated and the entirety of Mesopotamia, just up unto the Rhomaic borders, was conquered by the incoming Seljuqs. This also means that the Assyrian kingdom around Niniveh was conquered as well (5).
Being Christians, the Turks know how to behave themselves (6). This does not prevent them from invading Armenia, which they view as a natural defensive obstacle for any Rhomaic army. The smaller Armenian kingdoms and lordships would have to accept Seljuk suzerainty, while their local lords remained in place. The Armenian duties would be restricted to the maintenance of fortresses and garrisons.
Kharagan towers, the tombs of Seljuq princes
The heir of Tughril would later gain the honorific title Alp Arslan, heroic lion. Alp Arslan set out from Mesopotamia westwards into Syria to challenge the world hegemon in the form of the Rhomaic Empire. The Seljuq military of course relied on able rapid cavalry, namely horse archers. Such formations take advantage in a vast inland country, such as Persia. Turkic cavalry had a tactical advantage over the light infantry formations of the Rhomaic Empire.
The two forces met at the western outskirts of Hierapolis (16). The battle was a brisk Seljuq victory, and opened them the doors into the Levant. That was indeed Alp Arslan´s vision, to conquer the entire Levantine coast and claim the city of Jerusalem. On the northern front, Alp Arslan subdued Georgians as well, and the borders with the Rhomaic Empire were established on the Upper Eughrates. Further conquests also subdued the Kartvelian realms south of the Caucasus.
The statue of Alp Arslan
The loss of the entire Levant will of course cause internal unrest among the Rhomaic generals, as well as challenge the loyalty of Kemet to the Rhomaic Empire.
While geopolitically very similar, culturally it was different from both earlier incarnations of Persia and from an alternate Turkish empire. The rulers of the Seljuq realm did not bear the title “Sultan”; rather they titled themselves as “Shahanshah”, which is the Persian title for emperor. The Oghuz tribesmen rapidly adopted very much of Persian culture, from things like the gesture of prostration before the ruler, to the celebration of Nowruz.
Feudal blue now dominates Iran. Nomadic golden in places where Turkic tribes settled; also take a look at republics (pink) and the theocracy of the Patriarchal State (grey).
Contrary to previous empires in the region, the Seljuqs did not adopt the Sassanid way of state administration. Rather, the realm was divided among the members of the ruling dynasty as appanages, thus establishing a sort of feudal society in Iran.
The division of the Seljuk Empire. Dark purple is the Patriarchal State of Qtespon.
Upon the death of Malik Shah, the westernmost portions of the empire split apart. The Georgian and Armenian statelets reassumed their independence; while independent Meliks (Kings) rose up in Niniveh and Syria (Tutush I.). The fragmentation also resulted in the independence of the counties of Anbar, Nehardea and the Patriarchal State.
The adoption of Persian as the official language of administration in non-ecclesiastical matters means a step forward for a rapid assimilation of the civilian Turkish populations, and the elite. Turkish remains of course the language of the military.
Taking a look at the regional scale, what can we see? Beginning in the northeast we can see Khwarezmia on the lower Oxus. In this region, the local Khwarezmian Iranic language is under heavy pressure from neighbouring Turkic languages (7). Khwarezmia is still one of the few predominantly Manichean parts of the world.
Further southeast we arrive into Sogdia (8). This area is still a multireligious and multicultural; however population dynamics, especially birth rates have shifted the religious mosaic considerably. Due to its ascetic nature and antimaterialism, Manichaeism has had a negative attitude to sexuality. After a few centuries, this has led to a decline of Manichaeism, dropping to a mere 30% of Sogdia proper (9). Manichaeans have been outnumbered by Nestorian Christians, numbering as much as 42%. Smaller communities in Sogdia proper still include Mahayana Buddhists (11%), Zoroastrians (8%), Jews (4%), Jacobites (4%) and other immigrant communities (such as Orthodoxes, Chinese, Indians, 1%) (10).
Religious structure of Greater Iran: Nestorianism (purple) dominates Mesopotamia,the Gulf Margiana and Dihistan. Manicheism (beige-light golden) present in prts of Khoroasan; another variety present east of Lake Urmieh. Zoroastrianism (olive green) to be found throughout Iran. A Miaphysite belt extendsfrom the Red Sea across eastern Syria to Armenia.
Ruled now by a Nestorian Turkish empire, the Nestorian faith will now be promoted even more. Earlier Sogdian tolerance and openness will soon be challenged by these changes, and some kind of confrontation between Christians and Manicheans in Sogdia is not out of question.
The mountainous regions of Tukharistan (11) on the upper Oxus valleys remain a clearly Buddhist area, one of the few refuges of western Buddhism (12). Buddhism also remains in place in the mountains of Hindukush to places like Bamyan.
While the region around Merv (Margiana) had a mainly Christian presence (13), Khorasan also known historically as Parthia had a Manichean majority. This was also partially a legacy of the Jagudid conquests; the Seljuqs however funded the consruction of a large number of Assyrian monasteries in the region, especially in the proximity of Herat.
The Khorasani language, formed by the mixing of Old Parthian and Oghuz Turkic is once more exposed to Turkic influence. It becomes hardly intelligible with Persian.
Linguistic structure of Greater Iran
Many Turkic clans have settled in the lands of Persia proper, not only in Pars, but also in a few regions along the Silk Road. Some retain their nomadic lifestyle, while others become the new urban elite. This elite takes up, as mentioned, local customs quickly; however what they don’t give up is their religion. Conversion to Christianity is encouraged by taxation benefits, although Zoroastrianism is not openly persecuted, it is not state-sponsored anymore (14). The previously predominantly Christian city of Reyy has become the capital of the Seljuq Empire.
While looking at northwestern Iran, one can observe a strengthening of Zoroastrian presence, especially in the region of Media (where the Manicheans had been force-converted under the Bavundids).
As for Mesopotamia, the region welcomed the Turkish invaders (15). As mentioned, the Nestorian patriarch makes a deal with the Seljuqs, and the “Donation of Tughril” includes the city of Qtespon itself, Babil region as well as the regions to the north of Qtespon.
Mesopotamia sees again all of its Manichean and Zoroastrian populations kicked out; while the Jews continue to live in a handful of cities to the west of Qtespon. Assyrian science continues to flourish. The Academy of Gundeshapur in Elam is matched by a Patriarchal Academy at Qtespon, as well as further educational institutions at Nisibis, Nishapur and Reyy. Persian-Assyrian science had proceeded mainly in astronomy, mathematics and medicine.
The sole part of the Iranian Plateau unconquered is the region of Hormuz, which remains independent (yet tributary) of the Seljuqs.
(1) Caspian Sea
(2) They were so in fact, before converting to islam
(3) Yes, the campaigns happen in a very similar way, but the motivations are different.
(4) We can see a Carolingian sort-of situation, complete with a “Patrimony of Mar Addai”; a sort of theocratic state being established in parts of Mesopotamia.
(5) There is however no major reason to invade
(6) And do not commit barbarous massacres for no reason. Especially not to Christian cities.
(7) Are going to have an English-like scenario? With a half-Germanic, half-Romance language? I don’t actually think so, for the Iranian culture is more sophisticated than the Turkic one.
(8) Synonymous with Uzbekistan south of the Kyzilkum plus the Tajik Ferghana panhandle, should I be correct.
(9) This is however not comparable with earlier statistics, for those included also Bactria and Tukharistan. Including these areas results in following figures: Manichean 35%, Nestorian 33%, Buddhist 21%, Zoroastrian 6%, Judaism 3%, Jacobite 3% and immigrant 1%. These population dynamics are not explained only by birth rate differences, but also by conversions and mixed marriages.
(10)Tengri pagans in Sogdia have almost all adopted some major world religion. Should some of them still be around by 1100 AD, their numbers negligible
(11)Known previously as Bactria, corresponding to Tajikistan except the Ferghana panhandle plus NE Afghanistan
(12) At its greatest extent, Buddhism reached as far west as the Aral Sea. Places like Sogdia get conquered far too often, but backwater mountain valleys increase the chances of survival for Buddhism. You know, mountains and Buddhists go together … *me thinks of Tibet*
(13)Especially Turkmenistan and northern Afghanistan.
(14)The Seljuq state stops all sponsoring of Zoroastrian religious institutions and clergy; these must be now sponsored by their believers. In modern terms, you could say that the religion is restricted to the private sphere; essentially an American system of congregation funding. I would not call this a Ctrl+C Ctrl+V from the Dhimmitude system, as there was no harassment of Zoroastrians here.
While some Byzantine generals and officials may grumble about the loss of the Levant and perhaps Egypt, paradoxically the loss of those two regions could be viewed long term as a blessing as both manpower and resources are now free to secure Greece and Anatolia, the two vital areas of the empire.
The loss of the Levant indeed may lead to further centralisation of the state. The internal struggles will be less intense than after Mantzikert for sure; and Rhomaic grip on Egypt is to be challenged.
As for the Levant, the Crusades are going to be butterflied away; religious turmoil however is likely. Especially once you have Nestorians ruling Miaphysites and Orthodox in the area as well. I am not quite sure what sort religious arrangement could happen, but is there any chance of mending the Schism? Or perhaps does installing Nestorian Patriarchs in Jerusalem and Antioch make sense?
Given that the Seljuk lands are fragmenting, the Seljuk successor state(s) in the Levant could vulnerable to dynastic infighting from within and native uprisings from without. As for the Rhomaics, their hold on Egypt could be loosened via nomadic raids / invasions which will force the Rhomaics to refocus their military efforts into preserving their core lands in Anatolia and Greece which will give the Egyptians the opportunity to reassert their sovereignty. Now while a surviving Seljuk Syrian kingdom could install a Nestorian Patriarch in Antioch, a Nestorian Patriarch in Jerusalem could be installed via a treaty with the secular ruler there.
Chapter 62: A Century of Weak Emperors
Although my intent was to cover all of Asia first, it has become clear that an update on the Rhomaic Empire will be necessary before moving elsewhere. In the early 11th century under Emperor Basileus, the Empire is the uncontested hegemon, with the Eastern Mediterranean Sea effectively the Rhomaic Mare Nostrum. Possessions in the west include Sicily, Calabria, Apulia and a few holdouts in Campania; the Balkanic Limes are on the Lower Danube, with Croatia being a Rhomaic vassal. The Empire commands the entirety of Anatolia and the Levant; other positions include the southern coast of Taurica (1), Cyrenaica and Alexandria. The headache with Egypt had been solved by installing a tributary kingdom, with a hierocratic organization of the society.
Coptic nationalism has thus been neutralized; issues in Syria were solved by devolution of the whole Empire, to allow for more flexibility and effective use of resources.
The 11th century emperors have not concluded any major military campaigns; the sole exception being the conquest of Palmyra in the 1020s. The emperors thus focused on consolidating and strengthening the empire from within, also attempting to fully integrate the Levant.
The reign of Michael IV Paphlagonian (1034-1041) saw internal unrest, namely revolts in Antioch, Nicopolis and Bulgaria (aided by the Pechenegs). All of these revolts were crushed.
He was briefly succeeded by Michael V. Kalaphates, subsequently by Constantine IX Monomachos (1042-1055). He had to deal with a Russian attack, which was dealt with with Greek fire.
Constantine IX had attempted to enforce a union upon both the Armenian and Syriac Jacobite Churches. The Armenians reacted with hostility, and this was also the reason why they collaborated with the Seljuqs (2) readily later on.
