Civil War Sealion: The Capture of Washington, D.C.

Before jumping into the Final Countdown again, I'll be editing this and posting it in the TL's section of the forum. If anyone has any more comments, speak now or forever hold your peace.


Just a thought, but you may want to consider adding a Bibliography at the end.

Other than that, I've had a nagging little query going on, in the back of my head, about the number of Union troops defending Washington during Antietam. Albeit it's not overly important, but you've listed 30 000 troops. Now from my sources, I have III & XI Corps deployed thereabouts, not to mention what would become XXII Corps (the Washington Garrison). As such, I'd dare estimate that there would be around Union 40 000 troops involved in the defence, which would further your arguments about Washington being impregnable...
 
What source are you getting the numbers from? Unfortunately, I haven't got a full copy of The Official Records nearby (the cost of 70 volumes being what it is) but I'd really like to know for reference purposes. Thanks!
 
What source are you getting the numbers from? Unfortunately, I haven't got a full copy of The Official Records nearby (the cost of 70 volumes being what it is) but I'd really like to know for reference purposes. Thanks!


Admittedly exact numbers for III & XI Corps are next to impossible to get. Instead the ones offered here are estimates based on various Osprey publications - notably Fredericksburg 1862, Smith, C. Osprey Publishing, 1999 which has III Corps numbers at 20 575 on page 25; And Second Manassas 1862, Langellier, J. Osprey Publishing, 2002 which has XI Corps (then I Corps of the US Army of Virginia) at 12 500 on page 86.

Needless to say the numbers for the Washington Garrison are hard to track down, as they were forever changing, even when it was formed as XXII Corps. Still something like 5 000 to 7 000 wouldn't be an unreasonable figure at the time of Antietam.
 

67th Tigers

Banned
Washington is not particularly well defended by European standards, but then Lee doesn't have a good siege train or sappers either.

The various works are certainly not mutually supporting, and there is no depth. It simply requires one determined assault against one of the strongpoints to get inside the perimeter.

For example, while 25,000 pax were in the city (at the time of Early's raid), only 9,500 were combatants, spread over 37 miles of defences. It was good fortune that the shipping happened to be in the fight place for a quick move of one of the Divisions of VI Corps to Washington City. Had Early been in a position to launch an attack on Ft Stevens, he would likely have overwhelmed it and breached the perimeter...

http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/civilwar/hrst.htm
 
Though I'm no military expert, Early's assault on Fort Stevens was intended only as a raid designed to take pressure off Lee. Had Early's force been any bigger than what it was, the Union would have concentrated more men on the city to respond to that bigger force. Also, the larger the force is, the more difficult it would have been to stage a surprise assault like the one Early did. Even if Early would have somehow been able breach the perimeter, he is in a bad position to be resupplied or reinforced. They would likely have been surrounded and slowly rooted out. This also applies if Lee had somehow managed to capture Washington.

No defensive fortifications can ever be considered truly iimpregnable, there is always a weakness somewhere. However, during the time of the Civil War, any army from any nation, whether it be the Confederate States or European, would have had a difficult time trying to breach the defenses of Washington D.C, never mind hold the city.

Yes, that includes your invincible red-coats:rolleyes:.
 
Washington is not particularly well defended by European standards, but then Lee doesn't have a good siege train or sappers either.

Point to me a city in Europe that was defended by over 800 cannon in 60+ forts, covering a perimeter of 35 miles, and I'll believe that statement. The lines of Torres Vedras during the Napoleonic Wars match or surpass those of Washington in sheer size, but those were constructed in the first decade of the century, over 50 years earlier. Thanks to advances in gun design, Washington's defenses were their superior in killing power and the number of guns (Torres Vedras mustered 534 cannon at its peak, Washington over 800).

The various works are certainly not mutually supporting, and there is no depth. It simply requires one determined assault against one of the strongpoints to get inside the perimeter.

