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Ireland Unfree
"...but despite the passage of Coercion Acts by broad bipartisan majorities in Parliament, the Irish nationalists were not without friends in England; the Social Democratic Federation, dedicated to class struggle via politics, viewed agrarian agitation and the Plan of Campaign in Ireland as part and parcel of what they sought to accomplish, while the more radical Socialist League saw Irish nationalism as part of a revolutionary vanguard against the same hated British elite. It was perhaps not coincidental that much of the British working class was of Irish descent, immigrants both recent and new, fleeing the economic deprivations of their home.

The demonstration on November 13, then, was not just about Ireland - it was about land reform writ large, a matter that affected Scotland and the north of England, too; it was about rising unemployment as the purported recovery from the Great Depression stalled out once again, like it had so many times, even while the bankers and industrialists grew wealthier than ever in the great stock bubble of the 1880s; it was about the collapse of food prices, which had ravaged Britain's farms, as American, German and Russian grain flooded the market even as Chancellor after Chancellor hiked agricultural tariffs; it was about imperialism, of Britain's games abroad while so many suffered at home; it was about the overcrowding of housing in London, of dysentery spreading in the streets of the world's richest and most important city, of the abhorrent working conditions and hours the working class was subjected to. The demonstration on Trafalgar Square, the symbolic meeting point of the working-class East End and the upper-class West End, was thus where a boiling pot with so many ingredients of oppression and resentment bubbled over on that fateful day.

That the Metropolitan Police reacted harshly was no surprise; it was how they had always reacted to demonstrations against worker's movements and sympathizers of a free Ireland. It was the involvement of the British Army, firing upon the crowd, of protestors being bayoneted, that was the outrage; of Fabians and socialists and Irish nationalists trampled under horses as policemen laughed [1], of a water cannon supplied by the firm of a Tory supporter used to clear the square, of the two thousand souls arrested, with nearly half held for six months without a fair trial, of the twenty-seven killed. The following Sunday sparked further casualties, and further recriminations against the government dominated by the wealthy publisher Smith, the aristocratic arch-reactionary Salisbury, and the gleefully brutal Home Secretary, the recently-elevated Viscount Cross, made a peer in large part in honor of his long service suppressing "sedition" on British soil.

The Liberal silence on the horrors on Trafalgar Square did not go unnoticed in radical publications, which drew an ever larger readership - and for the first time, an opening seemed to appear both for Irish nationalism and socialism to capture the imagination of those who had previously supported Chamberlain and his Radical wing..."

- Ireland Unfree


[1] Essentially taking the OTL 1887 Bloody Sunday and making it much worse
 
Titan: The Life and Presidency of James G. Blaine
"...that Blaine's affliction worsened throughout the fall can probably be explained by the stresses of the surprise conflict with Germany and the anticipated impeachment debate that now seemed inevitable, even if it was unlikely to ever reach a trial in the full Senate, which was expected to easily acquit. But that the affliction - a mix of severe Bright's disease and other ailments for the long-frail President, who was only in his fifties - finally took Blaine's life early in the morning of November 25, 1887, two years to the day after the death of his predecessor Thomas Hendricks, can largely be blamed on the quality of the doctors in whose care he fell while spending most of the year in Augusta, lonely and frustrated and wanting to wade back into the partisan trench war that he blamed Rosecrans, Bayard, Randall, and Matson for springing back upon him. "My enemies seek revenge for the defeat I handed them three autumns ago," he wrote in his final diary entry, two days before his sudden death in his sleep. "I will lick them now as I licked them then." His last visit was with Chief Justice Edmunds, who traveled to Maine to celebrate Thanksgiving with his longtime friend before going home to Vermont for Christmas. Whatever they discussed - long thought to be about the mechanics of a potential impeachment trial in the Senate, longshot as it was and unprecedented in American history - it was not recorded by either man in their private diaries. Blaine retired to bed early after Thanksgiving dinner on the 24th, was checked on by a doctor shortly after midnight, and was dead when checked upon again.