One of the biggest issues in terms of Church politics was native to the region of Syria (3). The area has been in Rhomaic hands for like almost a century, yet there are still three people claiming to be the Patriarch of Antioch (although only one of them actually sits in Antioch). We have the Syriac Jacobite Church, a schismatic (4) organization, following Monophysite Christology (5). This Church is viewed as a Syriac national church, with faithful among the Arabs also outside the Rhomaic borders. The existence of this church appears to be an expression of local calls for autonomy, as well as a different mentality of the Afro-Asiatic (6) peoples in contrast to the Indo-European (7) mentality and interpretation of the message of Christ.
Maronite monks and pilgrims
Then there is the Maronite Church on the Phoenician coast. This Church officially embraces a monothelite Christological position, although the Phoenician merchants don’t appear to be fierce zealots ready to fight for such theological nuances. They are practical people. Reasonable if you wish.
So in 1054 Constantine proposes a solution of the issue. The plan is, that each of the incumbent Patriarchs are allowed to stay in office until they are there. Once they depart this world, they are not to have a successor, but rather the remaining Patriarchs are to lead their congregation. Upon the vacancy of all three Patriarchal thrones, a fully legitimate and undisputed Patriarch of Antioch oiught to be selected.
Such a plan sounds nice on paper, but failed to reflect the raison d´etre of the Jacobite and Maronite Churches. For many Aramaic-speaking people, the existence of a national church was an expression of ethnic identity and helped to keep their culture alive vis-à-vis the Hellenization process, which has almost entirely wiped out any remaining native languages of Anatolia.
The problem was thus left unresolved to deal for the following Doukas dynasty. The first Doukid Emperor, Constantine X, was an open supporter of the bureaucratic faction of the Rhomaic court (8).
Seeking to prevent a strong military from causing trouble, or even worse regional revolts, many regiments were disbanded. The Diocesan Councils and their decisions were controlled and monitored more closely, to such extent, that their decision-making and articulation of interest capacities were reduced to minimum. This was especially true in the regions north of the Taurus Mountains (9); to the south of this mountain range, the complaints and wishes of the Councils were taken into consideration and thus they continued to have at least some weight.
Seeing inaction and reluctance from the side of the Syriac Jacobite Church, Constantine sought at least to strike a deal with the Maronites. After all they were ready for theological compromises…The Emperor was ready to reach out and he proposed an Ausgleich. The Maronite Church would be subordinated to the Melkite Patriarch of Antioch, yet be recognized as a distinct community. The Maronites were to be granted a degree of autocephaly; the Maronite Patriarch would stop using the title Patriarch of Antioch, and assume a more humble title as the Catholicos of Boutron and Phoenicia. After all, such a status was not novel to the Patriarchate of Antioch: there was already the Catholicosate of Mtskheta for Kartvelia, the Catholicosate of Irenoupolis for Mesopotamia and the Catholicosate of Romagyris for Central Asia. All of these lay outside the imperial borders. However, the Church of Cyprus, with Rhomaic borders, was already autocephalous, so it was not that unusual.
The religions of the Empire
The emperor congratulated himself. At least some progress. Now let us leave the integration of the troublesome Syriacs to our successor...
His successor was Romanes IV Diogenes and in a manner, he did solve the Syrian question, although not by a means he or any Rhomaic emperor would be proud of. Wait, is it correct to attribute the defeat at Hierapolis (10) to him? Shouldn’t it be rather the victorious Seljuq Alp Arslan? Anyhow, in the aftermath, the effects were such that the Rhomaic Empire lost the entire Levant to the Seljuqs.
The chaos that followed was not as destructive as it could be, as the Taurus-Euphrates border remained heavily fortified, and the heart of the realm was protected. Egypt was however not counted into the heart of the realm, nor into the empire itself proper. Egypt was a tributary, ruled by a puppet king, run by Coptic clergy and state bureaucracy. Its resources were collected at Alexandria before being shipped to Constantinople. For over a century, this system allowed the Rhomaic Empire to extract as many resources from the country as possible, without needing to administer the country directly.
Although the whole system was designed to prevent any independent decision-making, the weak Doukid dynasty, the defeat at Hierapolis and the Seljuq conquests have given Egypt the needed momentum to act.
The Tmonian dynasty was deposed in a coup in 1075 by Yaraklas of Sioot, captain of the southern garrisons. Yaraklas declared that is time for the Coptic nation to wake up and stand proud, stop toiling for the Rhomaic masters and kick them out. Many bishops agreed with him, with the Coptic Pope welcoming him in Kashromi, the Egyptian capital.
The natural target of Yaraklas´s campaign was Alexandria, a symbol of the much hated Rhomaic yoke. The city was not viewed as Egyptian, for its inhabitants were mainly Alexandrian Greeks. They knew the Empire has no capacity to protect the city and that it would pass out of the hands of the Empire nevertheless. However, they were already so rooted to then city that they did not consider leaving. The urban prefect had all symbols of Rhomaic rule torn down and sent an embassy to Yaraklas, while he was still in Kashromi, declaring “The Humble Submission of the Magistrate of the Great City of Alexandria to His Majesty the Mighty Pharaoh of Kemet”.
The declining empire was saved by the ascension of Alexios Komnenos (11) in 1081 (reigning until 1118). Having to deal with Paulician rebellion in Thrace which he supressed, he also faced raids from the Pechenegs to the north, whom he also defeated.
Alexios Komnenos
However, his main aim was a Levantine Reconquista. The Seljuqs were now quarrelling among themselves, and Alexios sought to reconquer the northwestern parts of Syria. The brisk first campaign was to secure the city of Antioch. Subsequently, one of his generals set foot along the coast, seizing Laodikia (12), Tortosa (13) and Tripoli. The other went Orontes up-stream, seizing Apamea, Hamath and Emessa. Ultimately, an eastward attack followed, seizing Beroia (14), and all the lands until the Euphrates.
The Empire did not lose that much, after all...
(1) Crimea
(2) Yes Turks and Armenians were able to reach an agreement and come to terms. Difficult to imagine, I know
(3) The Great Schism of 1054 does not happen, due to the fact that there is no Norman conquest of Mezzogiorno, resulting in no Latinization of the local Greek churches. Of course, smaller liturgical and theological differences are still present, such as filioque, or the use of unleavened bread, but these minor issues would not be turned into a big fuss resulting in mutual excommunication of the Ecumenical Patriarch and the Pope. Furthermore, you would still have the Melkite Patriarch of Antioch, and also the Patriarch of Jerusalem to be an arbiter in the case of dispute. I am not mentioning the Melkite Patriarch of Alexandria, as his church is rather small, and is fully dependent on support from Constantinople.
(4) At least so perceived in Constantinople
(5) In communion with the Copts and Armenians
(6) The Copts and the Semitic peoples, such as Syriacs and Arabs, belong to the Afro-Asiatic linguistic family
(7) Or perhaps more narrowly, Greco-Roman
(8) As examined by @John7755 يوحنا , the Rhomaic Empire had three major faction: First of all, bureaucratic centralists. Oppposed to local autonomy, strong military etc. Secondly, militaristic centralists. And thirdly, local magnates, the sole force of dencentralisation. In Dunes of the Desert, much of this remains true, although the Dioceses remain a place of decentralisation (mainly created to solve the problems in Syria)
(9) The Taurus Mountains were in fact an important political divide in the empire. To the northwest, you have Anatolia, Greece and the Balkans: areas all naturally gravitating to Constantinople. All its people are either Greek, or Vlachs, occasionally barbarians (Slavs and Albanians) looking up to Greek culture. From the religious point of view, almost everyone is Orthodox, apart from a handful of Paulician heretics… To the south of the Taurus, you have a region where trouble begins. You have a few Chalcedonian Christians, who are called Melkites. Most of them are Antiochian Greeks, although there are Aramaic-speaking people who follow the True Faith. Then you have the sturdy Aramaic-speaking Monphysites inhabiting the inlands, before they start speaking Arabic at the edges of the desert. The enmity between Monophysites and Melkites is not the only one in the region. You have also Samaritans and Jews, Maronites, and a few Bardaisanites here and there… enough to cause trouble
(10)Manbij, Aleppo Province, Syria
(11)Byzantine resources are even stronger due to the fact that there is no Norman threat from the west. The Italian Mezzogiorno is still held by Lombard dukes.
(12)Lattakia
(13)Tartus
(14)Aleppo
Coptic nationalism has thus been neutralized; issues in Syria were solved by devolution of the whole Empire, to allow for more flexibility and effective use of resources.
The 11th century emperors have not concluded any major military campaigns; the sole exception being the conquest of Palmyra in the 1020s. The emperors thus focused on consolidating and strengthening the empire from within, also attempting to fully integrate the Levant.
The reign of Michael IV Paphlagonian (1034-1041) saw internal unrest, namely revolts in Antioch, Nicopolis and Bulgaria (aided by the Pechenegs). All of these revolts were crushed.
He was briefly succeeded by Michael V. Kalaphates, subsequently by Constantine IX Monomachos (1042-1055). He had to deal with a Russian attack, which was dealt with with Greek fire.
Constantine IX had attempted to enforce a union upon both the Armenian and Syriac Jacobite Churches. The Armenians reacted with hostility, and this was also the reason why they collaborated with the Seljuqs (2) readily later on.
One of the biggest issues in terms of Church politics was native to the region of Syria (3). The area has been in Rhomaic hands for like almost a century, yet there are still three people claiming to be the Patriarch of Antioch (although only one of them actually sits in Antioch). We have the Syriac Jacobite Church, a schismatic (4) organization, following Monophysite Christology (5). This Church is viewed as a Syriac national church, with faithful among the Arabs also outside the Rhomaic borders. The existence of this church appears to be an expression of local calls for autonomy, as well as a different mentality of the Afro-Asiatic (6) peoples in contrast to the Indo-European (7) mentality and interpretation of the message of Christ.
Maronite monks and pilgrims
Then there is the Maronite Church on the Phoenician coast. This Church officially embraces a monothelite Christological position, although the Phoenician merchants don’t appear to be fierce zealots ready to fight for such theological nuances. They are practical people. Reasonable if you wish.
So in 1054 Constantine proposes a solution of the issue. The plan is, that each of the incumbent Patriarchs are allowed to stay in office until they are there. Once they depart this world, they are not to have a successor, but rather the remaining Patriarchs are to lead their congregation. Upon the vacancy of all three Patriarchal thrones, a fully legitimate and undisputed Patriarch of Antioch oiught to be selected.
Such a plan sounds nice on paper, but failed to reflect the raison d´etre of the Jacobite and Maronite Churches. For many Aramaic-speaking people, the existence of a national church was an expression of ethnic identity and helped to keep their culture alive vis-à-vis the Hellenization process, which has almost entirely wiped out any remaining native languages of Anatolia.
The problem was thus left unresolved to deal for the following Doukas dynasty. The first Doukid Emperor, Constantine X, was an open supporter of the bureaucratic faction of the Rhomaic court (8).
Seeking to prevent a strong military from causing trouble, or even worse regional revolts, many regiments were disbanded. The Diocesan Councils and their decisions were controlled and monitored more closely, to such extent, that their decision-making and articulation of interest capacities were reduced to minimum. This was especially true in the regions north of the Taurus Mountains (9); to the south of this mountain range, the complaints and wishes of the Councils were taken into consideration and thus they continued to have at least some weight.
