Now on to the Rockefeller Presidency
Nelson Rockefeller appeared out of the long tunnel, wearing a black overcoat and flanked by his beaming wife Happy. A roar of applause emanated from the rostrum and the crowd below. The President-elect couldn’t help but smile too, waving tepidly to those around him. All of Washington surrounded him, from Speaker McCormack and Senator Dirsken, to his own cabinet nominees. As he strode down the aisle and towards the front of the stage, President Kennedy reached out to shake his hand. It was a proud moment for both of them. Despite the stress of the office, Kennedy appeared rested and well tanned. Perhaps knowing that he could return to Hyannis Port had taken some of the anxiety away. Rockefeller, half in jest, asked “Any suggestions?” The President leaned in to his successor, and whispering said “It’s not that hard. Just don’t blow it, ok?”
Rockefeller’s inauguration was the culmination of one man’s dream and one family’s legacy. For almost a century, the Rockefeller name had meant something to practically every American. For the first few generations it had practically been a curse, symbolic of the excesses of capitalism and the poor treatment of workers. Grandfather John had taken no shortcuts and hadn’t cut any corners. Had he been ruthless? Yes, few could deny that. But it had ensured that his children and grandchildren would live comfortable lives. His son and namesake had worked to keep the family’s balance sheets in order while keeping the family name off the front page. His son, in turn, had catapulted the family name back into center stage. In a career devoted to public service and personal success, Nelson Rockefeller had reached the absolute pinnacle.
In the weeks leading up to his taking of the oath, Rockefeller had worked to prepare himself for the daunting office. His first test was in responding to the fall of South Vietnam. A crippling defeat in the struggle against the spread of Communism, most Americans put the blame on President Kennedy. In particular, Congressional Republicans lambasted Kennedy for “wavering in our commitment to freedom.” Had he been on the campaign trail, Rockefeller would have done the same. But as President-elect, he hoped to develop a solid repertoire with his predecessor. This meant laying off the aggressive rhetoric, at least until he had taken the oath of office. Kennedy and Rockefeller’s relationship was not a bad one. In fact, Kennedy was quite comfortable with the Republican victory in November. Rockefeller never proposed rolling back the reforms of the New Frontier, and if anything would have the political capital to push through several stalled measures. He also shared Kennedy’s pragmatism and personal drive. While their two families had little in common when it came to background, both men had come from intense families were doing one’s best was rarely good enough.
By eschewing political games in favor of cooperation, Rockefeller was able to get Kennedy’s frank take on Vietnam. “There was never an endgame to it” the President instructed Rockefeller. “Diem, Thieu, Ky. It didn’t matter. No one was going to keep that nation free for long.” But what was his response? How would the United States prevent the domino theory from taking full effect? “We’ve got to keep supporting the neighboring regimes, but we have to weigh the risks with the rewards. Is keeping Vietnam, or Thailand, or Cambodia free worth thousands of American lives?” Despite Rockefeller’s support for an increased American role in Vietnam, he wasn’t going to argue that point. The two men would discuss most every issue in the weeks prior to the inauguration. There was a fair amount of consensus, with the only major differences being found over the budget and the necessary steps to quell inflation. In their last meeting, Kennedy would make it clear that “If you ever need some advice, don’t hesitate to call me. I can’t imagine you’ll have to deal with some of the sh**t I did, but you never know.” He was also sure to get in one last plug: “And if you can’t get a hold of me, talk to Bobby.”
