Camelot Forever

Now on to the Rockefeller Presidency

1969

Nelson Rockefeller appeared out of the long tunnel, wearing a black overcoat and flanked by his beaming wife Happy. A roar of applause emanated from the rostrum and the crowd below. The President-elect couldn’t help but smile too, waving tepidly to those around him. All of Washington surrounded him, from Speaker McCormack and Senator Dirsken, to his own cabinet nominees. As he strode down the aisle and towards the front of the stage, President Kennedy reached out to shake his hand. It was a proud moment for both of them. Despite the stress of the office, Kennedy appeared rested and well tanned. Perhaps knowing that he could return to Hyannis Port had taken some of the anxiety away. Rockefeller, half in jest, asked “Any suggestions?” The President leaned in to his successor, and whispering said “It’s not that hard. Just don’t blow it, ok?”
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Rockefeller’s inauguration was the culmination of one man’s dream and one family’s legacy. For almost a century, the Rockefeller name had meant something to practically every American. For the first few generations it had practically been a curse, symbolic of the excesses of capitalism and the poor treatment of workers. Grandfather John had taken no shortcuts and hadn’t cut any corners. Had he been ruthless? Yes, few could deny that. But it had ensured that his children and grandchildren would live comfortable lives. His son and namesake had worked to keep the family’s balance sheets in order while keeping the family name off the front page. His son, in turn, had catapulted the family name back into center stage. In a career devoted to public service and personal success, Nelson Rockefeller had reached the absolute pinnacle.
In the weeks leading up to his taking of the oath, Rockefeller had worked to prepare himself for the daunting office. His first test was in responding to the fall of South Vietnam. A crippling defeat in the struggle against the spread of Communism, most Americans put the blame on President Kennedy. In particular, Congressional Republicans lambasted Kennedy for “wavering in our commitment to freedom.” Had he been on the campaign trail, Rockefeller would have done the same. But as President-elect, he hoped to develop a solid repertoire with his predecessor. This meant laying off the aggressive rhetoric, at least until he had taken the oath of office. Kennedy and Rockefeller’s relationship was not a bad one. In fact, Kennedy was quite comfortable with the Republican victory in November. Rockefeller never proposed rolling back the reforms of the New Frontier, and if anything would have the political capital to push through several stalled measures. He also shared Kennedy’s pragmatism and personal drive. While their two families had little in common when it came to background, both men had come from intense families were doing one’s best was rarely good enough.

By eschewing political games in favor of cooperation, Rockefeller was able to get Kennedy’s frank take on Vietnam. “There was never an endgame to it” the President instructed Rockefeller. “Diem, Thieu, Ky. It didn’t matter. No one was going to keep that nation free for long.” But what was his response? How would the United States prevent the domino theory from taking full effect? “We’ve got to keep supporting the neighboring regimes, but we have to weigh the risks with the rewards. Is keeping Vietnam, or Thailand, or Cambodia free worth thousands of American lives?” Despite Rockefeller’s support for an increased American role in Vietnam, he wasn’t going to argue that point. The two men would discuss most every issue in the weeks prior to the inauguration. There was a fair amount of consensus, with the only major differences being found over the budget and the necessary steps to quell inflation. In their last meeting, Kennedy would make it clear that “If you ever need some advice, don’t hesitate to call me. I can’t imagine you’ll have to deal with some of the sh**t I did, but you never know.” He was also sure to get in one last plug: “And if you can’t get a hold of me, talk to Bobby.”