Seeing inaction and reluctance from the side of the Syriac Jacobite Church, Constantine sought at least to strike a deal with the Maronites. After all they were ready for theological compromises…The Emperor was ready to reach out and he proposed an Ausgleich. The Maronite Church would be subordinated to the Melkite Patriarch of Antioch, yet be recognized as a distinct community. The Maronites were to be granted a degree of autocephaly; the Maronite Patriarch would stop using the title Patriarch of Antioch, and assume a more humble title as the Catholicos of Boutron and Phoenicia. After all, such a status was not novel to the Patriarchate of Antioch: there was already the Catholicosate of Mtskheta for Kartvelia, the Catholicosate of Irenoupolis for Mesopotamia and the Catholicosate of Romagyris for Central Asia. All of these lay outside the imperial borders. However, the Church of Cyprus, with Rhomaic borders, was already autocephalous, so it was not that unusual.
The religions of the Empire
The emperor congratulated himself. At least some progress. Now let us leave the integration of the troublesome Syriacs to our successor...
His successor was Romanes IV Diogenes and in a manner, he did solve the Syrian question, although not by a means he or any Rhomaic emperor would be proud of. Wait, is it correct to attribute the defeat at Hierapolis (10) to him? Shouldn’t it be rather the victorious Seljuq Alp Arslan? Anyhow, in the aftermath, the effects were such that the Rhomaic Empire lost the entire Levant to the Seljuqs.
The chaos that followed was not as destructive as it could be, as the Taurus-Euphrates border remained heavily fortified, and the heart of the realm was protected. Egypt was however not counted into the heart of the realm, nor into the empire itself proper. Egypt was a tributary, ruled by a puppet king, run by Coptic clergy and state bureaucracy. Its resources were collected at Alexandria before being shipped to Constantinople. For over a century, this system allowed the Rhomaic Empire to extract as many resources from the country as possible, without needing to administer the country directly.
Although the whole system was designed to prevent any independent decision-making, the weak Doukid dynasty, the defeat at Hierapolis and the Seljuq conquests have given Egypt the needed momentum to act.
The Tmonian dynasty was deposed in a coup in 1075 by Yaraklas of Sioot, captain of the southern garrisons. Yaraklas declared that is time for the Coptic nation to wake up and stand proud, stop toiling for the Rhomaic masters and kick them out. Many bishops agreed with him, with the Coptic Pope welcoming him in Kashromi, the Egyptian capital.
The natural target of Yaraklas´s campaign was Alexandria, a symbol of the much hated Rhomaic yoke. The city was not viewed as Egyptian, for its inhabitants were mainly Alexandrian Greeks. They knew the Empire has no capacity to protect the city and that it would pass out of the hands of the Empire nevertheless. However, they were already so rooted to then city that they did not consider leaving. The urban prefect had all symbols of Rhomaic rule torn down and sent an embassy to Yaraklas, while he was still in Kashromi, declaring “The Humble Submission of the Magistrate of the Great City of Alexandria to His Majesty the Mighty Pharaoh of Kemet”.
The declining empire was saved by the ascension of Alexios Komnenos (11) in 1081 (reigning until 1118). Having to deal with Paulician rebellion in Thrace which he supressed, he also faced raids from the Pechenegs to the north, whom he also defeated.
Alexios Komnenos
However, his main aim was a Levantine Reconquista. The Seljuqs were now quarrelling among themselves, and Alexios sought to reconquer the northwestern parts of Syria. The brisk first campaign was to secure the city of Antioch. Subsequently, one of his generals set foot along the coast, seizing Laodikia (12), Tortosa (13) and Tripoli. The other went Orontes up-stream, seizing Apamea, Hamath and Emessa. Ultimately, an eastward attack followed, seizing Beroia (14), and all the lands until the Euphrates.
The Empire did not lose that much, after all...
(1) Crimea
(2) Yes Turks and Armenians were able to reach an agreement and come to terms. Difficult to imagine, I know
(3) The Great Schism of 1054 does not happen, due to the fact that there is no Norman conquest of Mezzogiorno, resulting in no Latinization of the local Greek churches. Of course, smaller liturgical and theological differences are still present, such as filioque, or the use of unleavened bread, but these minor issues would not be turned into a big fuss resulting in mutual excommunication of the Ecumenical Patriarch and the Pope. Furthermore, you would still have the Melkite Patriarch of Antioch, and also the Patriarch of Jerusalem to be an arbiter in the case of dispute. I am not mentioning the Melkite Patriarch of Alexandria, as his church is rather small, and is fully dependent on support from Constantinople.
(4) At least so perceived in Constantinople
(5) In communion with the Copts and Armenians
(6) The Copts and the Semitic peoples, such as Syriacs and Arabs, belong to the Afro-Asiatic linguistic family
(7) Or perhaps more narrowly, Greco-Roman
(8) As examined by @John7755 يوحنا , the Rhomaic Empire had three major faction: First of all, bureaucratic centralists. Oppposed to local autonomy, strong military etc. Secondly, militaristic centralists. And thirdly, local magnates, the sole force of dencentralisation. In Dunes of the Desert, much of this remains true, although the Dioceses remain a place of decentralisation (mainly created to solve the problems in Syria)
(9) The Taurus Mountains were in fact an important political divide in the empire. To the northwest, you have Anatolia, Greece and the Balkans: areas all naturally gravitating to Constantinople. All its people are either Greek, or Vlachs, occasionally barbarians (Slavs and Albanians) looking up to Greek culture. From the religious point of view, almost everyone is Orthodox, apart from a handful of Paulician heretics… To the south of the Taurus, you have a region where trouble begins. You have a few Chalcedonian Christians, who are called Melkites. Most of them are Antiochian Greeks, although there are Aramaic-speaking people who follow the True Faith. Then you have the sturdy Aramaic-speaking Monphysites inhabiting the inlands, before they start speaking Arabic at the edges of the desert. The enmity between Monophysites and Melkites is not the only one in the region. You have also Samaritans and Jews, Maronites, and a few Bardaisanites here and there… enough to cause trouble
(10)Manbij, Aleppo Province, Syria
(11)Byzantine resources are even stronger due to the fact that there is no Norman threat from the west. The Italian Mezzogiorno is still held by Lombard dukes.
(12)Lattakia
(13)Tartus
(14)Aleppo
Chapter63: Effects of Climate Change on the Arab Peninsula
Returning back to the Arabian Peninsula, we can witness a deep cultural, one can say even, civilizational divided, between the Gulf and the Hejazi coasts. Nevertheless, due to climate change, the Medieval Warm Period (1), the Arab Peninsula becomes drier, water is scarcer, leading to mainly a decrease of population, and a questioning of the extant political authority.
The region of the Persian Gulf was home to three major slave republics: Beth Qatriye, Hormuz, and Mazoun. These were run by merchants, and generated great riches and had welfare programmes, upon the expense of the slaves.
The early 11th century saw a crisis in Mazoun. The Mazdaki religion and philosophy, outright hedonistic in its nature, has lost its moral authority completely, and moral collapse was imminent. Many grandfathers moaned about the “spoilt youth”, who live in a consumer society, and abuse freedom without any responsibility or bindings.
The changes have been happening so gradually, that the Sacred Council has not witnessed the gradual small steps and failed to take any action. Anyhow, by 1015 the chairman of the Sacred Council, Sourab (2) decided to act. Knowing that the ascetic nature of the Manicheans was a far fetch for his compatriots, he was reluctant to fully impose the Manichean religion in Mazoun. It just wouldn’t work. Looking at the handful of Christians living in the realm, he admired their sense of moderation. Yes moderation. That was needed for the Mazouni people.
Sourab thus decided to combine elements of both: of original Mazdakism, and Manicheism, to create a religious system for the Mazouni people. Standing halfway between hedonistic
Mazdakism and ascetic Manicheism it taught:
“Listen my son, to the art of moderation. As you know, everything has something good in itself, but also something bad. Take pleasure from the things and joys of the world, but beware! In great ammounts, the evil substance will accumulate and destroy your will and strength. Remember therefore to stop once you are satisfied, and do not drink each cup to the end. Should you believe that you need something very much, put it away from yourself for the duration of the great fast before Bema, so that your soul remains uncorrupted”
Such and other passages were written by Sourab, who called his undertaking a religious reform. The Sacred Council approved of this change and the new religion formed by Sourab was elevated to the state religion of Mazoun.
Formally, it retained the name Mazdakism, but was considered a (very convergent) branch of Manicheism, to which it formally adhered. Mazdaki Manicheism had become very popular along the shores of the Indian Ocean, and appears to have given Manicheism a second breath (3). For this new religion would rapidly spread, especially via trade routes throughout the Indian Ocean, along its shores.
Before this could have been implemented, Mazoun was to face three other challenges. Firstly, the island-city of Ormus (or Hormuz), on the Persian side of the straits breaks free from Mazouni rule. Hormuz seizes also the tip on the Arab side of the Strait of Hormuz, effectively taking control over the straits.
Local costumes in Ormus.
Secondly, the slaves revolt as well. The climate changes have turned labour in the fields and on the plantations almost unbearable. The conditions are bad and the slaves take up arms against their masters. It is unknown whether the whole thing was coordinate, or the atmosphere was so bad, that once rumours spread, all slaves flocked to join the revolt. The latter seems more likely. Anyhow, at night a large number of the planters were brutally killed, and their villas and gardens set ablaze. Gradually, a slave army found itself marching upon Muscat, destroying and plundering on their way.
The city of Muscat itself was plundered, as well as the hall of the Council of Elders. However, the Mazouni armies approached from the south, besieging the revolting slaves in the city. The Mazouni navy takes the city from the sea, and the rebellion is brutally suppressed.
In the western parts of Mazoun, called Magan (5), the local landowners, untouched by the slave rebellion get together and declare their independence from Muscat. The Emirate of Magan is thus a feudal kingdom, with the smaller sheikhs swearing fealty to the Emir.
As for Himyar, its kingdom collapses due to unrest caused by climate change. The realms of Najran in the north and the city-state of Aden in the south break free. This leaves a rump Himyar (6), devoid of the status of a hegemonic power in the region. A sense of unity however prevails, mainly thanks to the notion of the Maphrianate of Himyar.
Manicheism and Ebionitism... all of them disappeared in the interior of the Peninsula. To the right, you can see the resurgence of nomadic lifestyle, even in nothern Hejaz
The Kingdom of Hejaz is not included canonically into the Maphrianate of Hejaz; rather it is the integral part of the Syriac Orthodox Church. The Syriac Orthodox Church makes inroads into the interior of the Peninsula, converting the tribes of northern Najd; the southern portions of Najd continue to practice Manicheism until around 1080s, when they as well are converted by missionaries from Beth Qatriye.
The Kingdom of Hejaz is now also facing droughts and overpopulation. Without an open invasion route (7), Hejaz is doomed to infighting. Civil war erupts, and the kingdom itself collapses; leaving a clan-based nomadic chiefdom around Yathrib, a chiefdom in Midian and a city-state around Mecca. The Ebionitic Church in Arabia is by this time fully non-existent; although Jewish communites are present in Najran and Yathrib.
Fragmentation as the result of climate change in Arabia: Mazoun, Himyar and Hejaz, all of them crumbled
As for the Horn of Africa, the Himyaritic colonies get rid of their overlords; the previous viceroyalty at Serapion thus becomes an independent city-state.
The Swahili Coast also sees the development of city-states, such as Zanzibar, Mombasa and Kilwa. Contact with Mazoun appears to have been intense for Zanzibar has adopted the reformed Mazdaki religion.
Reformed Mazdakism also came to dominate the coasts of Puntland, controlled by Zeila and Berbera, while Socotran merchants have established their own Nestorian hold over the northeastern coasts of Somalia.