Internally, Rockefeller’s biggest challenge was in filling the ranks of his new Administration. George Hinman, the Governor’s long time aide, would fill the role of Chief of Staff. Much like Jack Kennedy’s choice of Ken O’Donnell, it was a move intended on keeping the inner circle a private group. Despite the choice of Hinman, Rockefeller was generally open to bringing in new talent and personalities he was unfamiliar with. An affable man, Nelson, as he was called by his friends, planned on creating a capable and qualified cabinet with varying ideologies. He hoped for an open debate on a variety of issues ranging from health care, to taxes, to foreign policy. At the Defense Department, Rockefeller was able to persuade the reluctant Clark Clifford to stay on, at least for a few more years. Clifford respected Rockefeller, but had hoped to leave his post in January. The new President had used the weight of the office to force his hand. Another Democrat joining the Administration would be Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who would take the job of Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. Republicans would also populate the Cabinet. Former rival George Romney signed on to be Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare. John Volpe agreed to be Secretary of Transportation, a lackluster job in terms of policy, but important in terms of patronage and pork. Rounding out the domestic policy side of the cabinet, Rockefeller selected a bipartisan team including his friends Peter J. Brennan (Secretary of Labor) and Rogers Morton (Agriculture), Chicago School economist Charles Schultze (Commerce), Alaska Governor Wally Hickel (Interior), Arizona Governor Richard Kleindeist (Justice), Civil Rights specialist William Mount (Post Office), and David Kennedy (Treasury). In the words of the New York Times, they were “the best and brightest…The only question is whether President Rockefeller will hold them by the leash, or let them run wild.”
Rockefeller’s foreign policy team was less ideologically diverse. A foreign policy hawk, Rockefeller was determined to put a renewed focus on curbing the spread of Communism, especially in Latin America. The President’s personal experiences in that region made him particularly concerned about Marxist groups playing on the anger and fears of poor peasants. Therefore, Rockefeller selected a team of foreign policy experts with a particular expertise on America’s southern neighbors. Clark Clifford, the Secretary of Defense, drew up a report for the President on the importance of “counteracting Cuban insurgency efforts” in Central America. This report was circulated throughout the new Administration as a crucial element of what would be later known as the Rockefeller Doctrine. Aiding Clifford in his efforts would be John McCone, Kennedy’s CIA Director. McCone received a promotion and was tasked with leading the State Department. As one of the leading proponents of rapprochement with Cuba, McCone found himself at odds with Rockefeller on a great deal of policy. Yet the President was eager to have a diverse cabinet. Besides, he and McCone agreed on most other issues and stood as strong critics of the Soviet Union. The two were joined in this matter by Rockefeller’s most trusted foreign policy associate, Henry Kissinger. Rockefeller’s foreign policy advisor during the campaign, Kissinger was one of the most well versed and respected scholars in the field of international relations. An ardent realist, Kissinger argued that the Kennedy Administration had been too ideologically driven in its actions. Taking the crucial position of National Security Advisor, he would attempt to guide America towards a more pragmatic and issue-specific foreign policy strategy.
On January 20th, 1969, Nelson Rockefeller was officially sworn in as President of the United States. Surrounded by some of the nation’s most influential individuals, as well as his family and dearest friends, the new President urged unity and internal peace. In his inaugural address, written by Joseph Persico, Rockefeller called for a “renewed sense of self-purpose” where “American dignity and safety are preserved both at home and abroad.” Refraining from his most commonly used stump speech line (“The first civil right is safety”), Rockefeller reached out to sympathetic Democrats who still ran Congress. Following his speech, the President basked in the pageantry of the drive down Pennsylvania Avenue and towards the White House. Years later, CBS Reporter Dan Rather would note that “he (Rockefeller) was the most genuinely happy President I’ve ever seen, at least on the day of his inauguration.”