Internally, Rockefeller’s biggest challenge was in filling the ranks of his new Administration. George Hinman, the Governor’s long time aide, would fill the role of Chief of Staff. Much like Jack Kennedy’s choice of Ken O’Donnell, it was a move intended on keeping the inner circle a private group. Despite the choice of Hinman, Rockefeller was generally open to bringing in new talent and personalities he was unfamiliar with. An affable man, Nelson, as he was called by his friends, planned on creating a capable and qualified cabinet with varying ideologies. He hoped for an open debate on a variety of issues ranging from health care, to taxes, to foreign policy. At the Defense Department, Rockefeller was able to persuade the reluctant Clark Clifford to stay on, at least for a few more years. Clifford respected Rockefeller, but had hoped to leave his post in January. The new President had used the weight of the office to force his hand. Another Democrat joining the Administration would be Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who would take the job of Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. Republicans would also populate the Cabinet. Former rival George Romney signed on to be Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare. John Volpe agreed to be Secretary of Transportation, a lackluster job in terms of policy, but important in terms of patronage and pork. Rounding out the domestic policy side of the cabinet, Rockefeller selected a bipartisan team including his friends Peter J. Brennan (Secretary of Labor) and Rogers Morton (Agriculture), Chicago School economist Charles Schultze (Commerce), Alaska Governor Wally Hickel (Interior), Arizona Governor Richard Kleindeist (Justice), Civil Rights specialist William Mount (Post Office), and David Kennedy (Treasury). In the words of the New York Times, they were “the best and brightest…The only question is whether President Rockefeller will hold them by the leash, or let them run wild.”
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Rockefeller’s foreign policy team was less ideologically diverse. A foreign policy hawk, Rockefeller was determined to put a renewed focus on curbing the spread of Communism, especially in Latin America. The President’s personal experiences in that region made him particularly concerned about Marxist groups playing on the anger and fears of poor peasants. Therefore, Rockefeller selected a team of foreign policy experts with a particular expertise on America’s southern neighbors. Clark Clifford, the Secretary of Defense, drew up a report for the President on the importance of “counteracting Cuban insurgency efforts” in Central America. This report was circulated throughout the new Administration as a crucial element of what would be later known as the Rockefeller Doctrine. Aiding Clifford in his efforts would be John McCone, Kennedy’s CIA Director. McCone received a promotion and was tasked with leading the State Department. As one of the leading proponents of rapprochement with Cuba, McCone found himself at odds with Rockefeller on a great deal of policy. Yet the President was eager to have a diverse cabinet. Besides, he and McCone agreed on most other issues and stood as strong critics of the Soviet Union. The two were joined in this matter by Rockefeller’s most trusted foreign policy associate, Henry Kissinger. Rockefeller’s foreign policy advisor during the campaign, Kissinger was one of the most well versed and respected scholars in the field of international relations. An ardent realist, Kissinger argued that the Kennedy Administration had been too ideologically driven in its actions. Taking the crucial position of National Security Advisor, he would attempt to guide America towards a more pragmatic and issue-specific foreign policy strategy.
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On January 20th, 1969, Nelson Rockefeller was officially sworn in as President of the United States. Surrounded by some of the nation’s most influential individuals, as well as his family and dearest friends, the new President urged unity and internal peace. In his inaugural address, written by Joseph Persico, Rockefeller called for a “renewed sense of self-purpose” where “American dignity and safety are preserved both at home and abroad.” Refraining from his most commonly used stump speech line (“The first civil right is safety”), Rockefeller reached out to sympathetic Democrats who still ran Congress. Following his speech, the President basked in the pageantry of the drive down Pennsylvania Avenue and towards the White House. Years later, CBS Reporter Dan Rather would note that “he (Rockefeller) was the most genuinely happy President I’ve ever seen, at least on the day of his inauguration.”

The first major proposal down the pipe was an Anti-Ballistic Missile system that Rockefeller was eager to pass. Supported by every member of his Administration, the proposal called for increased funding and deployment of ABM systems around the United States. Despite raising the ire of some liberals in both parties, the legislation was passed with a bipartisan vote.* From a political standpoint, the ABM was a wise move to placate concerned conservative Republicans who doubted the new President’s Republican credentials. Following the passage of the ABM, Rockefeller turned his focus to domestic priorities. In his proposed budget for 1970, the President proposed cuts to discretionary spending and on some “inefficient” military programs. Yet he also called for increases in conventional military spending and on appropriations for HEW. Thus, the budget would continue to be unbalanced for the time being. The two most significant domestic actions for 1969 were not enacted by the end of the year. The first was the President’s Commission on Urban Renewal. A bipartisan study group headed by Pat Moynihan, PCUR was intended to report back to Rockefeller on policy beneficial to poor urban cities and neighborhoods. In the end, Moynihan’s group released an extensive list of proposals in August of 1969. Rather than acting rapidly, Rockefeller decided to wait until 1970 before initiating a slew of legislation. The second biggest element of Rockefeller’s agenda was welfare reform, which he had hoped to initiate in 1969. But with Moynihan’s Commission reporting that many of their proposals were tied to an overhaul of the entitlement, the President decided to tie the two together in 1970. In the stead of these programs, the President shifted his focus to environmental affairs and inflation. In February, Rockefeller proposed the creation of an Environmental Protection Agency and a National Oceanic and Atmospheric Association. Tied with amendments to 1967’s Clear Air Act, this legislation was passed and signed into law. On the matter of inflation, Rockefeller worked with Fed Chairman William Martin to increase interest rates in an attempt to curb price increases. While somewhat successful, this effort led to a dip in the economic growth of the 1960s, leading to criticisms from both parties.