As you could have seen, civilization appears only along the coast in East Africa (8). The inlands remain uncharted, populated by tribal peoples, while the coasts are getting globalized, and Indian Ocean Trade is becoming a thing.
(1) Which has started at around 950, but well, I forgot to update it back then
(2) Perhaps an Arabized variant of the Persian name Sohrab
(3) As you might have noticed, Manicheism is being rapidly displaced by Nestorianism in Central Asia; and outside the Jagudid realm, it is doing very poorly.
(4) Something you would expect from a predominantly vegetarian society.
(5) Roughly speaking of the United Arab Emirates
(6) Geographically identical with OTL North Yemen.
(7) The Seljuq invasion of the Levant happens only in the late eleventh century
(8) If you don´t count Ethiopia and Eritrea in it. But in Dunes of the Desert, as mentioned, Ethiopia and Eritrea are more associated with Egypt and Nubia than with Kenya or even Somalia.
The region of the Persian Gulf was home to three major slave republics: Beth Qatriye, Hormuz, and Mazoun. These were run by merchants, and generated great riches and had welfare programmes, upon the expense of the slaves.
The early 11th century saw a crisis in Mazoun. The Mazdaki religion and philosophy, outright hedonistic in its nature, has lost its moral authority completely, and moral collapse was imminent. Many grandfathers moaned about the “spoilt youth”, who live in a consumer society, and abuse freedom without any responsibility or bindings.
The changes have been happening so gradually, that the Sacred Council has not witnessed the gradual small steps and failed to take any action. Anyhow, by 1015 the chairman of the Sacred Council, Sourab (2) decided to act. Knowing that the ascetic nature of the Manicheans was a far fetch for his compatriots, he was reluctant to fully impose the Manichean religion in Mazoun. It just wouldn’t work. Looking at the handful of Christians living in the realm, he admired their sense of moderation. Yes moderation. That was needed for the Mazouni people.
Sourab thus decided to combine elements of both: of original Mazdakism, and Manicheism, to create a religious system for the Mazouni people. Standing halfway between hedonistic
Mazdakism and ascetic Manicheism it taught:
“Listen my son, to the art of moderation. As you know, everything has something good in itself, but also something bad. Take pleasure from the things and joys of the world, but beware! In great ammounts, the evil substance will accumulate and destroy your will and strength. Remember therefore to stop once you are satisfied, and do not drink each cup to the end. Should you believe that you need something very much, put it away from yourself for the duration of the great fast before Bema, so that your soul remains uncorrupted”
Such and other passages were written by Sourab, who called his undertaking a religious reform. The Sacred Council approved of this change and the new religion formed by Sourab was elevated to the state religion of Mazoun.
Formally, it retained the name Mazdakism, but was considered a (very convergent) branch of Manicheism, to which it formally adhered. Mazdaki Manicheism had become very popular along the shores of the Indian Ocean, and appears to have given Manicheism a second breath (3). For this new religion would rapidly spread, especially via trade routes throughout the Indian Ocean, along its shores.
Before this could have been implemented, Mazoun was to face three other challenges. Firstly, the island-city of Ormus (or Hormuz), on the Persian side of the straits breaks free from Mazouni rule. Hormuz seizes also the tip on the Arab side of the Strait of Hormuz, effectively taking control over the straits.
Local costumes in Ormus.
Secondly, the slaves revolt as well. The climate changes have turned labour in the fields and on the plantations almost unbearable. The conditions are bad and the slaves take up arms against their masters. It is unknown whether the whole thing was coordinate, or the atmosphere was so bad, that once rumours spread, all slaves flocked to join the revolt. The latter seems more likely. Anyhow, at night a large number of the planters were brutally killed, and their villas and gardens set ablaze. Gradually, a slave army found itself marching upon Muscat, destroying and plundering on their way.
The city of Muscat itself was plundered, as well as the hall of the Council of Elders. However, the Mazouni armies approached from the south, besieging the revolting slaves in the city. The Mazouni navy takes the city from the sea, and the rebellion is brutally suppressed.
In the western parts of Mazoun, called Magan (5), the local landowners, untouched by the slave rebellion get together and declare their independence from Muscat. The Emirate of Magan is thus a feudal kingdom, with the smaller sheikhs swearing fealty to the Emir.
As for Himyar, its kingdom collapses due to unrest caused by climate change. The realms of Najran in the north and the city-state of Aden in the south break free. This leaves a rump Himyar (6), devoid of the status of a hegemonic power in the region. A sense of unity however prevails, mainly thanks to the notion of the Maphrianate of Himyar.
Manicheism and Ebionitism... all of them disappeared in the interior of the Peninsula. To the right, you can see the resurgence of nomadic lifestyle, even in nothern Hejaz
The Kingdom of Hejaz is not included canonically into the Maphrianate of Hejaz; rather it is the integral part of the Syriac Orthodox Church. The Syriac Orthodox Church makes inroads into the interior of the Peninsula, converting the tribes of northern Najd; the southern portions of Najd continue to practice Manicheism until around 1080s, when they as well are converted by missionaries from Beth Qatriye.
The Kingdom of Hejaz is now also facing droughts and overpopulation. Without an open invasion route (7), Hejaz is doomed to infighting. Civil war erupts, and the kingdom itself collapses; leaving a clan-based nomadic chiefdom around Yathrib, a chiefdom in Midian and a city-state around Mecca. The Ebionitic Church in Arabia is by this time fully non-existent; although Jewish communites are present in Najran and Yathrib.
Fragmentation as the result of climate change in Arabia: Mazoun, Himyar and Hejaz, all of them crumbled
As for the Horn of Africa, the Himyaritic colonies get rid of their overlords; the previous viceroyalty at Serapion thus becomes an independent city-state.
The Swahili Coast also sees the development of city-states, such as Zanzibar, Mombasa and Kilwa. Contact with Mazoun appears to have been intense for Zanzibar has adopted the reformed Mazdaki religion.
Reformed Mazdakism also came to dominate the coasts of Puntland, controlled by Zeila and Berbera, while Socotran merchants have established their own Nestorian hold over the northeastern coasts of Somalia.
As you could have seen, civilization appears only along the coast in East Africa (8). The inlands remain uncharted, populated by tribal peoples, while the coasts are getting globalized, and Indian Ocean Trade is becoming a thing.
(1) Which has started at around 950, but well, I forgot to update it back then
(2) Perhaps an Arabized variant of the Persian name Sohrab
(3) As you might have noticed, Manicheism is being rapidly displaced by Nestorianism in Central Asia; and outside the Jagudid realm, it is doing very poorly.
(4) Something you would expect from a predominantly vegetarian society.
(5) Roughly speaking of the United Arab Emirates
(6) Geographically identical with OTL North Yemen.
(7) The Seljuq invasion of the Levant happens only in the late eleventh century
(8) If you don´t count Ethiopia and Eritrea in it. But in Dunes of the Desert, as mentioned, Ethiopia and Eritrea are more associated with Egypt and Nubia than with Kenya or even Somalia.
Attachments
Firstly, it is worth considering that stern asceticism is not for all believers. Secondly, Manichaeism has one strong feature - it recognizes the imperfection of the world and does not need deodetion. For a man of the times of slavery and feudalism, the world really was an unpleasant place, and the Manichaeans, declaring that the material world was created by an evil demiurge, in a sense, turned out to be the most consistent and logical (but not as ardent as other Gnostics).
Chapter 64: Nile,Nilotes, Nubia and Nobatia.
Continuing westwards we arrive into the Nile Valley. But before that I forgot to describe the developments in the Afar Triangle. The city of Zeila has grown to an important commercial centre and come to dominate the entire region. A large part of the population, especially in the rural and interior regions, were already Christians. Therefore this emergent Harar kingdom (1) becomes Christian; after all, here is still strong contact with Himyar and Ethiopia further west (2).
Languages of the Nile Basin
Eventually, the Harar Kingdom conquers the city-state of Zeila, which was a major trade node in the area.
Ethiopia itself finds itself ruled by the Zagwe dynasty. Geopolitically, we can notice an interesting trend (3). On one hand, Ethiopia comes to dominate the trade in the Red Sea Basin – especially once you consider the lack of major contenders – Egypt being under firm Rhomaic control at the beginning of the century, and later Hejaz and Himyar collapsing. On the other side, climate changes cause the Ethiopians to migrate to cooler highland biomes. The population movement southward is accompanied by the foundation of the Duchy of Showa (4). Its inhabitants also spoke Ethiopian Semitic languages, such as Argobba.
This period of history in Ethiopia is thus marked by a degree of disintegration. On the other hand, grand architectural monuments were built, notably the carved churches of Lalibela.
Church of Saint George in Lalibela
Further down the Blue Nile we arrive into the kingdom of Alodia. Alodia appears to have expanded significantly in the southern regions of Nubia (5). Relations with the neighbouring realm of Makuria to the north were amicable, and royal marriages between the two dynasties were frequent, with the realms being under a personal union from time to time.
Alodia appears to have been the more rural of the two, due it lying already in the grassland strip known as the Sahel, allowing for settlements and villages to be more spread out across the entire country, and not only limited to the Nile Valley.
Nilotic peoples inhabiting the regions to the south of Alodia
The southern neighbours of the Alodians appear to have been various Nilotic peoples, such as the Dinka and the Nuer, located in the marshy areas further upstream of the Nile. These tribal peoples are amongst the tallest of Africa, with their skin colour being very dark, sometimes referred even to as bluish. These Nilotic peoples to the south are viewed as barbarians in Alodia, and require a large army, significantly larger than that of Makuria to contain them.
Alodia was an absolute monarchy, with the king administering his realm on the basis of appointed governors, ruling over provinces such as Ari, Barah, Befal, Danhou, Fazughli, Kediro, Kersa and Taka. The absence of regionally-based nobility, along with a fusion of state and church qualifies us to describe this society as hierocratic.
The most important element of the Alodian army was the cavalry, allowing the control of such a large realm. Horsemen also served as couriers (6). The impeding centralization also resulted in a sort of linguistic unification of the kingdom of Alodia. The Nubian language has come to dominate almost the entirety of Alodia, with the exception of the southernmost areas recently conquered, where the Dinkas continue to speak their own tongue. For those of you who don’t know (7), the Nubian languages belong to a branch called Northern East Sudanic, which are part of the Nilo-Saharan family. The Southern East Sudanic languages include the Daju, and especially the Nilotic languages (including Nuer and Dinka, as well as the Maasai of Kenya). Other major Nilo-Saharan languages include the Songhay and the Kanuri.
Alodia was in frequent contact with Makuria and eventually Egypt, with the Beja tribes and also Ethiopia (8). Major Alodian exports included gold, leather, ivory and salt, hides fruit and vegetables. Major imports include silk and cloth as well as glass. Foreign trade was however mostly in the hands of Coptic (and perhaps some Jewish and Armenian) merchants (9).
The kingdom of Makuria found between Egypt to the north and Alodia to the south was found in the desert climate, and were it not for the Nile, it would be restricted to a handful of oasis. The relations with the northern neighbour were amicable (10). This allows Makurian military, instead of constant pointless warfare in the north, to expand elsewhere. The evident target, whilst looking at the map and geography of trade routes, is going to be the Beja coast. This region has been mostly left alone until now. The local Cushitic speaking tribesmen have already adopted the Miaphysite faith, and had been under Egyptian influence for quite some time. This opens the Makurian kingdoim to trade opportunities in the Red Sea trade network.