If they're not mutually supporting, explain the hundreds of shells fired by Fort DeRussy in support of Fort Stevens during the battle, and the fire contributed by Batteries Smeade, Sill, and two others? General Barnard's 1862 report to McClellan makes it clear that the forts were constructed "to occupy the commanding points within cannon range of each other by field forts, the fire of which shall sweep all approaches. These forts furnish the secure emplacements of artillery." (Emphasis mine)

Take a look at this map that I uploaded to Wikipedia. It gives you a good idea of the number of forts and the size of the area they were defending.

No, it's not the defenses of Iwo Jima, and no, you're not going to have interlocking fields of machine-gun fire, but given the opponent it was likely to face, the defenses were more than enough. The direct approach to the city (through Virginia) had two lines of defenses -- the Arlington Line, then the forts along the Potomac (Fort Scott, Runyon, Corcoran, etc.) The forts not in the direct approaches constituted a single line of defense, it is true, but one that served the purpose intended -- to provide strongpoints to be garrisonned against surprise attack and to allow for ready positions for more troops should the city come under direct attack. The system worked exactly as planned during Early's raid (albeit with no small confusion about command structures).

For example, while 25,000 pax were in the city (at the time of Early's raid), only 9,500 were combatants, spread over 37 miles of defences. It was good fortune that the shipping happened to be in the fight place for a quick move of one of the Divisions of VI Corps to Washington City. Had Early been in a position to launch an attack on Ft Stevens, he would likely have overwhelmed it and breached the perimeter.

The 9,500 figure comes from historian Frank Vandiver, rather than any definitive source. It's also only an estimate, as the July 10 report indicates an aggregate strength of 23,000, with a combat-available strength of 17,000. Now, I won't deny that the battle was a close-run thing. But it's important to consider that the Washington Garrison in July 1864 still mustered over 20,000 assigned troops after a spring and summer in which General Grant had methodically stripped the forts of most of the experienced gunners in order to fight in the trenches of Petersburg.

But it must be considered that the system of defenses worked, even after they'd been stripped of much of the men garrisonning them. General Early couldn't take Washington when its defenses were at its lowest ebb since July 1861, and if we take that 9,500 as Gospel truth (I wouldn't recommend it), he lost in the face of a force less than half his size. Early never came close to capturing Washington or even breaking through the defenses. He never committed his main force, and even though he clearly saw that "the parapets were empty," he never put more than a skirmishing line into contact with the Union forces. Early had over 12 hours before VI Corps arrived, and he chose to do nothing. I perfer to believe that he was deterred by the guns of Forts Stevens and DeRussy, but either way, he never gave the order to attack, and never came close to breaking through. When reinforcements arrived, it merely transformed what would have been close victory into an overwhelming one.

We saw how long it took Grant to capture Petersburg in the face of defenses oncstructed on the fly. Now imagine the same thing around Washington. The only thing that kept the city's defenses being even more impressive than they were was a lack of workers and troops to man the defenses. If Washington had come under direct large-scale assault, the forts would have been manned with veterans experienced in fighting Lee's army. Day after day, they'd be digging, further entrenching and further strengthening the defenses. If the Army of the Potomac had been driven into Washington, nothing but a European intervention could have forced the city's surrender.

And even without that army's help, (3 divisions of reinforcements at the Battle of Fort Stevensaren't much compared with the total strength of the Army of the Potomac) Washington proved fully capable of defending itself against a surprise attack as well.


Good link. One of the best sites around for information about Washington's defenses.
 
I was also about to mention Vauban. :p


Has there ever been a thread about inverse Sealion like moments?

By that I mean things in OTL that if turned out differently would make people assume they would have been inevitable.

The Russo-Japanese War might be one of those.

Had there not been a revolution in European Russia, the manpower superiority of Russia would have eventually steamrollered Japan out of Asia through Korea.
In that time, the two maxims of 'don't attack Russia when they have space to trade for time' and 'don't fight a land war in Asia' could have been combined.
People would look back and shake there heads at the Japanese idea they could succeed where Napoleon failed.
Professor Dutch gives us three of them, in the Civil War alone.

I'd add to that the War of 1812, where the USA can't invade Canada but can stay in the war after being invaded in three directions and having the capitol burned.

