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Tried to get my contempt for Davis as a man and historical figure across as best I could there haha
Maybe the best fate possible, even with the butterflies, rather a hero, he was...just there, such massive indiference in a world his nation was victorious is the perfect ironic punishment, he live as that...a trivia.

I won't say what my ideas for Napoleon and Deutsche Kambodia are quite yet. Part of my writing style is not trying to plan too far out in advance beyond broad strokes and sort of just let the history randomly unfold before me, as events in the real world happen, and then letting the butterflies fly where they will. We'll see if pantsing a timeline all the way from 1862 to present day will work but hey, why not.
Worked for rast in a shift in priotities and have been working so far, so you're doing a terrific work buddy. so just waiting to see what happen them
 
Maybe the best fate possible, even with the butterflies, rather a hero, he was...just there, such massive indiference in a world his nation was victorious is the perfect ironic punishment, he live as that...a trivia.


Worked for rast in a shift in priotities and have been working so far, so you're doing a terrific work buddy. so just waiting to see what happen them

I agree! And thank you, much appreciated. I'm really enjoying writing these daily updates and the thrill of doing them sort of on the fly.
 
The Economics of Bondage: The Economy of the Confederate States in the 19th Century
"...critical to understanding the stagnation of the Confederate economy beyond the ever-profitable cotton trade in the postwar years is a clause in the Confederate Constitution reading thus:

'To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes; but neither this, nor any other clause contained in the constitution, shall ever be construed to delegate the power to Congress to appropriate money for any internal improvement intended to facilitate commerce; except for the purpose of furnishing lights, beacons, and buoys, and other aids to navigation upon the coasts, and the improvement of harbors and the removing of obstructions in river navigation, in all which cases, such duties shall be laid on the navigation facilitated thereby, as may be necessary to pay the costs and expenses thereof.'

In effect, the framers of the Confederate Constitution - mostly Calhounians who had bristled at federal violations of states' rights still bitter over the broad readings of the Commerce Clause by all three branches of the Union government in the antebellum era - had banned the Richmond government from being able to fund any internal improvements, whatsoever, within the Confederacy. Though railways in the 1860s were typically private concerns, the commerce clause had still been a powerful tool for the federal government to subsidize internal improvements, even if such efforts were largely suspended with the rise of Jacksonian Democrats. It was in this tradition the Confederate Congress continued, with a few issues:

Capital for improvements in the Confederacy, unlike in the Union, came almost entirely from foreign sources. Those speculating on the Texas Eastern Railroad or the Georgia-Florida Railroad, to name a few, were primarily bankers in London and Paris rather than businessmen in the New World. The large role reserved for the states also created a fair amount of duplicity - in one infamous example, the Confederacy had a number of different railroad gauges by the late 1870s, commercial law varied so greatly from one state to another that most merchants decided to stay in their own state, and the intense allergy the South had to tariffs left the federal government effectively bankrupt for nearly the entire Presidency of Nathan Forrest.

Forrest, it should be said, despite being a Jacksonian businessman at heart, made his best efforts in this era to persuade the Congress that the Confederacy could never pay its war debts or continue buying ironclads from Britain without a true tariff and duty system. Though the market for Confederate cotton was robust, and foreign investments were increasing, the Panic of 1870 would freeze that up and put the country in a deep depression for well over a decade, not to mention the expense of foreign adventures the CSA pursued at that time. Debates over soft money and hard money paralleled those to the north, and Forrest's efforts to get a Confederate greenbacks in much wider circulation was one of the few major victories of his Presidency, despite the high inflation that it caused. After the brief burst of foreign investment and commercial activity that followed the Treaty of Havana, by the Long Depression the Confederate economy was already slumping by any modern standard, overly reliant on cotton exports and with little appetite for indigenous heavy industry of the kind proliferating in Europe or in their despised neighbor to the north..."

- The Economics of Bondage: The Economy of the Confederate States in the 19th Century
(Harvard School of Economics)
 
Amazing Article, feels very professional and would have been readed very nice, yeah the dixie are fucked their own rules and too reliant in a single commodity export model..now cotton, later on would be Oklahoma and Texas Oil...Jeez Dixie with luck would be a super brazil AT BEST.
 
Amazing Article, feels very professional and would have been readed very nice, yeah the dixie are fucked their own rules and too reliant in a single commodity export model..now cotton, later on would be Oklahoma and Texas Oil...Jeez Dixie with luck would be a super brazil AT BEST.