Throne hall in Dongola, the Makurian capital
Another vector, present in the form of a trade route, connects the Makurian capital of Dongola with the highland region of Darfur. The Darfur region was at this time being settled by the Daju (11), apparently a Nilo-Saharan people. A degree of contact and interaction begins between the Makurians and the Daju, with the two groups beginning to know each other a little more. The Daju remain pagan tribal society, but become familiar with “those merchants down there and their shamans speaking of a God who was killed and came alive again”. Some adventurous monks from Makuria dared to wander into those lands, accompanying the merchants. They returned, with notes about the culture of the people, about their language and customs. What to expect, what to prepare for.
During the second half of the 11th century, a cultural and societal change developed in both Makuria and Alodia. Mainly, it sees Nubian elevated to the status of a written language, displacing the former use of Coptic and Greek (12). This is tied on one side with the growth of Nubian power and confidence, on the other side also with a larger number of scribes and priests, not speaking Coptic. After all, Coptic was a foreign tongue, very dissimilar to Nubian (Coptic belongs to the Afro-Asiatic family). Georgios, bishop of Dongola also introduced the cult of local Nubian saints, as well as that of dead rulers.
Banganarti, a major pilgrimage center in Makuria from this period
In general, one can speak of an early form of Nubian nationalism, if you can use those terms in that period; Nubia is no longer an appendix of Egypt, as it had been for millennia before, but embraces its own identity.
In 1075, difficult times came ahead for Makuria. The coup of Yaraklas in Kemet resulted in Egypt breaking free from Rhomaic influence. Alexandrian Greeks submitted to his rule and agreed to pay tribute. As mentioned earlier, Yaraklas was a general rom the southern borderlands of Egypt; therefore his major interest is going to be southward expansion up the Nile River (13). His campaign in the 1080s against Makuria (supported by Alodia) brings him victory, vanquishing the unprepared foes. In this campaign, he almost utterly defeats his Makurian neighbours, and conquers the entire Beja coast, as well as the duchy of Nobatia, extending from Aswan up to the the Third Cataract on the Nile.
The kingdoms of Nubia and the Cataracts on the Nile
Such additions to the Egyptian state allow it once more to claim itself the status of a major power, and to fully take a role in the Red Sea trade… or can it do so? Without trees? Yes, Egypt now needs a navy. No, actually it needs two navies. On in the Red Sea, and the other in the Mediterranean. For this, you need real wood, not only those ships you make from papyrus to sail along the Nile. Egypt itself has no real forests. The nearest forest you can conquer are in the Levant. Yaraklas is watching carefully the quarrels among the heirs of Alp Arslan, especially the developments in the realm of Tutush, and is waiting for the correct moment…
Political map of the Nile Basin
(1) Historically the Muslim kingdom of Adal
(2) The kingdom of Afar remains in the same cultural sphere as Ethiopia and Yemen.
(3) There are no Muslim powers to kick Ethiopia out of the Red Sea Basin; rather Ethiopia quite naturally assumes dominance in the trade in the area
(4) Yes, this was historically a Muslim kingdom
(5) Only the Darfur region and the South Sudan remain outside of the control of either Makuria, Alodia or the Beja.
(6) The mobile cavalry (horsemen, camel riders etc) allowed for the creation of empires also in West Africa.
(7) I didn’t know either, don’t worry
(8) Although the main export routes for Ethiopia were realized by the Red Sea, a significant degree of Ethiopian trade was also conducted with Alodia.
(9) Wikipedia claims that historically it was done by Arabs. We don’t have Arabs in Egypt nor anywhere nearby as an urban population. So I went for Copts in Egypt, plus added other minority populations present in Egypt at that time. Jews and Armenians also have a reputation of being good traders, so yes, I went for them.
(10)A contained, hierocratic Egypt, with a restricted army and tributary to the Rhomai Empire means the eradication of the most imminent threat. Therefore, the Makurians can direct their military energy elsewhere.
(11)Their predecessor, The Toba culture appear to be called “white giants”. I have no idea who they were, so I just assume they got replaced, and am going to work with the more known Daju
(12)Historically, the process happened due to Arabic displacing Coptic in Egypt, with the local clergy and scribes not willing to take up a foreign tongue
(13)This may also explain his allowance for the continued existence of the merchant republic in Alexandria
Languages of the Nile Basin
Eventually, the Harar Kingdom conquers the city-state of Zeila, which was a major trade node in the area.
Ethiopia itself finds itself ruled by the Zagwe dynasty. Geopolitically, we can notice an interesting trend (3). On one hand, Ethiopia comes to dominate the trade in the Red Sea Basin – especially once you consider the lack of major contenders – Egypt being under firm Rhomaic control at the beginning of the century, and later Hejaz and Himyar collapsing. On the other side, climate changes cause the Ethiopians to migrate to cooler highland biomes. The population movement southward is accompanied by the foundation of the Duchy of Showa (4). Its inhabitants also spoke Ethiopian Semitic languages, such as Argobba.
This period of history in Ethiopia is thus marked by a degree of disintegration. On the other hand, grand architectural monuments were built, notably the carved churches of Lalibela.
Church of Saint George in Lalibela
Further down the Blue Nile we arrive into the kingdom of Alodia. Alodia appears to have expanded significantly in the southern regions of Nubia (5). Relations with the neighbouring realm of Makuria to the north were amicable, and royal marriages between the two dynasties were frequent, with the realms being under a personal union from time to time.
Alodia appears to have been the more rural of the two, due it lying already in the grassland strip known as the Sahel, allowing for settlements and villages to be more spread out across the entire country, and not only limited to the Nile Valley.
Nilotic peoples inhabiting the regions to the south of Alodia
The southern neighbours of the Alodians appear to have been various Nilotic peoples, such as the Dinka and the Nuer, located in the marshy areas further upstream of the Nile. These tribal peoples are amongst the tallest of Africa, with their skin colour being very dark, sometimes referred even to as bluish. These Nilotic peoples to the south are viewed as barbarians in Alodia, and require a large army, significantly larger than that of Makuria to contain them.
Alodia was an absolute monarchy, with the king administering his realm on the basis of appointed governors, ruling over provinces such as Ari, Barah, Befal, Danhou, Fazughli, Kediro, Kersa and Taka. The absence of regionally-based nobility, along with a fusion of state and church qualifies us to describe this society as hierocratic.
The most important element of the Alodian army was the cavalry, allowing the control of such a large realm. Horsemen also served as couriers (6). The impeding centralization also resulted in a sort of linguistic unification of the kingdom of Alodia. The Nubian language has come to dominate almost the entirety of Alodia, with the exception of the southernmost areas recently conquered, where the Dinkas continue to speak their own tongue. For those of you who don’t know (7), the Nubian languages belong to a branch called Northern East Sudanic, which are part of the Nilo-Saharan family. The Southern East Sudanic languages include the Daju, and especially the Nilotic languages (including Nuer and Dinka, as well as the Maasai of Kenya). Other major Nilo-Saharan languages include the Songhay and the Kanuri.
Alodia was in frequent contact with Makuria and eventually Egypt, with the Beja tribes and also Ethiopia (8). Major Alodian exports included gold, leather, ivory and salt, hides fruit and vegetables. Major imports include silk and cloth as well as glass. Foreign trade was however mostly in the hands of Coptic (and perhaps some Jewish and Armenian) merchants (9).
The kingdom of Makuria found between Egypt to the north and Alodia to the south was found in the desert climate, and were it not for the Nile, it would be restricted to a handful of oasis. The relations with the northern neighbour were amicable (10). This allows Makurian military, instead of constant pointless warfare in the north, to expand elsewhere. The evident target, whilst looking at the map and geography of trade routes, is going to be the Beja coast. This region has been mostly left alone until now. The local Cushitic speaking tribesmen have already adopted the Miaphysite faith, and had been under Egyptian influence for quite some time. This opens the Makurian kingdoim to trade opportunities in the Red Sea trade network.
Throne hall in Dongola, the Makurian capital
Another vector, present in the form of a trade route, connects the Makurian capital of Dongola with the highland region of Darfur. The Darfur region was at this time being settled by the Daju (11), apparently a Nilo-Saharan people. A degree of contact and interaction begins between the Makurians and the Daju, with the two groups beginning to know each other a little more. The Daju remain pagan tribal society, but become familiar with “those merchants down there and their shamans speaking of a God who was killed and came alive again”. Some adventurous monks from Makuria dared to wander into those lands, accompanying the merchants. They returned, with notes about the culture of the people, about their language and customs. What to expect, what to prepare for.
During the second half of the 11th century, a cultural and societal change developed in both Makuria and Alodia. Mainly, it sees Nubian elevated to the status of a written language, displacing the former use of Coptic and Greek (12). This is tied on one side with the growth of Nubian power and confidence, on the other side also with a larger number of scribes and priests, not speaking Coptic. After all, Coptic was a foreign tongue, very dissimilar to Nubian (Coptic belongs to the Afro-Asiatic family). Georgios, bishop of Dongola also introduced the cult of local Nubian saints, as well as that of dead rulers.
Banganarti, a major pilgrimage center in Makuria from this period
In general, one can speak of an early form of Nubian nationalism, if you can use those terms in that period; Nubia is no longer an appendix of Egypt, as it had been for millennia before, but embraces its own identity.
In 1075, difficult times came ahead for Makuria. The coup of Yaraklas in Kemet resulted in Egypt breaking free from Rhomaic influence. Alexandrian Greeks submitted to his rule and agreed to pay tribute. As mentioned earlier, Yaraklas was a general rom the southern borderlands of Egypt; therefore his major interest is going to be southward expansion up the Nile River (13). His campaign in the 1080s against Makuria (supported by Alodia) brings him victory, vanquishing the unprepared foes. In this campaign, he almost utterly defeats his Makurian neighbours, and conquers the entire Beja coast, as well as the duchy of Nobatia, extending from Aswan up to the the Third Cataract on the Nile.
The kingdoms of Nubia and the Cataracts on the Nile
Such additions to the Egyptian state allow it once more to claim itself the status of a major power, and to fully take a role in the Red Sea trade… or can it do so? Without trees? Yes, Egypt now needs a navy. No, actually it needs two navies. On in the Red Sea, and the other in the Mediterranean. For this, you need real wood, not only those ships you make from papyrus to sail along the Nile. Egypt itself has no real forests. The nearest forest you can conquer are in the Levant. Yaraklas is watching carefully the quarrels among the heirs of Alp Arslan, especially the developments in the realm of Tutush, and is waiting for the correct moment…
Political map of the Nile Basin
(1) Historically the Muslim kingdom of Adal
(2) The kingdom of Afar remains in the same cultural sphere as Ethiopia and Yemen.
(3) There are no Muslim powers to kick Ethiopia out of the Red Sea Basin; rather Ethiopia quite naturally assumes dominance in the trade in the area
(4) Yes, this was historically a Muslim kingdom
(5) Only the Darfur region and the South Sudan remain outside of the control of either Makuria, Alodia or the Beja.
(6) The mobile cavalry (horsemen, camel riders etc) allowed for the creation of empires also in West Africa.
(7) I didn’t know either, don’t worry
(8) Although the main export routes for Ethiopia were realized by the Red Sea, a significant degree of Ethiopian trade was also conducted with Alodia.
(9) Wikipedia claims that historically it was done by Arabs. We don’t have Arabs in Egypt nor anywhere nearby as an urban population. So I went for Copts in Egypt, plus added other minority populations present in Egypt at that time. Jews and Armenians also have a reputation of being good traders, so yes, I went for them.
(10)A contained, hierocratic Egypt, with a restricted army and tributary to the Rhomai Empire means the eradication of the most imminent threat. Therefore, the Makurians can direct their military energy elsewhere.