I do believe that such a thread once existed in the old OTL wargames section. "Most god-modded events in history" or something like that.
 

67th Tigers

Banned
Point to me a city in Europe that was defended by over 800 cannon in 60+ forts, covering a perimeter of 35 miles, and I'll believe that statement. The lines of Torres Vedras during the Napoleonic Wars match or surpass those of Washington in sheer size, but those were constructed in the first decade of the century, over 50 years earlier. Thanks to advances in gun design, Washington's defenses were their superior in killing power and the number of guns (Torres Vedras mustered 534 cannon at its peak, Washington over 800).

Circa the 1862 Maryland campaign the Defences of Washington mount 40 heavy guns and 80 field guns and mortars (by the ORs)


If they're not mutually supporting, explain the hundreds of shells fired by Fort DeRussy in support of Fort Stevens during the battle, and the fire contributed by Batteries Smeade, Sill, and two others? General Barnard's 1862 report to McClellan makes it clear that the forts were constructed "to occupy the commanding points within cannon range of each other by field forts, the fire of which shall sweep all approaches. These forts furnish the secure emplacements of artillery." (Emphasis mine)

The "Battle of Fort Stevens" was not localised, Early's Army of the Valley (15,000) probed several miles of defences (prettymuch the entire belt from NW to NNE of Washington). The Forts are in effect isolated strongpoints.

In fact he never entered the defences primary killin areas (i.e. crossing the Abatis), but rather spent his time sparing with a Cavalry brigade some miles north of the belt.

If he had decided to mass against a fort, he could quite possibly have lost 10% of his strength storming it, but he knew that VI Corps was already disembarking lead elements at sixth street docks, and that he'd lost the race.

And even without that army's help, (3 divisions of reinforcements at the Battle of Fort Stevensaren't much compared with the total strength of the Army of the Potomac) Washington proved fully capable of defending itself against a surprise attack as well.

They were a third of the AoP (remembering it had been reduced to 3 Corps (II, V and VI) of 15,000-20,000 from 7 of ca 6,000-8,000 by Grant, with IX Corps remaining a technically independent command cooperating with it).
 
Circa the 1862 Maryland campaign the Defences of Washington mount 40 heavy guns and 80 field guns and mortars (by the ORs)

In October 1861, fully a year before the beginning of the Maryland campaign, General Barnard reported to General McClellan that the defenses of Washington constituted 444 guns. (http://ehistory.osu.edu/osu/sources/recordView.cfm?Content=005/0628), Official Records I, Part 1, Volume 5, Part 1, page 628.

The "Battle of Fort Stevens" was not localised, Early's Army of the Valley (15,000) probed several miles of defences (prettymuch the entire belt from NW to NNE of Washington).

Indeed he did as he moved from west to east, eventually concentrating north of Fort Stevens shortly before noon. Several hours before that, General John McCausland made an attempt on Fort Reno, but was deterred by the guns of that fort as well as those of the batteries and forts surrounding it. This was long before any reinforcements from VI Corps arrived.

The Forts are in effect isolated strongpoints.

That statement is borne out neither by the maps, by General Barnard's reports, nor by the facts of the Battle of Fort Stevens itself.

In fact he never entered the defences primary killin areas (i.e. crossing the Abatis), but rather spent his time sparing with a Cavalry brigade some miles north of the belt.

Indeed he didn't, deterred as he was by the guns of the forts and batteries facing him. The "brigade" that opposed him was a mere 500 or so cavalry comprising the scraps of the Giesboro Cavalry Depot and a few men from the Eighth Illinois Cavalry who happened to be in the area. When compared with Early's 15,000-20,000-man force, that's peanuts.

If he had decided to mass against a fort, he could quite possibly have lost 10% of his strength storming it, but he knew that VI Corps was already disembarking lead elements at sixth street docks, and that he'd lost the race.

Let's say for the sake of argument that he does take the fort -- a fact that I find highly unlikely, but let's say he does. I believe your 10% figure is far too low -- something in the region of 20% would be more realistic. So having lost 3,000 men, what is he going to do now? Advance? To do so would mean meeting VI Corps in open combat north of the city limits as well as raise the threat of encirclement from the division that had moved to block McCausland's advance on Fort Reno.