Not even quite like Brazil... because Brazil was at least attractive to immigrants from Europe being Catholic. A country hostile to non-Protestants with little immigrant tradition, all the land already taken and with a cheap labor supply of chattel slavery will see way way less immigration than other settler states in the New World.

But yes, you can see where I'm going with this - the one really clear idea that I've had from the beginning, sort of the animating thrust of this project, is the Confederacy as a commodity-export dependent, Dutch disease shitshow like a Brazil or South Africa (the latter in particular for obvious reasons) more similar to Latin American caudillo states than anything else. That thesis of mine is really the inspiration of Cinco de Mayo more than anything else.
 
But yes, you can see where I'm going with this - the one really clear idea that I've had from the beginning, sort of the animating thrust of this project, is the Confederacy as a commodity-export dependent, Dutch disease shitshow like a Brazil or South Africa (the latter in particular for obvious reasons) more similar to Latin American caudillo states than anything else. That thesis of mine is really the inspiration of Cinco de Mayo more than anything else.
And very online with Eric Hosbawn own musing that european powers would have used the confederacy as racist slaveholder nation was much like they used south africa too. And make sense, that is why feel so familiar, say anything my nation, we fought hard to abolish slavery even after botched tries, And yeah you nailed very well, if anything give so unique flavour this timeline, the same with mexico, Maxiliam seems is working...but for how long? still he is even more liberal than the Porfirio anyway
 
And very online with Eric Hosbawn own musing that european powers would have used the confederacy as racist slaveholder nation was much like they used south africa too. And make sense, that is why feel so familiar, say anything my nation, we fought hard to abolish slavery even after botched tries, And yeah you nailed very well, if anything give so unique flavour this timeline, the same with mexico, Maxiliam seems is working...but for how long? still he is even more liberal than the Porfirio anyway

ill have to look this Hosbawn guy up! I’m just not a fan of the TL191 CSA-as-Third Reich path, it’s really ASB in my view, and exploring a CSA oriented like many similar LatAm plantation economies with caudillo style personality politics interests me (Forrest fits this kind of thing like a glove)
 
’m just not a fan of the TL191 CSA-as-Third Reich path, it’s really ASB in my view, and exploring a CSA oriented like many similar LatAm plantation economies with caudillo style personality politics interests me (Forrest fits this kind of thing like a gl
Did was, too paralelistic but still was fun(i only give turtledove a pass for that...) that was a minor section in his book the age of empire but very direct and fitting how you do this timeline, Eric Hobsbawm would help a you to break the myth of the belle epoque too,

And Yeah you nailed it perfectly buddy, that is why feel so eeiree familiar for me
 
Did was, too paralelistic but still was fun(i only give turtledove a pass for that...) that was a minor section in his book the age of empire but very direct and fitting how you do this timeline, Eric Hobsbawm would help a you to break the myth of the belle epoque too,

And Yeah you nailed it perfectly buddy, that is why feel so eeiree familiar for me
I take it you’re from Latin America?
 
The Reign of Napoleon III 1848-1974
"...for Le Trois, the opportunity to reassert French national pride, rebuild its international influence after the humiliations at Brussels and continue to rebuild cache with the ardently conservative Catholic French countryside from which the Emperor drew his support but which still was frustrated by Pius IX's exile from Rome came earlier than they thought. News arrived in Paris of an incident on the other side of the world two years earlier - rumors had reached French naval captains in the Far East of a massacre of Catholics, including French missionaries, in the hermit kingdom of Korea. The rumors were unsubstantiated [1] until messages reached Japan in late 1867 - coincidentally when a French military mission to train Shogunate forces had arrived. Smarting from the unequal treaty and having given away a Far Eastern protectorate, it was Rouher who had the thought to use the incident as an opportunity to reassert France as a defender of the faith and potentially establish another foothold in Asia. As soon as the news came to Paris, Bazaine drafted a plan and presented it to Napoleon III mere hours after the Emperor had been treated for gallbladder infections and was delirious. It would not be the last time Le Trois took advantage of the Emperor's poor health in the last years of his reign.