On the international stage, Rockefeller used 1969 as a year to establish himself as a man of the world. Touring Western Europe, he attempted to improve American relations with France and its controversial President Charles de Gaulle. 1969 was a great year for the General, who saw his final great initiative, the 1969 Constitutional Referendum on reforming the Senate and decentralizing governing authority, pass narrowly. At the same time, Rockefeller worked hard to maintain strong political ties to Great Britain and its pro-Kennedy Prime Minister, Harold Wilson. Rockefeller supported Wilson’s efforts to curb violence in Northern Ireland, despite frustrations from the Irish Catholic community in the United States. Meeting with Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev in Vienna, Rockefeller made clear that “under no circumstances will the United States break our commitments to halting the spread of Communism. And, Mr. Brezhnev, I imagine you and your countrymen feel the same way about your role.” It was still up for debate as to where this relationship would go in the coming years. As for 1969, it was a solid first year for a President who was elected largely to do things a President had very little power over: urban crime and rioting. The real question was, now that he was elected, would the American people stand behind Nelson Rockefeller?
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Into the 70s

1970

1970 was a difficult year for President Rockefeller. While he proved to be an able and qualified President, the moderate Republican was repeatedly hounded on a variety of ideological fronts. Members of both parties attacked him, and more often than not their claims stuck. Nonetheless, Rockefeller was able to pass a handful of solid legislation, and guide the nation through an increasingly dark patch of time.

While domestic and foreign policy dominated the discussion in 1970, there were some far simpler issues to deal with. NASA, which had gained glory in the 1960s, continued to be on the cutting edge of scientific discovery. Despite budget cuts supported by Rockefeller, the American space program sent another group of men to the moon. Research on moon rocks gave more and more knowledge on the age and creation of the orbiting body. This in turn helped stimulate research on the geologic history of the Earth and other planets. While NASA rarely made headlines in 1970, it had proven its effectiveness as a world leader once again.
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The positive steps taken by NASA were overshadowed on international foreign policy. In Northern Ireland, violent clashes between the IRA and the British military grew more and more frequent. In 1969, British voters had sent Ted Heat to #10 Downing Street and had given the Conservatives control of Parliament. Whereas Harold Wilson was reluctant to commit troops to the divided region, Heath was more than willing to “crush the terrorist movement before it can grow.” But instead of destroying the IRA, Heath’s actions helped fuel the Republican flame. Images of British troops firing into crowds of protestors with rubber bullets swelled the ranks of the IRA and gave its political wing, Sinn Fein, greater legitimacy on the world stage. In the United States, President Rockefeller continued to stand by Heath, despite his anti-American inklings. Better news came from Nigeria, where a war that had raged for over two years came to an end. Separatists had been defeated by the national government, and despite the negative connotations that new brought with it, at least peace had been restored.

President Rockefeller had come into office promising to restore peace and prosperity to an America reeling from high crime and a growing counter-culture. But there was little the President could do to seriously change the society. Young people continued to protest on college campuses, citing everything from the prevalence of ROTC recruiters to a lack of condoms. In these cases, there was nothing that Rockefeller could do. Whenever he visited colleges and universities, he emphasized the importance of being studious and remembering that “You’re costing your parents a lot of money. Don’t go wasting it.” On the issue of crime, Rockefeller passed an omnibus crime bill in February which built on President Kennedy’s legislation from a few years earlier. It increased funding for community policing and increased penalties for drug possession. Rockefeller chose to declare a “war on drugs” at the signing ceremony, blaming narcotics for “corrupting the fabrics of American society.”

