Territorial Objectives: 'Squaring the Circle'
The creation of Greater Lebanon on 1 September 1920 satisfied the national aspirations of Maronite religious and political leaders at the time. However, the extended borders entailed the inclusion of a large Muslim population. Whereas the Maronites had constituted a majority in the sanjak of Mount Lebanon, in Greater Lebanon they became a minority. The population of the sanjak in 1911 totalled 414,800 of whom approximately 80% were Christians, with the Maronites comprising 58%. In the areas annexed to the sanjak, the Christians comprised 35% of the population after 1920, with the Maronites comprising a mere 14%(n33) (Figure 2).
At the time, the Muslim population in the annexed territories, who resented their enforced detachment from Syria and regarded Greater Lebanon as an artificial entity, repeatedly insisted on being reunited with Syria, which they regarded as their Arab homeland.(n34) These aspirations posed a fundamental threat to the Maronites' idea of Lebanon as a predominantly Christian state with strong ties to the West. How were the Maronites to retain a politically dominant position in Greater Lebanon where they constituted less than one third of the resident population in 1920?
Already in May 1921 George Samne, a Lebanese immigrant in France, argued that the Maronite political leadership had either to detach the annexed areas in order to retain a Christian majority, and thereby a more consistent Christian identity, or to retain the enlarged borders, which would inevitably require a different approach towards Syria and the Muslim population. He described the fulfillment of the two as an attempt to 'square the circle'.(n35) Five years later, in July 1926, the Maronite Patriarch Huwayik writes to Briand, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs:
The original idea that served as a basis for the establishment of the Lebanese state was to make it into a refuge for all the Christians of the Orient and an abode of undivided fidelity to France, yet we are sorry to say that after eight years of hesitant efforts, more has been lost than gained. Wouldn't be right to do here what was done in the Balkans and Silesia? There is nothing wrong in an exchange of population between Jabal Druze and the Southeastern region of Lebanon, namely the Druze, as well as between the Muslims and Christians of some other regions.(n36)
Neither territorial amputations nor population displacements were effected as a result of unequal ethnic demographic distribution, as seen by some Christian political leaders. The carrying out of the 1932 census and the application of citizenship policies in the aftermath of the census should, however, be seen within a perspective where certain steps were undertaken in order to preserve and buttress Christian hegemony over the state.(n37) What were perceived as unfavourable demographic realities were sought to be controlled through citizenship policies that differentiated between desirable and undesirable members of the Lebanese state.
One indication of the use of citizenship as a means of buttressing Christian supremacy appeared during the census period in 1932. A prominent Maronite political figure, Emile Edde,(n38) proposed measures that 'permit [Lebanon] to have a more consistent Christian majority'.(n39) He recommended the transformation of Tripoli into a free city under direct French control; the Christian inhabitants of the city would obtain Lebanese citizenship while the Muslims would obtain Syrian citizenship. Edde explains:
In this way, Lebanon would number 55,000 Muslims less, which would constitute an agreeable result ... There is also room to make the whole region of South Lebanon, which is composed of a very large Muslim Shiite majority, an autonomous entity. Thanks to this second amputation, Lebanon will be quit of nearly 140,000 Shiite and Sunni Muslims, and remain with a Christian majority equaling approximately 80% of its entire population.
The date of the memorandum, 29 August 1932, suggests that the preliminary results from the 1932 census (which ended in September 1932), showing the close balance in numbers between Muslim and Christian inhabitants on Lebanese territories, were most probably known to its author. This might have encouraged him to propose alternative measures, where the distribution of citizenship was seen as instrumental in order to strengthen Christian numerical dominance before the results were officially presented. The use of citizenship as a political instrument, in ways curiously similar to Edda's suggestions, was effected in the aftermath of 1932 census.(n40) On the one hand, undesirable residents were either excluded from enlisting in personal registries, or they were categorized as 'foreigners'. These steps excluded thousands of residents from acquiring citizenship. On the other hand, 'desirable' emigrants were given the opportunity to register in the census, enabling them to gain Lebanese citizenship.