Admiral Pierre-Gustave Roze of the French Far East Squadron sailed from Yokohama to consult with the
charges d'affaires in Peking in late May - while Paris was burning half a world away - while also sending a ship back to France to consult for further instructions. Roze's campaign started with trying to chart as much of the Korean coast as possible, as little attention had been paid to the island over the years. The admiral was skeptical of anything beyond earning reparations [2] from the Korean polity yet at the urging of the Foreign Ministry's emissaries in China sailed into Pusan Harbor demanding Korea open to the world, much in the way Japan had been opened by the Americans fourteen years earlier. Bombardments did little, and so Roze sailed instead to Ganghwa Island and seized it, planning expeditions inland. A few minor skirmishes left the French outnumbered and Roze decided to retreat, with Europeans in Peking urging he return next year - and return he did, for to his surprise he was joined by much of the French Navy and a substantial contingent of the Foreign Legion, including experienced veterans from Mexico..."

- The Reign of Napoleon III 1848-1974

[1] In OTL, enough missionaries escaped the violence in Korea that they were able to alert Admiral Roze of the event and he responded with force at Ganghwa Island; enough butterflies flap their wings that the persecution and execution of French missionaries goes unknown for enough time that it slips past the war and the circumstances of a French campaign against Korea happens in a very different political environment
[2] This is Roze's OTL stance, for whatever it's worth, unlike the lunatics at the mission in Peking who wanted the eleven year old who ran Korea to give up his crown entirely.
 
Confederates having different rail gauges, each state having their own trade rules. This is reminding me of a very old TL in a good way.
It's also making me think of Porfirian Mexico, where a lot of the country was basically a lot of personal kingdoms, but on steroids
 
Confederates having different rail gauges, each state having their own trade rules. This is reminding me of a very old TL in a good way.
It's also making me think of Porfirian Mexico, where a lot of the country was basically a lot of personal kingdoms, but on steroids

Thanks! That's definitely one of the things I'm drawing on for inspiration as I move forward. Also PRI Mexico, with all its "little caudillos," and perhaps a less warlord-y Warlord Era China. I want to really dig into how a poor Confederacy obsessed with state's rights would really run
 
The Scramble for Asia: Colonialism in the Far East
"...for the first few years of its protectorate, the territory referred to as Deutsche Kambodscha was more of a curious afterthought to the German government. Lacking a blue water navy at the scale of Britain or France (or even Spain [1]), it was an inconvenience for Germany to attempt to reach its protectorate in Southeast Asia until well after the Suez Canal opened in early 1869. Beyond that, Chancellor Bismarck was little interested in colonies and Cambodia on its own was not of any particular value, having been absorbed by France as a way to build a buffer between her Cochinchina colonies that she really cared about and Siam. Nevertheless, Germany took its efforts to pursue a colonial presence in Southeast Asia seriously, appointing Prince Luitpold of Bavaria, the uncle of Bavaria's Wittelsbach King Ludwig II, as Generalresident at their base at Kampot. German rule in Cambodia would not be direct for many years - their presence existed, initially, solely to defend coastal Cambodian cities against Vietnamese pirates from Cochinchina and to keep Siam out. Luitpold took his position as Generalresident seriously, though, presaging his long years as regent of his home country (it was lost on few in Germany that Wilhelm's dispatch of the competent Luitpold to Southeast Asia was by design to keep him from influencing his odd and possibly mad nephews too much). In Kampot and Kompong Som he built coastal artillery to defend against piracy, established gymnasia to teach the locals German and other "civilizing" subjects, and in his missives with King Norodom he requested the right to develop a bureaucracy on Cambodia's behalf. By the end of his decade in Cambodia, at which point he returned home to Bavaria and was replaced by his second son, Prince Leopold, he had developed a model protectorate - with a functional bureaucracy by colonial standards staffed almost entirely by locals who could speak functional German, with railroads built from Phnom Penh to coastal cities, and with an agricultural export economy gradually developing [2].

- The Scramble for Asia: Colonialism in the Far East

[1] More on this in a bit
[2] Besides building railroads, this was decidedly not how France governed Cambodia, which it flooded with Vietnamese laborers and made nowhere near the same kinds of investments into.
 
[1] More on this in a bit
Mostly because spain did have ships to phillipines calling it a good navy is a strech, still is bigger as Italy and Germany and even russia navies are non existant yet.

Wonder if that might cause Cambodia to be more catholic than protestant because Bavarian influence
 
Mostly because spain did have ships to phillipines calling it a good navy is a strech, still is bigger as Italy and Germany and even russia navies are non existant yet.

Wonder if that might cause Cambodia to be more catholic than protestant because Bavarian influence

Yup! That's exactly it.