Edmunds, besides himself with grief, telegraphed Washington to inform of the happening, and immediately began to ponder what was to happen next - Congress was out of session, leaving the offices of Senate President pro tempore and Speaker vacant, and there was no Vice President since the passing of Logan the previous December. Who, then, was in charge of the executive? The Chief Justice, in his diary, noted, "It may come to my colleagues and I to make the most extraordinary election - nine men to select the next President, rather than the full college of electors!" With the Thanksgiving holidays and bad snow, it took days for Edmunds to return to Washington, where he found the city in chaos - the outgoing Senate President pro tem, Aaron Cragin of New Hampshire, had claimed that he was the "acting President," despite the office of Senate President pro tem being officially "vacant" without with Congress in session, which Edmunds quietly communicated to a Cabinet meeting he addressed in an unprecedentedly partisan action by a sitting Chief Justice. Edmunds, fearing a constitutional crisis, took Hay and Lincoln aside and told them that there was no Court precedent for a vacancy across all four major offices - at this point, the office of Presidency had sat effectively vacant for an entire week, as it was unclear if Cragin was in fact entitled to act as President ex officio, and as Blaine's funeral train approached the city before grieving crowds. The Senate was convened on December 7 as planned once most of its members had returned, and in a shock, the body elected Kansas Senator John J. Ingalls President pro tempore, as it had agreed to do within a Liberal caucus vote before the last session ended, rather than affirming Cragin - who was on the outs with many of his colleagues in both parties - to make the succession easier, further plunging the body into crisis. Per a plain reading of the Constitution and the Succession Act of 1792, this made Ingalls "Acting President of the United States," and later that day he took the oath of office from Justice Gray [1] "in an abundance of constitutional caution," as he phrased it, without resigning his seat in the Senate
. Edmunds reacted with rage at the newest Justice butting the Supreme Court into the inevitable dispute after only a few months on the bench, angrily dressing down Gray and demanding he recuse for administering the oath - a purely ceremonial duty that any local judge or notary public could have performed - in case a suit over the succession reached the Court.

The constitutional crisis triggered over his death overshadowed Blaine's passing in Washington, where Hay rapidly moved to consolidate power in the Cabinet as competing claims for the Acting Presidency emerged from Cragin, Ingalls and also Speaker-elect Lamborn, who fended off a challenge to his gavel from New York's Archibald Bliss on December 7th when the House reconvened and the long-awaited impeachment debate seemed quaint in comparison. However, his funeral itself became a substantive affair - the first President to die in office in nearly three decades, and one so accomplished, Blaine was honored with lying in state in the Capitol Rotunda, with thousands of onlookers at every station the funeral train stopped at, and a service attended by most of the luminaries of the Liberal Party shortly before Christmas in Augusta, as the Supreme Court prepared to wade into its most contentious dispute since Dred Scott..."

- Titan: The Life and Presidency of James G. Blaine


[1] I skipped over this in order to keep cruising through the 1880s, but Samuel Freeman Miller retires in 1887 since there's a Liberal and not a Democrat in the White House and is replaced by Horace Gray. That means the SCOTUS as of December 1887 is: Chief Edmunds (Blaine), Hoar (Chase), Field (Lincoln), Fuller (Hendricks), Phelps (Hendricks), Thurman (Hendricks), Peckham (Blaine), Bradley (Lincoln), Gray (Blaine)

EDIT: Made some edits to the circumstances of the Cragin-Ingalls dispute per suggestions from @LordVorKon regarding the Succession Act of 1792
 
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Yikes, I picked the wrong day to write updates with constitutional crises over the transfer of power and mass violence in the streets. Ugh.

Stay safe everyone. I’m going to take a few days.
 
So, I have some issues with this chapter. First, the office of President pro tem was in fact usually filled while the Senate was out of session, specifically because he was in the Presidential line of succession. This would be doubly true with the Vice Presidency vacant and the President clearly in poor health. Absolutely everyone in power would agree that leaving the line of succession completely vacant in such a situation is unwise, to say the least.

Secondly, the Presidential Succession Act of 1792 clearly states that the President pro tem (or Speaker of the House, should it come to that) acts as President, but does not become President. The Tyler Precident relies on the ambiguity in the succession clause of the constitution, basically that one can argue that one of the "Powers and Duties" of the office of President is to be addressed as "Mr. President". No such ambiguity exists in the PSA.

Thirdly, the PSA 1792 does not have a requirement that the President pro tem resign that office before acting as President; that was only added in the 1947 act. In fact, one could probably make a constitutional crisis on the argument whether or not the "Acting President" is ex officio. That is to say, does he remain Acting President if the Senate elects a new President pro tem?
 