It's a no-win situation for Early. Capturing the fort, (if he even can) does nothing for him. He needs to be in Washington, and any surprise attack during the war will meet that same fate. Even if it carries one or two forts, it still has to deal with whatever troops are in Washington itself all while being encircled. A siege is needed to tear a large gap in the lines, and the Confederacy could never afford the cost of such a siege. The defensive lines protecting Washington could be bent. Cracked? Perhaps. Broken? Never. Not without spending more lives than the Confederacy could afford to lose.

They were a third of the AoP (remembering it had been reduced to 3 Corps (II, V and VI) of 15,000-20,000 from 7 of ca 6,000-8,000 by Grant, with IX Corps remaining a technically independent command cooperating with it).

Good catch. I'd forgotten about the consolidation of corps. But that still makes my case for me -- if Washington could be defended by a single Corps this effectively, imagine how impressive the defenses would have been manned by three full Corps of the Union Army. There'd be several tens of thousands more Union soldiers outside the defenses, too (After all, the Union Army was quite a bit larger than just 80,000 men), proving my point that any siege attempt would have been a fatal move for the Army of Northern Virginia.

Incidentally, this has been one of the most fun debates I've ever had on this board, even though you are hopelessly wrong. :p
 
It always comes back to economics, and shear population. As much as many people might want the South to win, it doesn't matter if they had better leadership, or argueabley better troops.

Even with help from Europe, the South just didn't have the bodies, without wrecking thier economy, and even if they used every able bodied man, to defeat the North.

While I admit that they might have conceivably done better, I just can't see them overcoming the industrial, agricultural, and raw material advantages of the North. JMO...
 
While I admit that they might have conceivably done better, I just can't see them overcoming the industrial, agricultural, and raw material advantages of the North. JMO...

And in an extened seige, that's exactly what they'd be trying to do. Lee might win a battle, two, or even three -- but that would only allow him to approach Washington's defenses. And if he tries to force those defenses, he's going to take so many casualties that it's going to break the back of the Army of Northern Virginia and leave it open to attack by a reconstituted Army of the Potomac.
 

67th Tigers

Banned
In October 1861, fully a year before the beginning of the Maryland campaign, General Barnard reported to General McClellan that the defenses of Washington constituted 444 guns. (http://ehistory.osu.edu/osu/sources/recordView.cfm?Content=005/0628), Official Records I, Part 1, Volume 5, Part 1, page 628.

This is a letter requesting 444 guns be provided for the defences, not a statement of what currently exists. It's easier to read in a direct scan:

http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-...otisid=ANU4519-0005&coll=moa&frames=1&view=50

As you can see, this is a plan of what they were going to build, and the requirements of guns and men for it.

Let's say for the sake of argument that he does take the fort -- a fact that I find highly unlikely, but let's say he does. I believe your 10% figure is far too low -- something in the region of 20% would be more realistic. So having lost 3,000 men, what is he going to do now? Advance? To do so would mean meeting VI Corps in open combat north of the city limits as well as raise the threat of encirclement from the division that had moved to block McCausland's advance on Fort Reno.

How many men can be killed by a battery of guns in the 5-10 minutes it would take to cross the killing area (assuming they didn't do that very characteristic ACW tactic of standing in the killing area)? A couple of hundred shells would kill or wound a couple of hundred people (taking an average of one shell injuring 1 pax)

Good catch. I'd forgotten about the consolidation of corps. But that still makes my case for me -- if Washington could be defended by a single Corps this effectively, imagine how impressive the defenses would have been manned by three full Corps of the Union Army. There'd be several tens of thousands more Union soldiers outside the defenses, too (After all, the Union Army was quite a bit larger than just 80,000 men), proving my point that any siege attempt would have been a fatal move for the Army of Northern Virginia.

