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So far amazing work, the war feel so real and so well done, terrific work so far buddy

I really really appreciate that! Military history is not my strong suit so I'm glad to hear the strategy component makes sense. The geopolitical aspects are the ones I'm most nervous about getting right, too.
 
Austria in the Age of Francis Joseph
"...one of the leading factors in the Austro-Hungarian Compromise was the desire of Ferdinand Beust and the Emperor Francis Joseph to seek revenge against Prussia. It was a profound irony, then, that nearly as soon as the Compromise was sorted out with Deak and the other Hungarian intelligentsia, the war between Prussia and France had broken out. The Hungarian Diet ratified the Compromise in the midst of the fighting in eastern France and the Austrian leaders were eager to turn their guns on Prussia once more. But the crippling debt of the war they had just lost the year before and the plain need for reform, let alone giving the Compromise a chance to be swallowed by Hungarian nationalists disappointed in its terms, denied France what would have been their one crucial ally...[1]"

- Austria in the Age of Francis Joseph

[1] And good thing too, since that would have triggered Prussia and Russia's reinsurance treaty and really boned Austria even harder than the previous war
 
Loving this Franco-Prussian War. Napoleon III had a way better hand and he still couldn't hold himself back.

Thank you! Glad you're enjoying it. Wanted to go for something with a different vibe and set of circumstances than OTL while still holding true to the strategic constraints France was under and their disadvantages with discipline and logistics compared to the Prussians despite fighting largely on home soil.
 
The Reign of Napoleon III 1848-1874
"...Douay and his 1st Corps made their most noble stand at Verdun, on the road to Reims, holding off the advancing Prussians on August 10th despite soon being surrounded and captured. In doing so, they bought the weight of the French Army time to retreat and settle in at fortifications closer to Reims and Paris. Despite this heroic stand, another army had been lost, and a second Bavarian Army had crossed the Vosges now, heading not for Paris but on a southward path below the Meurthe towards Orleans. To Napoleon, now camped at Reims and well aware of clamor back in Paris due to the turned tide of the war, the strategy was clear - the Prussians meant to encircle Paris from south and east and besiege the city to force a more favorable end to the war. It was in these times that he received two visitors - Edward Stanley, the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom and the son of Britain's Prime Minister Lord Derby; and, to Napoleon's considerable shock, Leopold II of Belgium himself. The two presented themselves as neutral parties - Britain still in the midst of her splendid isolation but leery of the conflict over Luxembourg becoming a long war that would eventually pull in Austria, Russia, and Italy and thus threaten continental balances of powers, and Leopold as a neutral King of a small country seeking to earn favor with the hegemons on either side of him. Stanley was interested in negotiating a ceasefire and then a grand congress of European nations to sort out the matter, to avoid the bad blood that had ended the Second Unification War between Prussia and Austria. Leopold suggested Brussels as a site for such a meeting. Unbeknownst to Napoleon, Stanley had contacted Russia's Gorchakov earlier, and the Russians were aiming to persuade the Prussians to end the war with negotiations as well. Left out of the triumvir of diplomats seeking a speedy end to a war that was quickly spiraling out of control - the other European powers were stunned at Prussia having effectively scattered the French defenses in a matter of three months and had indeed suspected that the war would be long and end with a French victory - was Austria's Beust, known for his hostility towards Berlin, and seen as a man who would only potentially destabilize the situation.

The efforts to find a compromise were not in vain, for on August 14th, when the Prussian armies appeared near Chalons in an effort to circumvent Reims and cut off its supply lines, Napoleon sent out emissaries to meet them rather than soldiers. Two days later, with the Prussians have stopped their advance, Napoleon hosted a guest - Otto von Bismarck. The two men, whose "misunderstanding" at Biarritz had led to so many deaths, walked along the Marne together privately. One observer would later note that it was an ironic echo of Tilsit nearly exactly 60 years earlier - on that day, Napoleon I Bonaparte, the great man who had held that name, had walked along a river with the Russian Tsar, debating a treaty with the fate of Prussia in his hands. Now, it was his nephew, but a shadow of his legendary uncle, who walked along a river with Prussia on the verge of deciding the fate of France.

The war did not formally end with the Chalons Ceasefire, but the worst of the bloodshed did. The Bavarian Army had linked up with a corps from Friedrich Wilhelm's men and defeated a French garrison at Chaumont on the 16th, at the very hour Bismarck and Napoleon were agreeing to suspend the fighting and allow a Congress to be held to settle the matter. But the Franco-Prussian War was for all intents and purposes over, and with it, the era of French domination of the European continent..."

- The Reign of Napoleon III 1848-1874
 
Bismarck would love this, that way he can paint Nappy III as agressor and get all the right of negotiation without too much meddling, and again might get the war without too much territorial changes, he would want that all fortress in alsace and lorraine to be destroyed but would not want to annex anything..but again Bavaria now could demand eltass for themselves...this will be a mess.