And probably, though Catholic France didn't make much of a religious dent in Cambodia during the colonial years to begin with
 
Seymour: Portrait of a Forgotten President
"...Seymour had one small advantage, and that was that he had known for well over a month who he would face in that fall's election. In May, the Republicans had gathered in Chicago to select a nominee. Unlike the fractious 1864 convention, where splits between Radicals and moderates in Lincoln's mold had led to the nomination of Union General Ulysses Grant - a man with few political opinions and whose reputation as a drunkard soiled his candidacy - there was a clear agreement at the outset of the Republican nominating contest that allowing the convention to descend into shouting and anger would hand the generally unpopular Seymour another term. The clear frontrunners were Benjamin Wade, a Senator, and Salmon Chase, Lincoln's former Treasury Secretary, both of Ohio. The Ohio delegation pledged to split their ballots equally between the two men and Wade and Chase were left to work the room, both clearly ambitious for the nod. Chase would narrowly take the nomination on the third ballot after Lincoln - a rival of Chase within the party when they had served in Cabinet together - gave one of his famous oratories suggesting Chase was the best candidate. Despite the fact that Chase had repeatedly undermined Lincoln during the war and pushed policies - including putting his face on all greenback notes [1] - that were designed to further his career, the 16th President put his pride aside and so Chase would be the Presidential nominee in 1868 rather than 1864 like he had planned for years. Though a Radical in the early days of the party, Chase had come to be viewed as cozy with Democrats and his skepticism of protective tariffs led to a name familiar to Republican officials being made his surprise Vice Presidential nominee - John C. Fremont, former Senator of California and the 1856 nominee [2]. A push to name Roscoe Conkling Vice President failed at the last moment, and the ticket was set to acclamation.

Seymour, then, in July had his opening at the Democratic convention held in his native New York's Tammany Hall. Chase was thought uninspiring to many Republicans, particularly on the tariff question, and Seymour hoped to use that in his campaign. Despite briefly reluctant to seek a second term, Seymour had decided to take another bite at the apple, fearing "Conkling and Stevens unleashed" if he should lose. The biggest issue facing him in the initial balloting was opposition from his own Vice President, George Pendleton. Pendleton, the "Old Ohio Copperhead," was a fierce soft money supporter [3], even more so than Salmon Chase. Seymour had hoped to exploit Chase's weakness on the currency question (Republicans were as split on the issue as Democrats, a rare point of disagreement within the much more ideologically cohesive party), and had already decided to do everything in his power to keep the 'King of Greenback Debt' off his ticket. Pendleton, outraged at the betrayal, started a floor fight in which he indeed placed first on the first two ballots. Seymour, humiliated, lobbied other state delegations - particularly East Coast delegations looking for patronage generally supportive of hard money and a larger Navy - to hand him their delegates. On the third and fourth ballots, Seymour came first, and as more candidates were withdrawn by their delegations, it became clear that Pendleton could not defeat the President head-on. Seymour was helped by a stemwinding speech by the young John T. Hoffman, the Mayor of New York and candidate for Governor in that fall's election. Looking for geographic balance, the convention debated two names for Vice President [4] - Thomas A. Hendricks, Senator for Indiana, and Augustus Dodge, a former Senator for Iowa. Hendricks was a national figure from his opposition to many Lincoln policies and had been a natural ally of Seymour in the Senate, and there were fears he would lose his Senate seat when the Indiana Legislature reconvened to elect him that fall [5]. Dodge, meanwhile, had supported Pendleton, but was amiable and did not seem to have any particular ambitions of his own. Burned by Pendleton's frequent scheming as President of the Senate (a powerless role but one in which the Old Copperhead had nevertheless built a public stature moreso than any previous holder of the office), Seymour quietly lobbied to have the quieter, less notorious Dodge nominated over Hendricks. The discovery of the move soon thereafter sullied the friendship between Hendricks and Seymour permanently, and it would never recover. On the second ballot, Augustus Dodge was nominated, despite his private lobbying on Hendricks' behalf [6]. It would, of course, not be the last hurrah for Tom Hendricks.

With the tickets set, Seymour prepared to face off against Chase, a man he liked and had indeed hoped would have become a Democrat in the postwar years. Years later, Seymour would lament, 'Oh, that we could have been on a ticket together...'"