Incidentally, this has been one of the most fun debates I've ever had on this board, even though you are hopelessly wrong. :p

The field army by 1864 consists of:

Ao Potomac: Cav, II, V, VI and IX (although IX was quickly had independent as Burnside outranked Meade) (ca 118,000 men)
Ao James: X and XVIII (ca. 33,000 men)
Ao Shennandoah: VIII (ca. 10,000 men)

"Mississippi Army Group" (ca 100,000 men)
Ao Cumberland: XIV, XX,
Ao Tennessee: XV, XVI, XVII
Ao Ohio: XXIII

District of Arkansas was renamed VII Corps (ca. 7,000 men)
Ao Gulf: XIX Corps (ca. 15,000 men)

Department of Washington was named XXII Corps (ca. 10,000 men)

So the Union had 293,000 men (less than my calculation of 350,000, but I suspect many Army level cavalry and arty units are not counted) in the Field Army, plus an unknown number of garrisons scattered around in mid 1864.
 
The only reason DC was vulnerable was because Grant had pulled virtually all of the garrison into the field. Prior to that it was undoubtedly useful to the CSA for as many as 50,000 Union soldiers to require food and supplies and pay while never actually going into the field. At the time when Early was approaching the manpower had been so stripped that clerks and recovering wounded were being shoved in the defenses. Not the only time the 'invalid' units showed up. I'm trying to find my reference to a company sized unit in 1864 whose commander once boasted all of his men would fight, on the grounds that none of them were capable of running. Later the ad hoc unit was scrapped when horrified investigators reports almost 90% were unfit to serve, or to be outside a hospital!:eek:


67th, I'm pretty sure your figures are too low for the Mississippi and Trans-Mississippi regions. Thomas and Sherman between them disposed of more like 150,000 men in late 1864, not even including smaller contingents.

Also, I'm fairly confident that the Union didn't launch the ill-starred Red River campaign and occupy virtually all of Arkansas and Louisiana with only 22,000 men.


No reference to how the author of Ben Hur saved DC? http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Monocacy_Junction
 
This is a letter requesting 444 guns be provided for the defences, not a statement of what currently exists. It's easier to read in a direct scan:

http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-...otisid=ANU4519-0005&coll=moa&frames=1&view=50

As you can see, this is a plan of what they were going to build, and the requirements of guns and men for it.

Thanks for the link, but I don't see that in the report. I see a plan for full garrisons of the forts, and the handy tables provided show exactly how many men would be assigned to each fort. But that begs the question -- how can he determine how many gunners will be needed unless the guns are already available? He might be counting emplacements, but that doesn't sound like good planning, and if anything, 19th century engineers had to be good planners, and General J.G. Barnard was no exception.

No where in the link does it state that the guns are not yet emplaced. There are plenty of references about "full garrisons" and the need to have three crews for each gun, but no where does Barnard state that the guns themselves are not yet emplaced. I point you to this report, in which Barnard states, that though incomplete, the ring of forts mounted 443 guns in December, 1861. The incompleteness refers to the state of the forts and their garrisons, not to the guns themselves.

It is relatively easy to manufacture a gun -- it takes much longer to train a proficient artilleryman or build a fort. Guns can be fired without the benefit of either, but their effectiveness is much increased when one or either of those two factors are brought into play.

How many men can be killed by a battery of guns in the 5-10 minutes it would take to cross the killing area (assuming they didn't do that very characteristic ACW tactic of standing in the killing area)? A couple of hundred shells would kill or wound a couple of hundred people (taking an average of one shell injuring 1 pax)

How many? Look at the Battle of Cold Harbor. In seven minutes, approximately seven thousand Union soldiers fell. Cold Harbor was described as "the perfect killing ground," and every effort of the Union Army's engineers had already been made to ensure that the fields of fire of Washington's forts were nothing less than a perfect killing ground as well.

In OTL, Early suffered nearly 400 casualties from just his skirmishers who were in range of the fort's guns. Imagine the death toll from the densely-packed assault lines. These guns aren't going to be firing single cannon balls, they're going to be firing double-loaded cannister rounds that are going to slice through the Confederate forces with no less ferocity than a machine guns. Imagine four hundred pounds of inch-diameter lead balls -- with every shot from a single 10-inch gun.
 