A shame didn't endure longer, i wanted Nappy III to suffer, hope he got a big revolution at home at least
 
Britain and Democracy
"...the push for full enfranchisement withered despite Disraeli's advocacy, having made suggestions even more radical than those of Gladstone. Reactionary Liberals opposed it, and in the end Lord Derby was satisfied with the question of suffrage dividing the majority as it allowed the Conservatives to continue to hold power. Indeed, Disraeli discovered that much of the House of Commons - and nearly the entirety of the House of Lords - viewed the Confederate victory of 1864 as an affirmation that the landed aristocracy was the only true governing class and that more democracy and public input was little more than mob rule. Some even commented that it was plain that Lincoln's defeat was due to the "masses" putting an incompetent man in a position he should not have been found in. Despite Gladstone and Disraeli, two titans of their age, supporting such reform, the failure of the Second Reform Act - and Disraeli's subsequent resignation as Chancellor of the Exchequer - set back the campaign for suffrage in Britain by two decades..."

- Britain and Democracy
(Featured Article in The Economist, August 1967)
 
Bismarck would love this, that way he can paint Nappy III as agressor and get all the right of negotiation without too much meddling, and again might get the war without too much territorial changes, he would want that all fortress in alsace and lorraine to be destroyed but would not want to annex anything..but again Bavaria now could demand eltass for themselves...this will be a mess.

A shame didn't endure longer, i wanted Nappy III to suffer, hope he got a big revolution at home at least

You're pretty close to calling it, actually!
 
A Century of United Italy
"...the hero of Custoza, Alfonso La Marmora[1], rode into Rome at the head of his veteran army having met minimal resistance. This was not some expedition of volunteers like Garibaldi's men who were scattered at Aspromonte but professionals. The Swiss Guard relented after a cursory, formal firing of cannons and many of the people of Rome greeted La Marmora's men like conquering heroes. Pius IX immediately locked himself inside the Vatican, declaring himself a prisoner. La Marmora attempted to reach the Pope more than once, stating that the King had sent him to settle the September Convention and find a solution amenable to both pontiff and king that would allow them to "share" Rome. Pius IX refused all entreaties.

And then, the moment that changed the course of history - a riot of papal supporters, including a few priests, broke out near the Leonine Walls. La Marmora's response was unduly heavy handed for such a small riot, but in the chaos ten were killed and dozens wounded. Having declared upon entering Rome on August 8th that the Leonine City was the premises of the Papacy and no Italian soldiers would enter but to negotiate, La Marmora suddenly found his men occupying the very steps of St. Peters as they attempted to scatter the protesting priests, including more than a few members of the Curia. A fire broke out [2], engulfing the Apostolic Palace. Though the Italian soldiers were able to put the fire out, the building was badly damaged, and much of it had to be torn down, including the Sistine Chapel that had been painted so delicately by Michelangelo. In the confusion, however, Pius IX was able to escape enclosed in a luggage box, smuggled out of the city [3] to Ostia, and placed on a boat fleeing to Sicily..."

- A Century of United Italy (
Yale, 1967)

[1] Here he's responsible for Italy seizing Veneto and not regarded as a traitor, so he gets the honor of capturing Rome
[2] Let those butterfly wings flap!
[3] Pius IX seriously considered exile multiple times, and indeed fled the city in 1848
 
Seymour: Portrait of a Forgotten President
"...Seymour's decision to veto the Naval Act inflamed the Republicans against him. Papers across the North sympathetic to the Republican cause accused him of wanting a Union 'supine to foreign fleets, with no means to defend itself in times of war or to protect the national interest against unfair trade within the Hemisphere in times of peace.' The spillover from the Naval Act matter caused the Republican Senate to blockade Seymour's efforts to appoint a replacement for Justice James Moore Wayne, having already reluctantly allowed William Strong to replace John Catron in 1866. Eventually, Seymour agreed to the proposal by moderate Republicans to put into place the Judicial Circuit Acts, organizing the United States judiciary around 9 circuits - and conveniently, leaving the Supreme Court at 9 members, with Wayne's seat being abolished. Now with a narrow 5-4 majority thought of as hostile to the Dred Scott decision, the Republican Senate, led by Thaddeus Stevens, began drafting legislation once again to protect black Americans, even though much of the Scott case was in effect a dead letter in the wake of Southern withdrawal and there being no threat to more slave states entering the Union.

Of new concern in the fall of 1867 to Seymour was the offer to sell the Danish West Indies to the United States. Denmark was one of the weakest of the European colonial powers and had already considered selling the unprofitable colony a decade earlier. The islands had belonged to Britain once and so were Anglophone in language and custom, and the Lincoln administration had expressed some interest in them in its waning days. Already coming off the Alaska Purchase, in early 1867 Secretary of State George McClellan had toured the islands and was impressed by the natural harbor at St. Thomas and had been surprised at the eagerness of Denmark to offload the colony onto the US, or at least lease them. In the view of the Danish government of Christian Emil Frijs, it was a perfect match of interests: Denmark needed to do something with the islands to make them less of a loss for the country, and the United States had a decisive interest in not allowing them to fall into the hands of the Confederacy, which was well-known to be interested in now expanding its influence southwards as part of the so-called "golden circle."