(11)Their predecessor, The Toba culture appear to be called “white giants”. I have no idea who they were, so I just assume they got replaced, and am going to work with the more known Daju
(12)Historically, the process happened due to Arabic displacing Coptic in Egypt, with the local clergy and scribes not willing to take up a foreign tongue
(13)This may also explain his allowance for the continued existence of the merchant republic in Alexandria
If I was Yaraklas, I would focus on establishing seaports on the Red Sea coast in order to direct some of the Red Sea trade towards Egypt. As for a navy, I would get the naval supplies I need from the Europeans (ideally the Frankish / German realms) via trade. As the Levant, I would leave it as a buffer rather then expose myself to Levantine revolts and Byzantine / Persian hostility.
@WotanArgead
I see your point, Manicheism does tackle the problem of evil very well... actually it does offer a good answer to all the world's problems, a better one than Christianity. However, I come to believe that Christianity offers a message of hope, a more positive message than Manicheism.
@Mike Louis
The Red Sea ports are established already, all Egypt needs is to pump more traffic and goods inside
. Once we're at it, do you think Egypt would establish control over Hejaz? For the Muslim rulers of Egypt did so, although I do not know whether it makes sense for Christian Egypt to expand in that direction. (Possibly you would need control over Palestine and Nabatea to do so).
Anyhow, the next update will deal with Lake Tchad and West Africa, to be followed by Tamazgha(the Maghreb). Listening to your suggestions.
I see your point, Manicheism does tackle the problem of evil very well... actually it does offer a good answer to all the world's problems, a better one than Christianity. However, I come to believe that Christianity offers a message of hope, a more positive message than Manicheism.
@Mike Louis
The Red Sea ports are established already, all Egypt needs is to pump more traffic and goods inside
. Once we're at it, do you think Egypt would establish control over Hejaz? For the Muslim rulers of Egypt did so, although I do not know whether it makes sense for Christian Egypt to expand in that direction. (Possibly you would need control over Palestine and Nabatea to do so). Anyhow, the next update will deal with Lake Tchad and West Africa, to be followed by Tamazgha(the Maghreb). Listening to your suggestions.
The Red Sea ports are established already, all Egypt needs is to pump more traffic and goods inside
With TTL Egypt being Christian, there’s little need for control over the Hejaz when diplomatic and or trade arrangements would do.
It should be noted that the Manichaeans did not organize massacres on a religious basis, and the courteous culture of southern France, where that Manichaeism flourished, was quite viable and optimistic, while the church tried to put an end to all this. True, it is debatable whether the Cathars can be considered Manichaeans, but definitely Gnostics.
Chapter 65: Decline of Donatism North of The Dunes of the Desert
We are now moving into the regions of Central and western Africa, beginning with the Basin of Lake of Chad. This area (1) is being dominated by the Kanem Empire. As mentioned in the previous update, Donatist Christianity was making inroads into the region, although the local Chrisitian community was small in number. By the late 11th century, until then ruling Zaghawa dynasty was replaced by the Sayfawa dynasty, who embraced Christianity. This resulted in a faster spreading of Christianity, although many areas within the kingdom continued to remain pagan.
The Hausa city-states of the north of the Lower Niger-Benue Rivers continue to flourish in emerging city-states. Further southwards, in the forest zone, the Yorubas were developing their kingdom around Ife, west of the Niger Delta, while to its east was the Igbo kingdom of Nri. Not much is to say here, only than there was development of state-organized societies as far south as this. As you have probably deduced, all these realms are of course animists, with some general exposure to Christianity, caused by the occasional visit of a Songhic merchant or two among the Hausa.
The middle reaches of the Niger River, downstream from the bend were controlled by the Songhai kingdom, which was now effectively Christianized. The Songhai people played a crucial role in transmitting Christianity southwards into the further reaches of Sub-Saharan West Africa. As mentioned previously, the Songhai adopted an alphabet based upon the Tifinagh script (2). Being the language of both priests, officials and merchants, the Songhai language spread rapidly throughout the realm of Songhai, displacing any other local languages
The Mossi realm of Wagadugu (3) lay to the south of the Niger Bend, and had only scarce contact with its northern neighbour. Different was the situation of the southwestern neighbour of Songhai, called Wagadou (4). This kingdom came into increased contact with Songhai, but also Berber merchants coming from the north, mainly Sijilmassa. Evidence suggests that the realm of Wagadou at this time was a rather decentralized feudal kingdom, with the presence of local nobility.
Forms of societal organization in West Africa
Sometime in the second half of the eleventh century, it appears that the nobility of the Wagadou realm converted to Donatist Christianity. The date of this conversion is traditionally established to be somewhere at 1064 (5). The conversion account is written in the chronicle of the Archdiocese of Gao
“And then the Ghana of Wagadou sent us a delegation of nobles, along with his nephew and arrived at Gao. They arrived in the late afternoon. When Kinkin, the king of Gao and Songhai learnt of these guests, he invited them to the feast he was having with his nobles. Thus the travellers were refreshed, and in the early morning Kinkin accepted them in front of his throne. They spoke of how their wise and elderly are astonished, when the Wagadouan merchants return home from our country, of the great changes they hear. And that they believe it is because we are in the favour of the Most Powerful God. So they came humbly to ask as for a priest or shaman of this faith, who would teach them the ways of this creed. Kinkin then went to the Archbishop, who after hearing this felt great joy, for he could continue in the great feat of the Apostles, and fulfil the task to teach all nations. Thus he called for two priests from the west of the country, known to be great preachers and fluent in the tongue of the Wagadou, their names being Butru and Yaqu.” It is then said about their arrival to Djenne and the baptism of the Ghana and his nobles, and the building of churches.
As could have been anticipated, the nobles of Wagadou begin grumbling a few decades later, that they understand nothing at mass. Coincidenally, a few merchants and another handful of traders begun experimenting with writing down the Mande language of the Wagadou realm with the Songhai script. A new letter here, a new letter here, an omission of this sign over there…. And you have it. The Songhai script was modified to appease the phonology of the Mande language, and soon at Djenne you had the bishop gathering over sixty scribes and five interpreters.
First, a sentence was read out in Songhaic. Then, the five interpreters discussed, how to translate best. Once they agreed, the scribes noted it down. Twice or thrice. The whole process took quite a while, but at the end you had around 150 copies. A half was quickly distributed to the churches. The rest was kept, to be copied again and again (6).
Anyhow, by the year 1100 you have the majority of the urban centers of Wagadou going Christian, while native African traditional religions and practices dominating the rural areas.
The realm of Takrur, based along the Senegal River was also to adopt Christianity. They were a couple of centuries earlier than the Wagadou, and converted directly from the Berbers. The Takrur cultivated cotton and cloth, and had established also maritime links with not only Maurtain, but also the Iberian Peninsula as well.
A political map of the region
As for the realms to the north of the Great Desert, we can start again from the east and continue westwards. The Tafircans, based in Carthage, were prepared to build an empire worthy of their ancestors. Once more however, climate decided otherwise, and it came to be the Tuareg of Fazan who took over much of Tibwitana, and not the Tafircans subjugating Fazan. The Punic speakers of Sirte took advantage of the opportunity and established an independent merchant republic, ready to make some profit. After all, they the descendants of the Carthaginians, so they should have the merchant gene in their blood.
The Tafircans are already ruling over southern Sardinia and the Balearic islands; their attention has shifted towards Sicily, which they rapidly conquered, seizing the opportunity of the weak Doukas emperors and the chaotic aftermath of the Battle at Hierapolis for the Rhomaic Empire.
The seizure of Sicily has given the Tafircans an even larger share over the trade in the Mediterranean. Undisputedly, Tafirca in the 11th century is Romance-speaking monarchy, fully part of the west Mediterranean cultural region.
The Berber clans invading Tibwitana care out their own little chiefdom, independent from those further inland (7). The whole change is also accompanied by a retreat of Latin language and Chalcedonian Christianity in the Tibwitana region.
The Sahara has become so arid and so hot, that the Tafircans are now fully focusing northwards, looking at the Mediterranean, perhaps caring also about the highland plateaus of the Atlas, but have no more interest in expanding into the Sahara.
The western end of the Tamazgha is dominated by two realms. In the south, is the city state of Sijilmassa, ruling over a network of oases spanning the western Sahara trade routes. Sijilamassa is a plutocratic monarchy; however it is about to get into serious trouble, as its environment is subject to desertification and is becoming more and more uninhabitable.
The expansion of the Sijilmassa mercantile empire, as well as climate change saw important demographic changes in the western Sahara. Any remaining Niger-Congo peoples in the area would have retreated southwards, and the Berber tongue comes to dominate the region. The native religion of the Imraguen is also supplanted by Donatist Christianity.
Languages in West Africa
To the north of the Atlas Mountains, Maourtanya grows to become the regional hegemon, conquering also the realm of Warsenis, thus establishing a common border with Tafirca. Berber independence in the Atlas Mountains remains preserved only in the regions to the south of the main ridge, in Mzab and Touggourt.
The religions of West Africa.
The kings of Maourtanya continue a policy of converting their subjects, be they Barghawata or Doantist, to Chalcedonian faith. This has resulted ultimately in the conversion of the entire shoreline from Carthage to Tangier and beyond, to Chalcedonian Christianity. By this time, religious head of the Donatist Church is forced once more to relocate; the choice being Sijilmassa this time (8).
(1) Corresponing to Tchad, southeastern Niger, northeastern Nigeria and northernmost Cameroon
(2) I am speculating here a lot. But I believe than the Songhaic language and alphabet could play a similar role as did Greek for Europe or Syriac for the Silk Road cultures. I mean, without Arabic, you will need a lingua franca, and a liturgical language for the area. Nevertheless, we must keep in mind, that Songhaic is essentially different from the surrounding languages of the area, as it belongs to the Nilo-Saharan languages, while all the remaining languages of West Africa belong to the Niger-Congo language family. Therefore, I doubt that it could play the same role as Latin does in Western Europe…
(3) Based in Burkina Faso
(4) Or Ghana. This realm was based in southwestern Mali and adjacent parts of Mauritania.
(5) Historically, the date of conversion to islam was at 1076.
(6) Now let us consider the fact that this Mandé version of the Bible was a translation of the Songhai version. Which itself was a translation of a Berber Bible. That being a translation of the Vulgata. With so many translations, you risk of some things getting distorted, making a handful of passages quite different from the original. You know where we are heading… *smells of heretic concepts*
(7) After all, the Middle Ages are a period of fragmentation in Europe as well, so why should North Africa be any different?
(8) Although Gao appears to have become the new center of the Donatist Church, I believe a total shift to the south would hasten the collapse of Donatism in the north.
The Hausa city-states of the north of the Lower Niger-Benue Rivers continue to flourish in emerging city-states. Further southwards, in the forest zone, the Yorubas were developing their kingdom around Ife, west of the Niger Delta, while to its east was the Igbo kingdom of Nri. Not much is to say here, only than there was development of state-organized societies as far south as this. As you have probably deduced, all these realms are of course animists, with some general exposure to Christianity, caused by the occasional visit of a Songhic merchant or two among the Hausa.