The first major proposal down the pipe was an Anti-Ballistic Missile system that Rockefeller was eager to pass. Supported by every member of his Administration, the proposal called for increased funding and deployment of ABM systems around the United States. Despite raising the ire of some liberals in both parties, the legislation was passed with a bipartisan vote.* From a political standpoint, the ABM was a wise move to placate concerned conservative Republicans who doubted the new President’s Republican credentials. Following the passage of the ABM, Rockefeller turned his focus to domestic priorities. In his proposed budget for 1970, the President proposed cuts to discretionary spending and on some “inefficient” military programs. Yet he also called for increases in conventional military spending and on appropriations for HEW. Thus, the budget would continue to be unbalanced for the time being. The two most significant domestic actions for 1969 were not enacted by the end of the year. The first was the President’s Commission on Urban Renewal. A bipartisan study group headed by Pat Moynihan, PCUR was intended to report back to Rockefeller on policy beneficial to poor urban cities and neighborhoods. In the end, Moynihan’s group released an extensive list of proposals in August of 1969. Rather than acting rapidly, Rockefeller decided to wait until 1970 before initiating a slew of legislation. The second biggest element of Rockefeller’s agenda was welfare reform, which he had hoped to initiate in 1969. But with Moynihan’s Commission reporting that many of their proposals were tied to an overhaul of the entitlement, the President decided to tie the two together in 1970. In the stead of these programs, the President shifted his focus to environmental affairs and inflation. In February, Rockefeller proposed the creation of an Environmental Protection Agency and a National Oceanic and Atmospheric Association. Tied with amendments to 1967’s Clear Air Act, this legislation was passed and signed into law. On the matter of inflation, Rockefeller worked with Fed Chairman William Martin to increase interest rates in an attempt to curb price increases. While somewhat successful, this effort led to a dip in the economic growth of the 1960s, leading to criticisms from both parties.
On the international stage, Rockefeller used 1969 as a year to establish himself as a man of the world. Touring Western Europe, he attempted to improve American relations with France and its controversial President Charles de Gaulle. 1969 was a great year for the General, who saw his final great initiative, the 1969 Constitutional Referendum on reforming the Senate and decentralizing governing authority, pass narrowly. At the same time, Rockefeller worked hard to maintain strong political ties to Great Britain and its pro-Kennedy Prime Minister, Harold Wilson. Rockefeller supported Wilson’s efforts to curb violence in Northern Ireland, despite frustrations from the Irish Catholic community in the United States. Meeting with Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev in Vienna, Rockefeller made clear that “under no circumstances will the United States break our commitments to halting the spread of Communism. And, Mr. Brezhnev, I imagine you and your countrymen feel the same way about your role.” It was still up for debate as to where this relationship would go in the coming years. As for 1969, it was a solid first year for a President who was elected largely to do things a President had very little power over: urban crime and rioting. The real question was, now that he was elected, would the American people stand behind Nelson Rockefeller?
1969
Nelson Rockefeller appeared out of the long tunnel, wearing a black overcoat and flanked by his beaming wife Happy. A roar of applause emanated from the rostrum and the crowd below. The President-elect couldn’t help but smile too, waving tepidly to those around him. All of Washington surrounded him, from Speaker McCormack and Senator Dirsken, to his own cabinet nominees. As he strode down the aisle and towards the front of the stage, President Kennedy reached out to shake his hand. It was a proud moment for both of them. Despite the stress of the office, Kennedy appeared rested and well tanned. Perhaps knowing that he could return to Hyannis Port had taken some of the anxiety away. Rockefeller, half in jest, asked “Any suggestions?” The President leaned in to his successor, and whispering said “It’s not that hard. Just don’t blow it, ok?”
Rockefeller’s inauguration was the culmination of one man’s dream and one family’s legacy. For almost a century, the Rockefeller name had meant something to practically every American. For the first few generations it had practically been a curse, symbolic of the excesses of capitalism and the poor treatment of workers. Grandfather John had taken no shortcuts and hadn’t cut any corners. Had he been ruthless? Yes, few could deny that. But it had ensured that his children and grandchildren would live comfortable lives. His son and namesake had worked to keep the family’s balance sheets in order while keeping the family name off the front page. His son, in turn, had catapulted the family name back into center stage. In a career devoted to public service and personal success, Nelson Rockefeller had reached the absolute pinnacle.
In the weeks leading up to his taking of the oath, Rockefeller had worked to prepare himself for the daunting office. His first test was in responding to the fall of South Vietnam. A crippling defeat in the struggle against the spread of Communism, most Americans put the blame on President Kennedy. In particular, Congressional Republicans lambasted Kennedy for “wavering in our commitment to freedom.” Had he been on the campaign trail, Rockefeller would have done the same. But as President-elect, he hoped to develop a solid repertoire with his predecessor. This meant laying off the aggressive rhetoric, at least until he had taken the oath of office. Kennedy and Rockefeller’s relationship was not a bad one. In fact, Kennedy was quite comfortable with the Republican victory in November. Rockefeller never proposed rolling back the reforms of the New Frontier, and if anything would have the political capital to push through several stalled measures. He also shared Kennedy’s pragmatism and personal drive. While their two families had little in common when it came to background, both men had come from intense families were doing one’s best was rarely good enough.