So, I have some issues with this chapter. First, the office of President pro tem was in fact usually filled while the Senate was out of session, specifically because he was in the Presidential line of succession. This would be doubly true with the Vice Presidency vacant and the President clearly in poor health. Absolutely everyone in power would agree that leaving the line of succession completely vacant in such a situation is unwise, to say the least.

Secondly, the Presidential Succession Act of 1792 clearly states that the President pro tem (or Speaker of the House, should it come to that) acts as President, but does not become President. The Tyler Precident relies on the ambiguity in the succession clause of the constitution, basically that one can argue that one of the "Powers and Duties" of the office of President is to be addressed as "Mr. President". No such ambiguity exists in the PSA.

Thirdly, the PSA 1792 does not have a requirement that the President pro tem resign that office before acting as President; that was only added in the 1947 act. In fact, one could probably make a constitutional crisis on the argument whether or not the "Acting President" is ex officio. That is to say, does he remain Acting President if the Senate elects a new President pro tem?

Thank you for the clarification on the PSA of 1792, the way Congressses were and weren’t in session back then has stumped me. I recall reading that the OTL 1887 Act was passed largely because there were vacancies in both the Pro Tem and Speaker offices when Hendricks was dead after it had occurred previously after Arthur’s ascendancy to the office, but I must have misread exactly what the circumstances were.

What you’re describing in your third graf may be the better hook for the upcoming debate.
 
I recall reading that the OTL 1887 Act was passed largely because there were vacancies in both the Pro Tem and Speaker offices when Hendricks was dead after it had occurred previously after Arthur’s ascendancy to the office,

I see what you're saying, and I do find references which say you're correct. I still think it's absolutely madness.
 
I see what you're saying, and I do find references which say you're correct. I still think it's absolutely madness.

No disagreement from me there! That’s what’s fun about history - how many things happened out of inertia/laziness, rather than logical thinking.

I will need to correct the matter regarding it being an “acting President,” though, since the PSA of 1792 is clear. And that actually makes the dispute more interesting... what powers/authority does an “acting” President have, especially with powerful Cabinet personalities like Hay or Sherman unlikely to just defer?
 
Brothers in Arms: Trade Unionism in the United States
"...after the Strikeout Summer and the burgeoning feud between the proto-syndicalist Knights and the craft union AFL, which blossomed in short term throughout 1887, all eyes were of course on Mayor George in his first year. It was to nobody's surprise that the Tammany machine did everything it could to overwhelm United Labor's most notable representative; if there was one thing Boss Croker could not afford, it was New York's politics polarizing along class rather than ethnoreligious lines. George's pitch to Irish, German, and increasing numbers of Jewish, Serbian, Bulgarian and Italian laborers was that through higher taxes and more muscular organization, they could overwhelm "the gentry" and make demands within the city. Surprisingly, the group most skeptical of George was New York's substantive black population; the treatment they had received upon attempting to join the Knights was so hostile, a city famous for its racism and Confederate sympathies during the War of Secession, that they often deferred instead to the Liberal line of "the dangers of the mob" and viewed laborism as a lynch mob in waiting, denying George a potential constituency to further pressure Tammany. At Croker's recommendation, New York's powerful and patronage-obsessed Governor, David B. Hill, effectively blocked out George in terms of interpersonal communication; George's cooling relations with Powderly further diminished his efforts to push reform as there was debate within the chapters of the Knights that operated in New York whether to support him over his favoring free trade, a position which aligned him with "the bipartisan establishment" that controlled the city (even Democrats in New York abhorred protectionism). But if George did have an impact, though, it was in setting the stage for "sewer socialism," of strong Mayors pushing ahead with good governance rather than raw patronage and cronyism. New streetlamps popped up throughout the city, and George was responsive to the concerns of constituents, answering every letter he received personally. The Liberals in the end, despite their hostility to labor, did not mobilize against him much in 1887 - and by 1888 their attention was transfixed upon the crisis of President Blaine's sudden death and events in Washington stemming from internal party feuds. If anything, the crisis within ULP ranks that George's unexpected "what now?" victory triggered presaged instead a more pragmatic Democratic Party; by early 1888, even Croker acknowledged that there was perhaps something to learn from George's upset win and modest popularity with not just the working immigrant base of Tammany but many bourgeois swing voters who favored Liberals for their good government reputation. With what promised to be a potentially ugly Presidential contest on the horizon, with New York sure to be at its center like always, Croker began to wonder if perhaps there was not an advantage to be gained from leveraging the nascent labor movement to Tammany's advantage, a thought he presented to Hill's men in Albany as a potential plank for Hill's expected contest of the 1888 Democratic nomination..."