67th Tigers

Banned
Thanks for the link, but I don't see that in the report. I see a plan for full garrisons of the forts, and the handy tables provided show exactly how many men would be assigned to each fort. But that begs the question -- how can he determine how many gunners will be needed unless the guns are already available? He might be counting emplacements, but that doesn't sound like good planning, and if anything, 19th century engineers had to be good planners, and General J.G. Barnard was no exception.

Because they've already planned the number of guns, and can make simple calculations.

No where in the link does it state that the guns are not yet emplaced. There are plenty of references about "full garrisons" and the need to have three crews for each gun, but no where does Barnard state that the guns themselves are not yet emplaced. I point you to this report, in which Barnard states, that though incomplete, the ring of forts mounted 443 guns in December, 1861. The incompleteness refers to the state of the forts and their garrisons, not to the guns themselves.

It says there are 443 emplacements, and that not all are mounted yet (in fact he implies about half, which is perhaps optimistic).

It is relatively easy to manufacture a gun -- it takes much longer to train a proficient artilleryman or build a fort. Guns can be fired without the benefit of either, but their effectiveness is much increased when one or either of those two factors are brought into play.

No, artillery manufacture is quite slow. The defenses of Washington primarily mounted 32pdr naval pieces and some 24pdrs.


How many? Look at the Battle of Cold Harbor. In seven minutes, approximately seven thousand Union soldiers fell. Cold Harbor was described as "the perfect killing ground," and every effort of the Union Army's engineers had already been made to ensure that the fields of fire of Washington's forts were nothing less than a perfect killing ground as well.

3,000 in 30 minutes (the charge itself, approx 1 casualty per minute per regiment that charged, actually a lower rate than a conventional firefight) and another 4,000 in the 9 hours the 40,000 attackers laid in the killing area before withdrawing after nightfall. Poor attack, it would have taken less casualties had the attackers kept going (and even less had the attacks been properly coordinated and not allowed 30,000 Confederates to concentrate their rifle fire on them).

In OTL, Early suffered nearly 400 casualties from just his skirmishers who were in range of the fort's guns. Imagine the death toll from the densely-packed assault lines. These guns aren't going to be firing single cannon balls, they're going to be firing double-loaded cannister rounds that are going to slice through the Confederate forces with no less ferocity than a machine guns. Imagine four hundred pounds of inch-diameter lead balls -- with every shot from a single 10-inch gun.

What 10 inch guns? The armament of Ft Stevens was 10x 24pdrs (4 on Barbettes, 6 on Siege mounts), 2x 8" Mortars, 1x Coehorn Mortar, 1x 10" Mortar and 5x 30pdr Parrotts.

The primary armament was the 24pdrs which should put out 7-800 canister balls per minute between them. Canister is far less effective than musketry, especially at extreme range (300 yds), the effect of the Forts battery is probably about the same as a regiment of 2-300 riflemen.

Of course, a 100 pdr Parrott did fire in the battle, the one on Ft Totten 3.5 miles away blasted away throughout the day, delivering an unaimed fire, causing 4 casualties (all from the one shell that hit confederate lines).
 

67th Tigers

Banned
67th, I'm pretty sure your figures are too low for the Mississippi and Trans-Mississippi regions. Thomas and Sherman between them disposed of more like 150,000 men in late 1864, not even including smaller contingents.

Sherman's Armies of the West (Tennessee, Cumberland and Ohio) total ca 110,000
http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/pageviewer?frames=1&cite=http%3A%2F%2Fcdl.library.cornell.edu%2Fcgi-bin%2Fmoa%2Fmoa-cgi%3Fnotisid%3DANU4519-0072&coll=moa&view=50&root=%2Fmoa%2Fwaro%2Fwaro0072%2F&tif=00994.TIF&pagenum=115

Also, I'm fairly confident that the Union didn't launch the ill-starred Red River campaign and occupy virtually all of Arkansas and Louisiana with only 22,000 men.
ca. 35,000, borrowing the difference from the Army of the Cumberland (a Corps of 15,000)
 
Because they've already planned the number of guns, and can make simple calculations.