Seymour was wary of outright annexation of a new territory so soon after "Seymour's Folly" in purchasing Alaska, to become a new state, so far from ports in Baltimore or New York and so near the Confederacy, let alone one that was overwhelmingly creole black, but he found what he believed to be an excellent compromise - in his efforts to pacify the angry "naval lobby," he made an offer to the Danish [1] government that the United States would seek to lease St. Thomas as a coaling station for what he assured would be an "enlarged Navy, within years and proper scope" and that the United States would enforce the Monroe Doctrine, thus defending Denmark from losing the territory without compensation. The move mollified enough Republicans who had been pushing for a more aggressive posture from Washington regarding the "dead letter" of the Monroe Doctrine and satisfied enough of the naval lobby that Seymour did indeed understood the necessity of an expanded and advanced navy that the St. Thomas Treaty was announced and quickly ratified by the Senate, granting the United States a relatively cheap 50-year lease on the bay as a coaling station and potentially even setting up a future US purchase of the territory outright (as would indeed happen long before the treaty expired). Some Republicans, including Charles Sumner, declared their hope that the move would expand pressure on Puerto Rico, Cuba and Brazil to end slavery, and was seen as a moment of newfound triumph and influence for the Union, though some in both parties were dismayed that the Danish West Indies would not become a territory of the United States on the path to statehood..."

-
Seymour: Portrait of a Forgotten President

[1] US officials coveted St. Thomas' harbor in OTL but the treaty to buy it from Denmark faltered due to focus on Reconstruction and impeaching President Johnson. Here, the US is a little more clear eyed about their need for more defensible territorial expansion after losing the South
 
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Electoral History of the Confederate States
"...Reagan's campaign started off on the wrong foot, as he selected John Alexander Campbell - a former Justice of the United States Supreme Court - as his Vice Presidential choice. Campbell, an opponent of slavery and secession who nevertheless had joined Taney's majority in the Scott decision and then fled to the South after Fort Sumter, made Reagan immediately suspect among the plantocracy that formed his otherwise natural base of support. The critical blunder would wind up costing him critical support in planter-sympathetic newspapers, particularly in New Orleans, where the aristocratic Knights of the White Camelia [1] held sway over major periodicals. Reagan also conducted a front porch campaign, as had been practice in the Union and as he thought to be the proper practice for a campaign generally oriented within the landed gentry. James Longstreet followed this example, allowing surrogates drafted from among his admirers in the pool of Confederate veterans, and selecting former Secretary of State Robert Toombs as his choice for Vice President.

The more populist candidates, Forrest and Vance, did not follow this example. Forrest, seen nowhere without a phalanx of Tennessee Templars and having the most effective political operation in the Confederacy thanks to the Klan knighthood that openly supported him and had even voted him the organization's "Grand Wizard," gave rallies and speeches throughout the Confederacy, traveling not by train but by horseback and avoiding the large plantation estates, instead speaking in churches, saloons and village squares. Despite his reputation among elite circles as a potential "American Napoleon," Forrest's candidacy was fairly anodyne, based on soft money to repay war debts rather than hard money, which he dismissed as a ploy by "Savannah bankers," a standing single army rather than state militias to better counteract a potential move of aggression from the North - a policy he shared with Longstreet - and defending the rights of the common man. To calm the nerves of the Richmond establishment, Forrest even selected John C. Breckenridge, who had fought to include Kentucky in the Confederacy and had served as Vice President of the United States and briefly as Secretary of War, as his running mate. As historian Shelby Foote [2] would later comment, "Forrest did not so much have a policy platform as a cult of personality, and his views on the Confederate Presidency extended no further than that he wanted the title and sought it out." Vance, meanwhile, ran on a firm state's rights platform, accusing many of his fellow former Democrats of abandoning the cause of "constitutionalism" now that they held power, and fanning the flames by saying that they were no better than Lincoln in that regard.

The campaign was a grim one. In response to Forrest's Templars and Klan, Vance's supporters organized their own pseudo-knighthood paramilitary organization known as the National Regulars, supporting the platform of Zeb Vance and naming themselves after the Tar Heel Regulars whose crushed revolt had vaulted Vance to fame. Klansmen and Regulars brawled often and lynching's of both political opponents and blacks became a regular occurrence despite Forrest and Vance publicly condemning such actions. In this environment, a front porch campaign such as what Reagan and Longstreet sought to conduct became difficult - Longstreet recruited members of the defunct Confederate Home Guard to act as "Orderlies" during campaign events, positioning himself as the stern paternal figure who stood for law and order compared to the rabble-rousing Klan and Regulars causing political violence.

As election day neared, the violence intensified, most barbarically when a group of Klansmen in Georgia drew and quartered two Regulars in the town square of Marietta in front of a cheering, drunken crowd. Newspapers would later report of Klansmen wearing their distinctive white hoods bursting into polling places with rifles and clubs and to "inspect" the ballots, whereas Regulars - wearing their telltale blue cloth bandanna masks - hijacked wagons carrying ballots to the country courthouse and threw ballots marked "Forrest," "Longstreet" or "Reagan" in the nearest river or forest..."

-
Electoral History of the Confederate States
[1] An organization similar to the Klan unique to Louisiana
[2] Hehe
 
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