- Brothers in Arms: Trade Unionism in the United States
 
The Aspirants: The Rise of the Liberal Party of the United States
"...for all concerns that Cragin v Ingalls going to the Supreme Court in January of 1888 would split the party, it was more of a mechanical debate that needed the Court's settlement than a dispute that threatened to plunge the Liberals into civil war. The most prominent lawyers of the day argued the case; former Attorney General Evarts, in his last case before the Court, argued in favor of Ingalls. Cragin's argument was that Acting President was a position ex officio, that though there was no mandate that the Acting President resign from the Senate, once he attained the office, he attained it until the proper election of a new President by the electoral college. Ingalls' was different; that as the Senate retained the powers to elect a President pro tempore, and that the Acting President and Senate president pro tempore were one and the same, that his election to the office of Acting President was legitimate and a political question that the Court should not enter, and that any of Cragin's other claims - that he had remained President pro tempore even after the Senate adjourned - were thus moot. The Court agreed with Ingalls' position, ruling in his favor in a unanimous opinion penned by Chief Justice Edmunds (Justice Horace Gray, having agreed to administer the Presidential oath of office to Ingalls, recused himself from the case at the request of the Chief Justice). Edmunds' landmark opinion in the debate effectively argued that the plain reading of the Succession Act of 1792 made no mention of the Acting President being anything other than the Senate President tempore until the election and inauguration of a new President, and that the political question of how to properly elect a Senate President pro tempore rested purely within the rules of the Senate, and that it was beyond the Court's jurisdiction to interfere. Edmunds was, of course, a student of the law in other countries, and had watched how some of his former colleagues in the Confederacy had nearly plunged that country into civil war in its Breckinridge v Harris case - in simply deferring to the Senate, he left the Court out of what could have been a true mess.

No, the danger to the Liberal Party in the wake of Blaine's death was that its most titanic figure, now passed on, was gone; that an "Acting President" who served simultaneously in the Senate (where Ingalls insisted on continuing to preside in addition to chairing Cabinet meetings) was a weak official, easily bossed around by powerful Cabinet personalities such as Hay and Sherman, both of whom would resign within months, a constitutional oddity in an extreme moment, with questions arising what powers he retained beyond those explicit within Article II. What would happen if the Union went to war? Did his political and judicial appointments hold legitimacy, or were they "acting" as well? Such tests would return to Edmunds' Court before long..."


- The Aspirants: The Rise of the Liberal Party of the United States
 
The Swords Draws Ink: Circulation Wars, Newsman Rivalries and the Rise of the Modern Media in the 19th Century
"...at the Herald, Roosevelt found himself soon making a name for himself. Though only there for less than a year, his witty and common prose, nose for interesting stories and populist proposals earned him a wide reading base; his columns and articles soon helped drive the paper's circulation and made him a critical cog in the city's Democratic establishment, and all before his 30th birthday. Roosevelt had finally found a calling that he adored in journalism; he was no muckracker, but neither was he a mouthpiece of the elite, despite his background in the city's wealthy upper crust. From details of new Naval ships to soliloquies about the abundant lands of the West, Roosevelt's articles enthralled the Herald's readers; in his evenhanded assessments of Mayor George's tumultuous tenure he opened the door to a less insular Democratic Party and one that began to entertain and debate ideas bubbling up from the disaffected working class. Roosevelt's identity as a populist crusader were being born in the strange years when Henry George inhabited City Hall, as was his role in being the guiding light to the Democrats' march towards labor. And his political commentary did not end at the Hudson; as the bizarre spectacle of the Blaine Crisis unfolded in Washington, Roosevelt used his connections with Congressman Archibald Bliss or Senator Perry Belmont for scoops and stories on background, and his pen helped set the tone for many readers who were unimpressed by the Herald's otherwise more staid editorial stance on the debates consuming the nation's capital..."