Please give me evidence that can back up that quote. You stated that at the time of the Maryland Campaign there were approximately 120 guns in all the Washington forts combined, according to the AORs. Can you please supply the message you got those figures from?

It says there are 443 emplacements, and that not all are mounted yet (in fact he implies about half, which is perhaps optimistic).

In no place does it read or imply replacement. The quote, as written in the report I supplied, reads: "the entire defensive line, 35 miles in length, consisting of about fifty different works, and mounting four hundred and forty-three guns, was, though not completed, essentially brought to the condition in which it was left when the Army of the Potomac commenced its campaign in Virginia."

Throughout the report, the word "guns" is used, not "emplacements." That does not imply to me that they are simply counting empty emplacements. That implies actual guns, not sites for them.

The "half" figure to which you refer, does talk about emplacements, however. Barnard mentions that "approximately 200 platforms should be made, embrasures cut, &c, for field or siege guns". This is due, Barnard says, to the fact that many of the guns already emplaced are more vulnerable than he'd like to counter-battery fire. It's not referring to the number of guns, but the number of sheltered emplacements for them.

No, artillery manufacture is quite slow. The defenses of Washington primarily mounted 32pdr naval pieces and some 24pdrs.

Slow compared to what? It's slow compared to the rate of manufacture of small arms, but when compared to the months needed to build a fort, it's quite quick. In addition, guns can be manufactured at factories at different places. A fort is built and used in only one place, but even big guns can be mobile -- they can be forged in one place and moved to another. I know I'm stating the obvious with that observation, but we shouldn't think of gun manufacture as being a slow process.

The 24- and 32-pounder guns were interim armament, as shown in the link I posted previously. In the first months of the war, there weren't enough siege and field guns to go around, so the Eastern Branch forts were armed with these naval guns. A few were mounted in other forts north of the Potomac, but the vast majority were only used in the Eastern Branch fortifications -- the remainder of the forts received normal siege and field guns for defense.

The Eastern Branch fortifications were never intended to defend against a frontal Confederate attack -- they were only intended to deny the Confederates the ability to bombard the Naval Yard and Arsenal. Therefore, they were the last to receive their armament, and were the forts that got the naval guns. But as the report reveals, after the Maryland invasion, Barnard placed a high priority on removing or protecting those guns, which were of limited use at close range.

The 24-pounders used at Fort Stevens in 1864, though the same weight as those naval guns, could be reloaded more quickly and were more effective at close range than their naval counterparts. These were the guns that were typical in Washington's forts, not the awkward naval versions.

3,000 in 30 minutes (the charge itself, approx 1 casualty per minute per regiment that charged, actually a lower rate than a conventional firefight) and another 4,000 in the 9 hours the 40,000 attackers laid in the killing area before withdrawing after nightfall. Poor attack, it would have taken less casualties had the attackers kept going (and even less had the attacks been properly coordinated and not allowed 30,000 Confederates to concentrate their rifle fire on them).

I disagree on the exact figures, but the principle is the same. Whether you're at Fredericksburg, Cold Harbor, Gettysburg, or Fort Stevens, attacking into the artillery of your opponent is stupidity paramount. Even if you reach your opponent's infantry (as happened in Pickett's Charge), you'll be so mauled that you'll never be able to fight through the defending infantry and hold against the inevitable counterattack.

You've got to have the numbers and the willingness to take the necessary casualties in order to take such a position. At Fort Stevens, Early has neither.

What 10 inch guns? The armament of Ft Stevens was 10x 24pdrs (4 on Barbettes, 6 on Siege mounts), 2x 8" Mortars, 1x Coehorn Mortar, 1x 10" Mortar and 5x 30pdr Parrotts.

The primary armament was the 24pdrs which should put out 7-800 canister balls per minute between them. Canister is far less effective than musketry, especially at extreme range (300 yds), the effect of the Forts battery is probably about the same as a regiment of 2-300 riflemen.

Sorry about the 10-inch gun reference. A bit of hyperbole on my part, and I apologize.