On the international stage, perhaps no event shook the world like the death of French President Charles de Gaulle. The leader of the French Resistance in World War Two, de Gaulle had helped save the French Republic upon his triumphal return to power in 1958. Since that year, he had governed his nation from the position of President. Up through 1968, de Gaulle had seen a period of social stability and economic growth. But with the May 1968 movement in Paris, de Gaulle saw his power of personality weaken. No longer was he a universally popular force who could prevent the sort of radical political thought found throughout the western world. But in the aftermath of the protests, de Gaulle would find solace in a renewed parliamentary majority and the passage of his constitutional referendum in 1969. Perhaps no figure shaped 20th Century France more than “Le General”, and his shadow would hover over his country for years to come. Interim President Maurice Cove de Murville summed it up when he stated “There shall never be another de Gualle. He will always be with us. He will always be a part of us.” A less shocking death occurred in Egypt, where the controversial dictator Abdul Nasser passed away. Most famous for his nationalization of the Suez Canal and the ensuing conflict in the Sinai Peninsula that followed, Nasser was actually a successful nationalist who effectively led his nation through a potentially divisive two decades. His death, while drawing little attention in the western press, signified an end of an era in Egypt.
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1970 signified a shift in separatist and terrorist movements world-wide. In previous decades, terrorist attacks had been largely aimed at military forces and government targets. For the most part, this had been ineffective at causing real policy changes. After all, the military was generally able to respond with overwhelming force. It was inevitable that many of the world’s best trained and equipped terror groups would shift their focus to forcing the hand of civilian governments. The Palestinian Liberation Organization, determined to eliminate the nation of Israel, hijacked several plains over Europe. Very few civilians were harmed, but the effect was clear: even individuals with no ties to Israel faced risks. The Irish Republican Army, rejuvenated during the late 1960s also stepped up their efforts. While the focus was still the British Army, the IRA did attack Protestant paramilitary leaders. In Quebec, separatist groups kidnapped several government ministers, killing two of them. Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau invoked the War Measures Act in an attempt to snuff out the extremist elements in the Francophone province. This led to further criticism from Quebecois, but was deemed necessary in order to restore order.*