- The Swords Draws Ink: Circulation Wars, Newsman Rivalries and the Rise of the Modern Media in the 19th Century
 
The Cornerstone: John Hay and the Foundation of American Global Prestige
"...Ingalls, ironically enough, aligned with Hay in a number of ways. He had been a supporter of his projects from the Senate, a reliable defender of the administration on matters of diplomacy, war and the Navy, and an enthusiastic supporter of homesteading, land grant universities, and civil service reform. He was keenly sarcastic and witty, well-read and a former newspaperman; he had attended many of the Hay-Adams parties over the years. That Hay elected to abandon the Cabinet that he dominated, then, came as a surprise to the Acting President and not from personal distaste for the man but Hay's own ambition - to be Blaine's successor in spirit, if not in direct ascendance. He also viewed his time as Secretary of State largely complete; a second Pan-American Conference was set for 1889, after he was to leave office, he had accomplished his goals of signing reciprocal treaties with large states in the Western Hemisphere and small states beyond, the Naval expansion was steaming ahead, and without Blaine in the White House he felt rudderless, despondent and unlikely to accomplish much more in the remaining year of Blaine's unfinished term. Ingalls, in the difficult position of formally trying to juggle his duties as Senator and Acting President and who began mulling contesting the nomination in 1888 for a proper term of his own, attempted to persuade both Hay and Sherman to stay on, citing their successes in office and the need for strong figures in Cabinet to see the executive departments through March of 1889; both declined in order to prepare to seek the Presidency on their own terms at the Chicago convention, as they had planned to do before Blaine's untimely death.

With a power vacuum now at the center of the party, Hay emerged post-resignation as a powerful force in his own right as he returned to Cleveland to prepare, shuttling back and forth to Illinois to confer with his allies about how to best secure the nomination, meeting with state and county party chairmen across the Midwest. Nearly entirely out of his own powers of persuasion, he succeeded in seeing to it that Lincoln and Goff did not leave Ingalls even further strapped by remaining in Cabinet despite them, too, pondering leaving Washington; it was at Hay's suggestion that Ingalls appointed the loyal Goff to the Fourth Circuit in one of his last acts as Acting President in early 1889. The next chapter was ready to be written, far from Washington for now, but as Hay hoped, soon from the White House itself..."

- The Cornerstone: John Hay and the Foundation of American Global Prestige
 
Chamberlain's Britain
"...Chamberlain held Smith in even lower regard than Salisbury or the late Northcote; in the Prime Minister he saw nothing but an erratic, reactionary publisher, not even close to a statesman. Their impromptu debate in Manchester then was a historical event, of a Prime Minister deigning to debate an oppositionist outside of the floor of the Commons; two men discussing the issues of the day, their rhetoric flying close to personal rancour but never quite reaching the level of petty insults, before a public audience. Smith would later comment, "I am thoroughly glad that that dangerous radical is to leave Britain; such things he claims and says are beyond politeness, and the mob listens to him so very keenly. That the age of Joseph Chamberlain ends with my dispatching of him is a matter we should all be thankful for." Chamberlain was further shocked when his friend and colleague Lord Churchill resigned from Cabinet shortly thereafter, and a mere week before Chamberlain departed Britain for his grand tour; it was Churchill he had often allied with to push for reform, Churchill he had hoped would lead a push for further democracy within the Tories, Churchill he had once expected to contest Downing Street against. To see Churchill driven from Cabinet over his rivalries with the more aristocratic wing, on the heels of Bloody Sunday, dismayed Chamberlain, and made him further despair for the future of Parliament and Britain..."

- Chamberlain's Britain
 
Belgique Rouge
"...historians continue to dispute whether the Duke of Brabant was high on opium in bed with a prostitute when he learned of his father's assassination by three socialists in Charleroi on the morning of March 18, 1888; serious records of the time suggest no, and the man who would that day become the infamous Leopold III was pursued by rumor, hearsay, propaganda and innuendo his entire life regardless. What is and is not real of Leopold III's sexual proclivities remains clouded in mystery and urban legend. What is not disputed, however, is that the "Playboy Prince" was thoroughly unprepared for the role of King, despite all his father's efforts.