The middle reaches of the Niger River, downstream from the bend were controlled by the Songhai kingdom, which was now effectively Christianized. The Songhai people played a crucial role in transmitting Christianity southwards into the further reaches of Sub-Saharan West Africa. As mentioned previously, the Songhai adopted an alphabet based upon the Tifinagh script (2). Being the language of both priests, officials and merchants, the Songhai language spread rapidly throughout the realm of Songhai, displacing any other local languages
The Mossi realm of Wagadugu (3) lay to the south of the Niger Bend, and had only scarce contact with its northern neighbour. Different was the situation of the southwestern neighbour of Songhai, called Wagadou (4). This kingdom came into increased contact with Songhai, but also Berber merchants coming from the north, mainly Sijilmassa. Evidence suggests that the realm of Wagadou at this time was a rather decentralized feudal kingdom, with the presence of local nobility.
Forms of societal organization in West Africa
Sometime in the second half of the eleventh century, it appears that the nobility of the Wagadou realm converted to Donatist Christianity. The date of this conversion is traditionally established to be somewhere at 1064 (5). The conversion account is written in the chronicle of the Archdiocese of Gao
“And then the Ghana of Wagadou sent us a delegation of nobles, along with his nephew and arrived at Gao. They arrived in the late afternoon. When Kinkin, the king of Gao and Songhai learnt of these guests, he invited them to the feast he was having with his nobles. Thus the travellers were refreshed, and in the early morning Kinkin accepted them in front of his throne. They spoke of how their wise and elderly are astonished, when the Wagadouan merchants return home from our country, of the great changes they hear. And that they believe it is because we are in the favour of the Most Powerful God. So they came humbly to ask as for a priest or shaman of this faith, who would teach them the ways of this creed. Kinkin then went to the Archbishop, who after hearing this felt great joy, for he could continue in the great feat of the Apostles, and fulfil the task to teach all nations. Thus he called for two priests from the west of the country, known to be great preachers and fluent in the tongue of the Wagadou, their names being Butru and Yaqu.” It is then said about their arrival to Djenne and the baptism of the Ghana and his nobles, and the building of churches.
As could have been anticipated, the nobles of Wagadou begin grumbling a few decades later, that they understand nothing at mass. Coincidenally, a few merchants and another handful of traders begun experimenting with writing down the Mande language of the Wagadou realm with the Songhai script. A new letter here, a new letter here, an omission of this sign over there…. And you have it. The Songhai script was modified to appease the phonology of the Mande language, and soon at Djenne you had the bishop gathering over sixty scribes and five interpreters.
First, a sentence was read out in Songhaic. Then, the five interpreters discussed, how to translate best. Once they agreed, the scribes noted it down. Twice or thrice. The whole process took quite a while, but at the end you had around 150 copies. A half was quickly distributed to the churches. The rest was kept, to be copied again and again (6).
Anyhow, by the year 1100 you have the majority of the urban centers of Wagadou going Christian, while native African traditional religions and practices dominating the rural areas.
The realm of Takrur, based along the Senegal River was also to adopt Christianity. They were a couple of centuries earlier than the Wagadou, and converted directly from the Berbers. The Takrur cultivated cotton and cloth, and had established also maritime links with not only Maurtain, but also the Iberian Peninsula as well.
A political map of the region
As for the realms to the north of the Great Desert, we can start again from the east and continue westwards. The Tafircans, based in Carthage, were prepared to build an empire worthy of their ancestors. Once more however, climate decided otherwise, and it came to be the Tuareg of Fazan who took over much of Tibwitana, and not the Tafircans subjugating Fazan. The Punic speakers of Sirte took advantage of the opportunity and established an independent merchant republic, ready to make some profit. After all, they the descendants of the Carthaginians, so they should have the merchant gene in their blood.
The Tafircans are already ruling over southern Sardinia and the Balearic islands; their attention has shifted towards Sicily, which they rapidly conquered, seizing the opportunity of the weak Doukas emperors and the chaotic aftermath of the Battle at Hierapolis for the Rhomaic Empire.
The seizure of Sicily has given the Tafircans an even larger share over the trade in the Mediterranean. Undisputedly, Tafirca in the 11th century is Romance-speaking monarchy, fully part of the west Mediterranean cultural region.
The Berber clans invading Tibwitana care out their own little chiefdom, independent from those further inland (7). The whole change is also accompanied by a retreat of Latin language and Chalcedonian Christianity in the Tibwitana region.
The Sahara has become so arid and so hot, that the Tafircans are now fully focusing northwards, looking at the Mediterranean, perhaps caring also about the highland plateaus of the Atlas, but have no more interest in expanding into the Sahara.
The western end of the Tamazgha is dominated by two realms. In the south, is the city state of Sijilmassa, ruling over a network of oases spanning the western Sahara trade routes. Sijilamassa is a plutocratic monarchy; however it is about to get into serious trouble, as its environment is subject to desertification and is becoming more and more uninhabitable.
The expansion of the Sijilmassa mercantile empire, as well as climate change saw important demographic changes in the western Sahara. Any remaining Niger-Congo peoples in the area would have retreated southwards, and the Berber tongue comes to dominate the region. The native religion of the Imraguen is also supplanted by Donatist Christianity.
Languages in West Africa
To the north of the Atlas Mountains, Maourtanya grows to become the regional hegemon, conquering also the realm of Warsenis, thus establishing a common border with Tafirca. Berber independence in the Atlas Mountains remains preserved only in the regions to the south of the main ridge, in Mzab and Touggourt.
The religions of West Africa.
The kings of Maourtanya continue a policy of converting their subjects, be they Barghawata or Doantist, to Chalcedonian faith. This has resulted ultimately in the conversion of the entire shoreline from Carthage to Tangier and beyond, to Chalcedonian Christianity. By this time, religious head of the Donatist Church is forced once more to relocate; the choice being Sijilmassa this time (8).
(1) Corresponing to Tchad, southeastern Niger, northeastern Nigeria and northernmost Cameroon
(2) I am speculating here a lot. But I believe than the Songhaic language and alphabet could play a similar role as did Greek for Europe or Syriac for the Silk Road cultures. I mean, without Arabic, you will need a lingua franca, and a liturgical language for the area. Nevertheless, we must keep in mind, that Songhaic is essentially different from the surrounding languages of the area, as it belongs to the Nilo-Saharan languages, while all the remaining languages of West Africa belong to the Niger-Congo language family. Therefore, I doubt that it could play the same role as Latin does in Western Europe…
(3) Based in Burkina Faso
(4) Or Ghana. This realm was based in southwestern Mali and adjacent parts of Mauritania.
(5) Historically, the date of conversion to islam was at 1076.
(6) Now let us consider the fact that this Mandé version of the Bible was a translation of the Songhai version. Which itself was a translation of a Berber Bible. That being a translation of the Vulgata. With so many translations, you risk of some things getting distorted, making a handful of passages quite different from the original. You know where we are heading… *smells of heretic concepts*
(7) After all, the Middle Ages are a period of fragmentation in Europe as well, so why should North Africa be any different?
(8) Although Gao appears to have become the new center of the Donatist Church, I believe a total shift to the south would hasten the collapse of Donatism in the north.
Chapter 66: The City-States of Bética and Italia
As had been hinted in the previous update concerning Iberia, the kingdom of Hispania was lready experiencing centrifugal tensions. The estates of the realm were waiting for a succession crisis to tear the realm apart. That happened in 1015 (1), and the landowners in the north found themselves alienated from the bourgeoisie of the south.
Forms of government in the Western Mediterranean
Effectively, the realm was shattered, with two large feudal duchies or kingdoms emerging in the north: those of Toletu (2) and Lusitania (3). In the Iberian mountains, south of the Ebro basin, another lordship based around Barracin (4) emerged.
Territorially, the largest successor state in the south was the Republic of Cotestania, covering the south-eastern corner of the Peninsula, based in Cartagena.
Valencia in on the eastern coast sought to counter the influence of Carthage in the west Mediterranean trade. Any such move was however blocked by the Carthaginian possession of the Balearic isles.
As for Bética, this highly urbanized area in the south of the Peninsula had become fractured into a handful of merchant republics: those of Granada, Malaga, Corduba, Sevilla and Silves (5). The largest of those was Sevilla, occupying the Guadalquivir estuary. The southernmost tip of the Peninsula came to be occupied by Maourtanya.
A political map of Italy and Iberia
The merchant republics of southern Hispania found themselves in a very competitive environment; with conflicts emerging rather often than not. Frequent wars lead to a trend of hiring mercenaries. Especially the Northmen were hired rather often; and they have managed to take over the state of Silves in the southernmost extremity of Lusitania after they failed to fulfil their contracts.
The Northmen (6) have seized their opportunity and from their base in southern Lusitania they gradually conquered all of Lusitania, preventing a southward expansion of Asturia. The biggest rivals of Northman Lusitania are Sevilla, based in the Guadalquivir Delta. Their ambition was to unify western Bética, which they commence by kicking out the Maourtanians out of Bética.
The collection of city-states led not only to endemic warfare in the region, but also to a wave of innovation in the area. Antique heritage was preserved here better than anywhere else in the Mediterranean, and the mayors employed scientists and scholars to seek new ways to employ things. This marks perhaps the end of the dark ages. Due to constant warfare, thinkers start to turn back their attention at humanities, reading the works of Greek classics, and start writing their own works on politics.
Quite a few Antique books were copied in Bética
Hernan Garzia of Malaga writes: “In towns, where the air is free, and no King nor Emperor imposes his yoke upon the townsfolk, it is the one man who prospers. The artisan in the guilds or the merchant bringing goods from all around the known world. It is the collection of men themselves who rule the city, and from the nature of things, this is the path which is natural to man in his dignity as the Child of God. Once you have men educated, men who are wise, this is what is best for the city. It has been so ever since the war of Athenians against the Persians, since the expulsion of Kings from Rome. Yet the city must grow in virtue, for if not, it will descend to a clash of factions, which can be solved either by one destroying the other or an intervention from outside”.
The earlier landings in the Canary Islands by now take the form of an outright maritime race between Norman Lusitania, Sevilla and Maourtain.
During this process, a lost Lusitan ship arrives at Madeira and builds a first colony or naval base. The islands themselves were ultimately divided between the Maourtanians who came to control the eastern Canary Islands : Planasia (7), Pluvialia (8) and Canaria (9). The western isles were taken over by Béticans: Nivaria, Ombrion, Junonia and Capraria (10). The rule of Sevillans and Maourtanians over the archipelago had an indirect form at this stage, with most of the islands still run by local chiefs, who were however tributary to Bétican and Maourtanian bases and administration in the major ports.
From the linguistic point of view, the Ibero-Romance language is now diverging into dialects, which could be described as languages in their own right. In the northwest, we have Galician and Asturian, in the west there is Lusitan (11). The urban south is home to Bétican (12), plus a large Sephardic Jewish community speaking their own variant of Romance called Ladino. Carpetan (13) is the name of the variety spoken in the central parts of the Peninsula. In the east, we have two more varieties belonging to the Ibero-Romance branch, Cotestan (14) and Edetan (15).
The region of the Pyrenes does not belong to the area of the Ibero-Romance languages. The Taraconese language (16) is grouped with the Occitan language; and the southwestern slopes of the Pyrenes are populated by the Basques, a people not belonging to the Indo-European language family.
Moving on across the Western Mediterranean we arrive in the Appenine Peninsula. Italy is rather fragmented. In the south, in Apulia, and Calabria we view the westernmost extent of the Rhomaic Empire. A little further northwards are the two Lombard duchies of Salerno and Benevento, at times united, at times divided, with Salerno corresponding more or less to southern Campania and and Benevento based in the area formerly known as Samnium,. That is interior Campania plus northern Apulia plus Molise. (17)
The Arch of Tajan, one of the dominants of Beneventum
The coastal area known as Campania remains fractured. The weakening of Rhomaic power after the Seljuq invasion resulted in the independence of any coastal enclaves that were still extant. By 1100 AD, Campania is a vibrant coastal region home to the merchant republic of Amalfi in the central region (taking over the trade in the Tyrrhenian Sea), and then we have the Duchy of Capua on the way to Rome.