Back in the United States, water pollution became a major issue as the nation’s rivers became notorious for being incredibly poisonous and in some cases lighting on fire. Continuing his progressive environmental policies from the year before, Rockefeller proposed a Clean Water Act to help clean up the nation’s rivers, lakes, and streams. Aided by an aggressive media campaign led by activist Ralph Nader, the CWA passed Congress with the support of both Republicans and Democrats. The women’s liberation movement also picked up steam in 1970, particularly over the issue of the birth control pill. Many women’s groups favored greater access to the pill, especially for younger women. While this battle was mostly fought at a local and state level, the federal government did come into play. HEW Secretary George Romney announced that the FDA would keep its current warnings about the potential cancer risk from taking the pill as they stood. The word around Washington was that the Administration caved into pressure from conservative religious groups who were already frustrated with President Rockefeller’s center left orientation. Economically, the nation began to feel the effects of the monetary contraction that began in 1969. Interest rates grew higher, and with the economic growth of the 1960s coming to a halt, unemployment rose and more Americans began to feel the heat. The President was criticized by many Democrats for adopting monetarism and “creating a recession out of thin air” (Hubert Humphrey) and by Republicans for ignoring the growing budget deficit. Nonetheless, Rockefeller continued to spend money and support a tight monetary policy, despite the political backlash.
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The greatest fight of 1970 was over welfare reform. On the suggestion of Secretary Daniel Patrick Moynihan, President Rockefeller announced what he would call the Family Relief Act during his State of the Union Address. The expansive legislation was based around what was known as a negative income tax. Essentially, poor families would receive a check from the government for a set amount of money each month. That check would replace food stamps, Aid to Families with Dependent Children, and Medicaid. There would be fewer stipulations with the Family Relief Plan than with the current welfare system, as to allow fathers to be present in the household and to allow people to work and receive the benefits. Initially, the “Moynihan Plan” as it was known, received a great deal of popularity. A wide swath of the electorate embraced it as a necessary reform to the welfare state that would actually save money while helping more people. But after several weeks of discussion, the proposed legislation ran into its first road-blocks. Conservatives, such as Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, bashed the plan as “the end of any subtlety in welfare spending” while liberals like Ralph Yarborough attacked the legislation for “forgetting about why we have these programs in the first place. We have food stamps to help people buy food, welfare to help single mothers, and Medicaid to help the impoverished stay healthy. Now we’re just going to replace all of that with a handful of cash?” The anti-Moynihan coalition found its strongest advocate in freshman Senator Robert Kennedy. Unifying the liberal and conservative camps, Kennedy attacked the FRA for increasing dependence on the government, while failing to address the root causes of poverty.
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While his plan was under attack in Congress, Rockefeller worked behind the scenes in an attempt to secure passage of the legislation. In the Senate, both Majority Leader Mike Mansfield and Minority Leader Hugh Scott endorsed the legislation. In the House, Gerald Ford would spearhead the legislation over opposition from a weak Democratic frontbench. In mid-June, the FRA passed in the House in a major victory for the Administration and Republicans. But passage in the Senate was anything but a given. Mansfield circumvented the Labor and Public Welfare Committee and its chairman, Senator Yarborough, in favor of bringing the bill to a floor vote. As the debate raged on the Senate floor, a more public spectacle occurred on one Sunday morning in July. On NBC’s Meet the Press, Senator Kennedy would debate Secretary Moynihan. The White House hoped that the rhetorically gifted Moynihan could out-perform the emotional and ancy Kennedy. Instead, it what was one of the show’s greatest episodes, Kennedy kept his cool and poked hole after hole into the FRA. Meanwhile, Moynihan used his typical whit to defend himself. There was no clear-cut winner, but Kennedy had shown to the nation that this legislation was no manna from heaven. The debate also helped bring a halt to the legislation, as Mansfield would pull it from the calendar when it was clear he lacked 60 votes for cloture. What had appeared a silver bullet for the Rockefeller Administration proved to be a legislative disaster.

1970 Midterm Elections
1970 Senate Elections​
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Democratic Party: 55 (+1)
Republican Party: 44 (-1)
Independent: 1
Majority Leader: Mike Mansfield (D-MT)
Minority Leader: Hugh Scott (R-PA)

1970 House Elections​
Democratic Party: 255 (+31)
Republican Party: 180 (-31)
Speaker of the House: John McCormack (D-MA)
Minority Leader: Gerald Ford (R-MI)
 
1971

The failure of welfare reform, and the devastating results in the House of Representatives, meant that 1971 would be a year of regrouping and rebuilding for President Rockefeller. His image as a consensus building pragmatist had taken a serious hit, as both Democrats and Republicans grew frustrated with his inability to lead decisively. Even his prospects for reelection in 1972, once appearing to be a sure thing, looked increasingly difficult. Yet the President was not worried. Always self-assured, Rockefeller wrote off Congress as "a bunch of Beltway eggheads." It was a rare populist message from a man who was considered by most Americans to be an intellectual. But in reality, the President was not shifting against the intelligentsia, but rather shifting away from the legislative branch and towards the executive branch.
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The biggest issue on the minds of the American people in 1971 was the economy. After two years of tight monetary policy, inflation was firmly under control. But the affects of higher interest rates had taken their tole. The housing market was weak, and unemployment remained surprisingly high (7%-8%) for a non-recession. Rockefeller's economic advisers urged action; a round of fiscal stimulus to increase demand. The President, a creature of Keynesian designs, agreed. In fact, he went so far as to make fiscal stimulus the centerpiece of his State of the Union Address. His proposal was limited and targeted towards the stagnating housing market. A tax cut would be given to first time home buyers was combined with increased infrastructure spending in an attempt to make suburban and exurban America more appealing for business investment (thus making it easier to sell houses in those areas). The plan received bipartisan support, though many Republicans once again voiced their concern that the President had largely abandoned any so-called conservative credentials. To placate these critics, Rockefeller also proposed airline deregulation. In what he referred to as "a government supported cartel", the President attacked the regulators cozy relationship with big airlines. The legislation was sponsored in the Senate by the odd combination of Barry Goldwater and Ted Kennedy, and was passed shortly after the stimulus. Combined with a round of quantitative easing by the Fed, the perception was that the Administration was committed to growing the economy.