- Seymour: Portrait of a Forgotten President

[1] This is 100% true
[2] Something of a has-been, but better politically for Chase than somebody like Sumner, Conkling or Stevens
[3] Indeed what he wanted to make his 1868 campaign about. He was also an unreconstructed Confederate sympathizer
[4] Without Radical Reconstruction, Francis P. Blair doesn't bail on the Republicans and become a Democrat
[5] And indeed he did in OTL
[6] Dodge did indeed support Pendleton in 1868, was a withdrawn VP candidate at the convention, and thought of Hendricks as a potential nominee in 1872
 
Thanks! That's definitely one of the things I'm drawing on for inspiration as I move forward. Also PRI Mexico, with all its "little caudillos," and perhaps a less warlord-y Warlord Era China. I want to really dig into how a poor Confederacy obsessed with state's rights would really run
In the old TL I read it gets so bad that every state has their own rail gauge and type of rifle (with diff. calibers), so when they fight the US they can't work together and supply is basically impossible
 
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In the old TL I read it gets so bad that every state has their own rail gauge and rifle that when they fight the US they can't work together and supply is a nightmare

Haha oh boy... well idk if it'll get quite that bad for this version of the CSA, but stay tuned, I guess is what I'll say ;)
 
A History of Victorian Britain 1860-69
"...the shockwaves of the Sydney Affair spread not just in England, where the outrage over the assassination of Prince Alfred had bubbled over into anti-Irish and more broadly anti-Catholic sentiment. Protestant Irish, particularly in the north of Ireland, made major demonstrations as well, the trial of Henry O'Farrell in New South Wales could charitably be described as a farce (particularly as information that the man was mentally unwell and not in fact a Fenian as he had initially claimed) and even in young Canada, the events became a crucible for Prime Minister John MacDonald. Irish immigrants to Canada were suddenly torn between loyalty to their new nation and their homeland, and Ulstermen in Canada used it as a rallying cry. The already powerful Orange Order suddenly swelled with recruits, and across the British Empire the Twelfth of July in 1868 became one of the biggest in history - and bloodiest. The Twelfth march in Toronto ended with a massive riot, wherein twelve people - all Catholics - were brutally beaten to death by the mob, two of them dragged behind horses in the streets. In New York, two Catholic churches were firebombed on the Twelfth and a massive riot forced Mayor John Hoffman to call in the state militia to quell, with Irish neighborhoods of the city burning for two days.

The Catholics were not without recourse, however. Counter-demonstrations rocked Canada, as the Irish Republican Brotherhood found a swell of recruits there as well, funded by wealthy Irish immigrants in the United States. With the Fenian raids having occurred but two years earlier, MacDonald watched the events in alarm and announced he would raise the Canadian militia to keep the peace, though he also sent a desperate missive to the Colonial Office in London via the Governor General, asking for a regiment of the British Army to potentially defend against more Fenian incursions. The angry, anti-Catholic tone also sat poorly with the French majority in Quebec, and MacDonald gave a series of speeches in Montreal during the tense summer trying to assure them that his government would not risk the young Confederation and that he was not in alignment with the reactionary tone emanating from the Stanley government in London.

The Canadian Militia responded ably to a massive anti-Orange riot in Toronto on August 7th, and the small British garrison remaining in Canada was moved to the city weeks later to protect against another such move. The description of the rioters as "Fenians" - erroneous based on all evidence available to modern historians - only served to agitate the Protestant-majority public mood. Orange banners were hung in churches and additional demonstrations were planned. On September 1, MacDonald learned that his wish had been granted after debate in Parliament - not only would the British garrison in Canada be expanded conditional on Ottawa raising an even larger Militia, but a considerable squadron of the Royal Navy would be sent to harbor in Halifax as well. For MacDonald, this was also a godsend - Nova Scotia was the most difficult province in the Confederation and had already threatened to withdraw over financial matters, and American and British public opinion had grown skeptical that Canada would survive intact, and both Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland continued to hold out of joining Canada [1].

The Halifax Squadron, meant to signal British commitment to keeping the peace in Canada, arrived on September 15, two weeks after MacDonald learned by telegram that they would be arriving with a contingent of both the Army and the Royal Marines. It was a plain signal that Britain would defend the Confederation against dissolution and further Fenian raids, or at least so thought MacDonald and the Colonial Office. Just to the south, in the United States, the flotilla was interpreted very differently..."


- A History of Victorian Britain 1860-69

[1] All three of these things were indeed the case in the early years of Confederation
 
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