The Papal State extends from Siena in Tuscany down to the borders of the Duchy of Capua. The position of the Patriarch of Rome is rather unique in the Chlacedonian Church. In contrast to the remaining four patriarchs, the Roman one has for quite some time indeed outside of control of the Rhomaic Empire, and enjoyed a much higher authority in the lands the former Western Empire. In fact, it was the Pope who was viewed as the ultimate arbiter in disputes between two Christian realms in the west. In the East, it has been very much the opposite. In the East, it was the Emperor who would call councils and resolve religious disputes. The Roman Church was present in a very strong form as an institution independent from the many feudal realms in the west; a centralized institution with a model very much akin to that of the Church of the East.
Further inland, based in Umbria is the Duchy of Spoleto, another remnant of Lombard kingdom. The Popes were being decisive on the issue of preventing Spoleto become part of the Kingdom of Italy, the dominant power in the north of the Peninsula.
The Kingdom of Italy is one of the successor states of Francia, bound by the Alps, the Adige and the Po in the north, thus controlling Liguria, Lombardy, Tuscany and Emilia with Romagna. This kingdom is rather instable, for you still have the appetite of the German Emperors to reclaim the imperial authority over Rome, and northern Italy stands right in the middle. Then you have still a couple of dukes, especially those of Tuscany. The urban culture in Italy remains preserved, similarly to that of Bética, and therefore any bold feudal lords found heavy resistance against their plans among the the cityfolk. Many cities had won direct royal protection in their disputes with the local landlords.
The historic centre of Pisa,
Yet unmentioned remain the rich maritime republics of Pisa (controlling also Corsica and northeastern Sardinia) and Venice (controlling Istria). These two become the main contenders of Tafrica over the trade in Mediterranean Sea. Neither of them was ever fully under Francian rule. Pisa actually maintained its institutions since the Roman Empire. Venice on the otherhand became free from any rhomaic influences and began swiftly taking over the trade in the Adriatic
(1) Historically in 1009.
(2) Toledo
(3) Portugal south of the Duero plus Extramadura
(4) Albarracin OTL
(5) In the Algarve
(6) Yes we are doing a slight parallel to the Hauteville (Altavilla) conquest of the Italian Mezzogiorno here. If we put capable Norsemen in charge of Portugal, are we going to have an early Columbus?
(7) Roman name of Fuerteventura
(8) Roman name of Lanzarote
(9) Roman name of Gran Canaria
(10)Roman names for Tenerife, La Palma, El Hierro and La Gomera, respectively
(11)In the area of most of Portugal, Estramadura plus southern León.
(12) Perhaps Bétican could be described as Mozarabic without the Arabic influences?
(13)Carpetania is the name of the region in central Spain around Toledo. Thus Carpetan is a more southern-based variety of Castillan
(14)Contestania is an old geographical name for the region around Cartagena.
(15)Spoken in Valencia plus Aragón south of the Ebro River.
(16)Alt-Catalan
(17)Without the Hauteville, the Mezzogiorno continues to look like it did before. This means it continues to be fractured, with Benevento being the major center of power in the inland region; Campania remains fractured into Salerno, Amalfi and Capua. Thus we have vibrant merchant republics even in the Mezzogiorno. This may also mean that there is a change of mentality in the area, perhaps even butterflying away the Italian mafia. Who knows, perhaps.
Forms of government in the Western Mediterranean
Effectively, the realm was shattered, with two large feudal duchies or kingdoms emerging in the north: those of Toletu (2) and Lusitania (3). In the Iberian mountains, south of the Ebro basin, another lordship based around Barracin (4) emerged.
Territorially, the largest successor state in the south was the Republic of Cotestania, covering the south-eastern corner of the Peninsula, based in Cartagena.
Valencia in on the eastern coast sought to counter the influence of Carthage in the west Mediterranean trade. Any such move was however blocked by the Carthaginian possession of the Balearic isles.
As for Bética, this highly urbanized area in the south of the Peninsula had become fractured into a handful of merchant republics: those of Granada, Malaga, Corduba, Sevilla and Silves (5). The largest of those was Sevilla, occupying the Guadalquivir estuary. The southernmost tip of the Peninsula came to be occupied by Maourtanya.
A political map of Italy and Iberia
The merchant republics of southern Hispania found themselves in a very competitive environment; with conflicts emerging rather often than not. Frequent wars lead to a trend of hiring mercenaries. Especially the Northmen were hired rather often; and they have managed to take over the state of Silves in the southernmost extremity of Lusitania after they failed to fulfil their contracts.
The Northmen (6) have seized their opportunity and from their base in southern Lusitania they gradually conquered all of Lusitania, preventing a southward expansion of Asturia. The biggest rivals of Northman Lusitania are Sevilla, based in the Guadalquivir Delta. Their ambition was to unify western Bética, which they commence by kicking out the Maourtanians out of Bética.
The collection of city-states led not only to endemic warfare in the region, but also to a wave of innovation in the area. Antique heritage was preserved here better than anywhere else in the Mediterranean, and the mayors employed scientists and scholars to seek new ways to employ things. This marks perhaps the end of the dark ages. Due to constant warfare, thinkers start to turn back their attention at humanities, reading the works of Greek classics, and start writing their own works on politics.
Quite a few Antique books were copied in Bética
Hernan Garzia of Malaga writes: “In towns, where the air is free, and no King nor Emperor imposes his yoke upon the townsfolk, it is the one man who prospers. The artisan in the guilds or the merchant bringing goods from all around the known world. It is the collection of men themselves who rule the city, and from the nature of things, this is the path which is natural to man in his dignity as the Child of God. Once you have men educated, men who are wise, this is what is best for the city. It has been so ever since the war of Athenians against the Persians, since the expulsion of Kings from Rome. Yet the city must grow in virtue, for if not, it will descend to a clash of factions, which can be solved either by one destroying the other or an intervention from outside”.
The earlier landings in the Canary Islands by now take the form of an outright maritime race between Norman Lusitania, Sevilla and Maourtain.
During this process, a lost Lusitan ship arrives at Madeira and builds a first colony or naval base. The islands themselves were ultimately divided between the Maourtanians who came to control the eastern Canary Islands : Planasia (7), Pluvialia (8) and Canaria (9). The western isles were taken over by Béticans: Nivaria, Ombrion, Junonia and Capraria (10). The rule of Sevillans and Maourtanians over the archipelago had an indirect form at this stage, with most of the islands still run by local chiefs, who were however tributary to Bétican and Maourtanian bases and administration in the major ports.
From the linguistic point of view, the Ibero-Romance language is now diverging into dialects, which could be described as languages in their own right. In the northwest, we have Galician and Asturian, in the west there is Lusitan (11). The urban south is home to Bétican (12), plus a large Sephardic Jewish community speaking their own variant of Romance called Ladino. Carpetan (13) is the name of the variety spoken in the central parts of the Peninsula. In the east, we have two more varieties belonging to the Ibero-Romance branch, Cotestan (14) and Edetan (15).
The region of the Pyrenes does not belong to the area of the Ibero-Romance languages. The Taraconese language (16) is grouped with the Occitan language; and the southwestern slopes of the Pyrenes are populated by the Basques, a people not belonging to the Indo-European language family.
Moving on across the Western Mediterranean we arrive in the Appenine Peninsula. Italy is rather fragmented. In the south, in Apulia, and Calabria we view the westernmost extent of the Rhomaic Empire. A little further northwards are the two Lombard duchies of Salerno and Benevento, at times united, at times divided, with Salerno corresponding more or less to southern Campania and and Benevento based in the area formerly known as Samnium,. That is interior Campania plus northern Apulia plus Molise. (17)
The Arch of Tajan, one of the dominants of Beneventum
The coastal area known as Campania remains fractured. The weakening of Rhomaic power after the Seljuq invasion resulted in the independence of any coastal enclaves that were still extant. By 1100 AD, Campania is a vibrant coastal region home to the merchant republic of Amalfi in the central region (taking over the trade in the Tyrrhenian Sea), and then we have the Duchy of Capua on the way to Rome.
The Papal State extends from Siena in Tuscany down to the borders of the Duchy of Capua. The position of the Patriarch of Rome is rather unique in the Chlacedonian Church. In contrast to the remaining four patriarchs, the Roman one has for quite some time indeed outside of control of the Rhomaic Empire, and enjoyed a much higher authority in the lands the former Western Empire. In fact, it was the Pope who was viewed as the ultimate arbiter in disputes between two Christian realms in the west. In the East, it has been very much the opposite. In the East, it was the Emperor who would call councils and resolve religious disputes. The Roman Church was present in a very strong form as an institution independent from the many feudal realms in the west; a centralized institution with a model very much akin to that of the Church of the East.
Further inland, based in Umbria is the Duchy of Spoleto, another remnant of Lombard kingdom. The Popes were being decisive on the issue of preventing Spoleto become part of the Kingdom of Italy, the dominant power in the north of the Peninsula.
The Kingdom of Italy is one of the successor states of Francia, bound by the Alps, the Adige and the Po in the north, thus controlling Liguria, Lombardy, Tuscany and Emilia with Romagna. This kingdom is rather instable, for you still have the appetite of the German Emperors to reclaim the imperial authority over Rome, and northern Italy stands right in the middle. Then you have still a couple of dukes, especially those of Tuscany. The urban culture in Italy remains preserved, similarly to that of Bética, and therefore any bold feudal lords found heavy resistance against their plans among the the cityfolk. Many cities had won direct royal protection in their disputes with the local landlords.
The historic centre of Pisa,
Yet unmentioned remain the rich maritime republics of Pisa (controlling also Corsica and northeastern Sardinia) and Venice (controlling Istria). These two become the main contenders of Tafrica over the trade in Mediterranean Sea. Neither of them was ever fully under Francian rule. Pisa actually maintained its institutions since the Roman Empire. Venice on the otherhand became free from any rhomaic influences and began swiftly taking over the trade in the Adriatic
(1) Historically in 1009.
(2) Toledo
(3) Portugal south of the Duero plus Extramadura
(4) Albarracin OTL
(5) In the Algarve
(6) Yes we are doing a slight parallel to the Hauteville (Altavilla) conquest of the Italian Mezzogiorno here. If we put capable Norsemen in charge of Portugal, are we going to have an early Columbus?
(7) Roman name of Fuerteventura
(8) Roman name of Lanzarote
(9) Roman name of Gran Canaria
(10)Roman names for Tenerife, La Palma, El Hierro and La Gomera, respectively
(11)In the area of most of Portugal, Estramadura plus southern León.
(12) Perhaps Bétican could be described as Mozarabic without the Arabic influences?
(13)Carpetania is the name of the region in central Spain around Toledo. Thus Carpetan is a more southern-based variety of Castillan
(14)Contestania is an old geographical name for the region around Cartagena.
(15)Spoken in Valencia plus Aragón south of the Ebro River.
(16)Alt-Catalan
(17)Without the Hauteville, the Mezzogiorno continues to look like it did before. This means it continues to be fractured, with Benevento being the major center of power in the inland region; Campania remains fractured into Salerno, Amalfi and Capua. Thus we have vibrant merchant republics even in the Mezzogiorno. This may also mean that there is a change of mentality in the area, perhaps even butterflying away the Italian mafia. Who knows, perhaps.