On the international scene, the President began to shift the tenor of the Cold War. Principally relying on his National Security Adviser, Dr. Henry Kissinger, Rockefeller would announce a very significant change in American foreign policy. At a speech at Stanford University in California, Rockefeller would unequivocally state that "The United States will no longer cling to a Eurocentric foreign policy. The conflicts of the future will be fought in the jungles, deserts, and villages of the developing world, and it is my intention to make it our top priority to prevent those conflicts and the spread of Communism in those regions." Along with the public shift to the Third World (namely Latin America), Rockefeller moved more subtly on the nature of detente. During the Kennedy Administration, the focus of US foreign policy had been to better relations with the Soviet Union. But with the invasion of the Czechoslovakia, this strategy had largely lost it's merit. Led by Kissinger, American foreign policy towards the Communist world shifted in focus towards the People's Republic of China. Recognizing the inherent conflict between the Soviets and Chinese, Kissinger proposed several steps that would align the United States with China and give them leverage in future arms talks with the USSR. The first, and most crucial, was allowing the People's Republic representation in the United Nations. Despite staunch conservative opposition, UN Ambassador William P. Rogers submitted the measure for a vote, which passed with 2/3 of nations in support. Rockefeller would go a step further by sending Kissinger to China to meet with that nation's leaders. It became clear to the world that the United States was re-positioning itself along a policy of realpolitik, rather than the more neoliberal approach the Kennedy had followed. In response, Russia worked with India to sign a semi-alliance. Despite Kennedy's close work with Nehru in India, Indira Gandhi showed her ability to use realpolitik to align with the Soviets. In response, Rockefeller agreed to further arms deals with the Pakistanis. In the Middle East, a US-Soviet proxy war began between the Egyptians and Israelis during Yom Kippur, when Egypt attempted to regain the grown lost during the Six-Day War. Despite some initial success, superior Israeli air power and technology was decisive in turning back the Arab tide.
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On the domestic front, Rockefeller was limited by Democratic majorities in both Houses of Congress. With limited opportunities to pass legislation, Rockefeller was forced to take what he was given. In 1971, that meant a pair of Supreme Court nominations. The retirements of Justices Harlan and Black gave the President an opportunity to reshape the court to his liking. For the first opening, that of Harlan, Rockefeller looked to the North. He would select Maine District Court Judge Edward Thaxter Gignoux, a Republican. Despite some trepidation by the Judiciary Committee, Gignoux would be easily confirmed by the Senate as a whole. The second nominee would be Philadelphia District Attorney Arlen Specter. Easily one of the nation's most famous prosecutors, Specter was a veteran of the investigation into the attempted assassination of President Kennedy. Embraced by liberals, Specter's nomination would be attacked by conservatives who questioned his credentials. Luckily for both Specter and the President, the Democratic majority would lead to his confirmation. Another issue involving the Court was that of busing. With a unanimous decision, the Court would uphold the lower court's ruling that busing was constitutional within a limited framework. This would cause a rise among both Northerners and Southerners, but was supported by the President and enforced by Secretary Romney.
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A mixture of pro-market and Keynesian measures as defended by Rocky may indeed be what the US needs.

Keep it coming!:)
 
Can we see gubernatorial elections (really all I care about is CA)? Wonder if we can see Nixon as governor 1974....:eek: (springboard for a 76 or 80 campaign provided Ted and Bobby dont jump in)
 
Think Nixon might be a bit old, and it would be foolish for him to challenge Reagan, who is a popular incumbent. Do you have hints of things to come for us Hcallega?
 
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