And you're absolutely right about the effectiveness of canister. It's not effective at long range. But that's not what's going to be happening in this alternate battle. Early has to attack the fort in order to take it. He can't simply dance around the guns and walk into Washington, otherwise he'd have done it. His troops will have to mass and charge the guns of Fort Stevens, braving the canister fire the whole way.

At Marye's Heights, Pickett's Charge, and Cold Harbor, we saw what the end result of that strategy is. The attackers will be bloodied and disorganized if they make the fort's walls, facing defenders, who, though inexperienced, are defending their nation's capital and are organized and can concentrate their effort against the Confederates. If, by some miracle the Confederates manage to carry the fort, it will be a hollow victory. They will not have enough soldiers to hold against the inevitable counter-attack, let alone advance into Washington.
 
Washington is not particularly well defended by European standards, but then Lee doesn't have a good siege train or sappers either.

The various works are certainly not mutually supporting, and there is no depth. It simply requires one determined assault against one of the strongpoints to get inside the perimeter.

For example, while 25,000 pax were in the city (at the time of Early's raid), only 9,500 were combatants, spread over 37 miles of defences. It was good fortune that the shipping happened to be in the fight place for a quick move of one of the Divisions of VI Corps to Washington City. Had Early been in a position to launch an attack on Ft Stevens, he would likely have overwhelmed it and breached the perimeter...

http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/civilwar/hrst.htm

Please, by this time both USA and CSA troops are on the whole better then European troops as they have similar equipment and YEARS of bloody experience. Even the 1860s Army Corps of Engineers was perfectly capable of making the calculations used to determine where you put your forts to make the maximum area for a killing field. Both US and Confederate staffs had people who were well versed in whatever mathematics you need to make the calculations. Even at that time the USA and the CSA had quite a few well educated people and were not simple, illiterate peasants that had no clue on how to defend an area.
 

67th Tigers

Banned
Please, by this time both USA and CSA troops are on the whole better then European troops as they have similar equipment and YEARS of bloody experience. Even the 1860s Army Corps of Engineers was perfectly capable of making the calculations used to determine where you put your forts to make the maximum area for a killing field. Both US and Confederate staffs had people who were well versed in whatever mathematics you need to make the calculations. Even at that time the USA and the CSA had quite a few well educated people and were not simple, illiterate peasants that had no clue on how to defend an area.

Engineering was probably the most modern branch of the US military, it (along with the artillery) attracted the best officers, and Regular Officer training was largely based on engineering (which had quite a profound effect on the way the war was fought).

However, the Forts weren't mutually supporting. In fact they were generally sited far enough apart that smaller forts and the like had to be put inbetween them to stop the Rebs simply going through the lines. Hardly surprising when you've a vast perimeter (37 miles) to defend and only 1/3rd the guns the Russians had to defend Sebastopol (which had a firepower density 10-20 times that of the Washington defences). There were 6 major fortifications at Sebastopol on a frontage of 2 miles, with over 1,000 guns, on the same frontage around Ft Stevens I count about 50 (depending on whether you count light 6 pdrs and the like) and about 10 Mortars (depending on whether you count Coehorns)

As to general troop quality, the brutal form of natural selection practiced by both armies did create decent marching armies, but never really addressed some of the real shortcomings that led to some serious tactical deficencies, which also helped shape the battlespace in a downwards (i.e. dig in) direction.

However, by 1864, both armies are passed their peek of efficiency (which probably occured mid 1863), as the meatgrinder, and the expiration of enlistments meant that most of the armies were new enlistees.
 
I thought the Confederates never actually planed to capture Washington but just planed to get above it, threaten it and offer peace while in a strong position hoping that by doing so the North would turn againt Lincoln and his war and the Europeans would recognise the CSA as an independant country.

I beleive that in 1862, before Antietam and after 2nd Manassas, the British government were preparing to recognise the Confederacy as independant following the "inevitable" victory over the Union forces in Maryland. The failure to defeat the Union stopped them from doing so and then the Emancipation Proclamation took the decision out of their hands.

But then again I might not be right about this.
 
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