Outraged, Leopold III began his crackdown on the country's socialist element before his father's body was even cold; the Garde Civique was throwing printing presses in the Meuse by sundown and locking up "agitators" by the dozen. The trial of Leopold II's trio of assassins flaunted Belgian law and could best be described as a kangaroo court; they were hung, publicly, and afterwards the crowd that watched their execution attacked trade unionists in a frenzy throughout Brussels. Leopold III, for his part, egged such behavior on, stating that "this is repayment for the insurrection of '83, with five years of interest." Within weeks, the Garde Civique's heavy-handed response had drawn socialist mobs in response in Wallonia, plunging Liege, Charleroi and Mons into bloody strife for weeks. The King created a new Garde Royale that would defend him personally, drawn from the army and the Garde Civique as well as mercenaries who had served the Congo Free State's Force Publique with distinction. The crackdown drove many of the leftist intellectuals who had called Brussels home since the Paris Commune into further exile; many to London, others to Montreal or New York, the only major cities left where they could safely gather in large numbers. By late 1889, Leopold III had anti-socialist laws as harsh as those once circulated by Bismarck drawn up and passed through his Catholic Party-dominated Parliament; the seeds of Belgium's tumultuous 20th century had been sown, first by assassins' bullets and then the blood of socialists spilled in response..."

- Belgique Rouge
 
Dixieland
"...despite the anemic immigration and industrial output compared to the neighboring Union, the Confederacy nevertheless enjoyed a small renaissance of light industry within the Cumberland Valley and, more importantly, in Birmingham. That it was Birmingham that was the fastest-growing city in North America in the 1880s is a small miracle; it was a company town for the powerful Tennessee Coal and Iron Company (known later as TCI or merely "the Company"), which partnered with the L&N Rail Road to make Birmingham a booming hub of production where critical iron ore and coal deposits met, and at a critical north-south and east-west juncture geographically, to boot. The Birmingham Boom was thus blessed with a remarkable location and served crucial industrial needs for the Confederacy, and formed the southern end of an industrial spine that already included the more mature cities of Nashville, Clarksville, and Louisville. With rail lines to the coal mines in Knoxville as well, Birmingham flourished at the heart of the L&N network, attracting poor whites who found new work after the agricultural depression of the 1870s in the mines, factories, and railyards of the city; along with the hard labor, the younger sons of many planters, who stood to not inherit their father's vast estates but who were nevertheless scions of the prestigious elite universities of the South, made their way to Birmingham to work in the burgeoning brokerages, banks and law firms that began popping up, with one of the city's boosters declaring that "we shall soon rival Canal Street for the beating heart of Southern investment." Birmingham was a true boomtown, the first of its kind in the Confederacy, driven by twenty years of investment, steady growth and postwar optimism.

But even Birmingham presaged the class strife that was rippling across the industrialized world, albeit with a Confederate flavor; the white workers in Birmingham bristled when TCI brought in slave labor to augment their own ranks. Though at first slaves were used for the most remedial tasks, their mere presence seemed to point towards a future "industrial slavery" in which the growing stock of black chattel slaves would replace their lucrative wages. A riot at one TCI iron ore smelter resulted in the lynching of six slaves; a strike at a mill occurred over demands that all slaves be "sent back to their plantations." A foreman was run out of town for trying to bring five black custodial workers onto the floor of a textile mill; Confederate labor's attitude that slaves were an agricultural institution rather than an industrial one was in its nascence, as similar protests emerged in Tennessee's factory towns and Richmond as well..."

- Dixieland
 
The Fourth Branch: A Comprehensive History of the United States Navy
"...within the ranks of the Navy, the brief Samoa War did not inspire wholesale revisions of doctrine, recriminations, embarrassment or careers ended by scandal like the Chilean conflict did; nevertheless, it provided value in showing to key leaders such as Secretary Goff, in his last years at the Naval Department, as well as Mahan at the War College or fleet officers like Kimberly that the logistical and technological revolution underway was both sound and still very much underway. That the Pacific Squadron could be so rapidly deployed and moved to Samoa, thus effectively ending the war before German retaliation was possible, was a huge victory; though the ABC ships had not been combat tested their speediness in a wartime setting and the deference Germany showed them was a point of pride; that the Navy could only contest supremacy for the western Atlantic within a permission structure where the Royal Navy decided not to intervene, and that moving assets around Cape Horn relied on Chile's good graces, remained a problem. The two naval conflicts of the 1880s thus began to suggest to American naval planners that a method of cutting short the distance between Atlantic and Pacific ports was thus a necessity - the United States had officially waded into the Canal Wars.

The brief conflict was considerably more impactful upon the Navy's opponent. Germany's obsession with speedy protected cruisers would redouble, as would its determination to find ports for deployment it could use where it was not as dependent upon waterways the Royal Navy or Marine Imperiale could use as chokepoints..."

- The Fourth Branch: A Comprehensive History of the United States Navy
 
Scandinavia: The Birth of Union
"...the rise in power of Bildt and his aristocratic protectionists drove a further wedge between Sweden and Norway's parliaments, and further threatened to disrupt the union. Oskar, for his part, oscillated on the "Ausgleich der Norden" that he had been proposed so many times by Germans, pushing for a Scandinavian version of the Austrian realm. Norway's free trading spirit and Sweden's agricultural backwardness made for incompatible polities; nevertheless, both Britain and Germany were opposed to a dissolution of the personal union, out of fear of further French influence projected from Denmark and the fear of a Russia returning her eyes to European games. So despite bubbling agitation in both Stockholm and Christiania, the union limped on, further pushed and pushed by two great powers that viewed a single Scandinavia as a geopolitical aim..."

- Scandinavia: The Birth of Union
 
The Shadow of the Hickory Tree: The Reinvention of the Postbellum Democratic Party
"...the Democrats who gathered in Chicago's Auditorium Building did so ready to seize the White House after an eight-year interregnum, the longest such since the founding of the party. For the "Dragons," the name assigned to the Westerners most fiercely opposed to Chinese immigration, the gold standard, monopolies and the East Coast machines, there was only one candidate - Senator Rosecrans, who had reinvented himself as a populist champion, "the Sword of the West," a swashbuckling former General who would crush and conquer those who kept the West under its thumb. The Dragons were a small and heterogeneous group, however, prone to infighting and sclerotic in its means, including true West Coast radicals who threatened to bolt at any moment to United Labor as well as Great Plains agrarians who were starting to gain influence, led primarily by a young newspaperman named William Jennings Bryan. The more serious contest was the one between two Governors - George Custer of Michigan and David B. Hill of New York - both of whom occupied a similar ideological space, with Custer the more populist and reform-minded of the two, and both largely rejecting the ethos professed by Thomas Bayard during his disastrous campaign four years earlier. Despite disruptions from Dragon delegates on the floor of the convention, the platform unveiled was much more radical than the Democratic old guard had expected, and Hill and his contingent expressed alarm at provisions to slash Naval and university expenses, raise tariffs unilaterally, and regulate the railroads aggressively while passing anti-monopoly legislation at last. Despite his queasiness with the platform, Hill in fact led on the first three ballots; it was only after several favorite son candidates dropped off, and Custer's aggressive floor operation swayed delegates, that the White Wolverine from Michigan passed him on the fourth ballot and won on the sixth. George Armstrong Custer would be the nominee of the Democratic Party in 1888. The next move shocked the assembled delegates - Custer's delegates voted as a bloc for Hill to be his running mate. Hill, himself surprised that Custer sought his participation on the ticket after the acrimony on the floor, accepted, and the two men stood side-by-side on the stage in Chicago to show unity within the oft-fractious Democratic Party..."

- The Shadow of the Hickory Tree: The Reinvention of the Postbellum Democratic Party
 
The Wolverine in the White House: The Presidency of George Armstrong Custer at 100
"...for Custer, then, his victory in Chicago marked nothing less than the unequivocal sign that his patience had not been for nought; that the man hoisted as a potential champion of the common man, who would "lick Liberals like he licked the Indians," an Andrew Jackson for the postbellum age, had finally arrived in his moment. The banquets in his honor, and in honor of his running mate, were splendid; Custer would be in New York within weeks at Hill's invitation to "kiss hands" with Boss Croker and other New York luminaries, who eagerly opened their wallets for him, seeing him as the only hope to defeat both the Liberal machine that was gearing up as well as fend off United Labor nipping at their heels in local elections. As he and Libby rode the train back to Monroe, Custer commented that "destiny's hour is ours, my dear." And she replied, "No, my love - it is yours!"..."

- The Wolverine in the White House: The Presidency of George Armstrong Custer at 100
 
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