By eschewing political games in favor of cooperation, Rockefeller was able to get Kennedy’s frank take on Vietnam. “There was never an endgame to it” the President instructed Rockefeller. “Diem, Thieu, Ky. It didn’t matter. No one was going to keep that nation free for long.” But what was his response? How would the United States prevent the domino theory from taking full effect? “We’ve got to keep supporting the neighboring regimes, but we have to weigh the risks with the rewards. Is keeping Vietnam, or Thailand, or Cambodia free worth thousands of American lives?” Despite Rockefeller’s support for an increased American role in Vietnam, he wasn’t going to argue that point. The two men would discuss most every issue in the weeks prior to the inauguration. There was a fair amount of consensus, with the only major differences being found over the budget and the necessary steps to quell inflation. In their last meeting, Kennedy would make it clear that “If you ever need some advice, don’t hesitate to call me. I can’t imagine you’ll have to deal with some of the sh**t I did, but you never know.” He was also sure to get in one last plug: “And if you can’t get a hold of me, talk to Bobby.”
Internally, Rockefeller’s biggest challenge was in filling the ranks of his new Administration. George Hinman, the Governor’s long time aide, would fill the role of Chief of Staff. Much like Jack Kennedy’s choice of Ken O’Donnell, it was a move intended on keeping the inner circle a private group. Despite the choice of Hinman, Rockefeller was generally open to bringing in new talent and personalities he was unfamiliar with. An affable man, Nelson, as he was called by his friends, planned on creating a capable and qualified cabinet with varying ideologies. He hoped for an open debate on a variety of issues ranging from health care, to taxes, to foreign policy. At the Defense Department, Rockefeller was able to persuade the reluctant Clark Clifford to stay on, at least for a few more years. Clifford respected Rockefeller, but had hoped to leave his post in January. The new President had used the weight of the office to force his hand. Another Democrat joining the Administration would be Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who would take the job of Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. Republicans would also populate the Cabinet. Former rival George Romney signed on to be Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare. John Volpe agreed to be Secretary of Transportation, a lackluster job in terms of policy, but important in terms of patronage and pork. Rounding out the domestic policy side of the cabinet, Rockefeller selected a bipartisan team including his friends Peter J. Brennan (Secretary of Labor) and Rogers Morton (Agriculture), Chicago School economist Charles Schultze (Commerce), Alaska Governor Wally Hickel (Interior), Arizona Governor Richard Kleindeist (Justice), Civil Rights specialist William Mount (Post Office), and David Kennedy (Treasury). In the words of the New York Times, they were “the best and brightest…The only question is whether President Rockefeller will hold them by the leash, or let them run wild.”
Rockefeller’s foreign policy team was less ideologically diverse. A foreign policy hawk, Rockefeller was determined to put a renewed focus on curbing the spread of Communism, especially in Latin America. The President’s personal experiences in that region made him particularly concerned about Marxist groups playing on the anger and fears of poor peasants. Therefore, Rockefeller selected a team of foreign policy experts with a particular expertise on America’s southern neighbors. Clark Clifford, the Secretary of Defense, drew up a report for the President on the importance of “counteracting Cuban insurgency efforts” in Central America. This report was circulated throughout the new Administration as a crucial element of what would be later known as the Rockefeller Doctrine. Aiding Clifford in his efforts would be John McCone, Kennedy’s CIA Director. McCone received a promotion and was tasked with leading the State Department. As one of the leading proponents of rapprochement with Cuba, McCone found himself at odds with Rockefeller on a great deal of policy. Yet the President was eager to have a diverse cabinet. Besides, he and McCone agreed on most other issues and stood as strong critics of the Soviet Union. The two were joined in this matter by Rockefeller’s most trusted foreign policy associate, Henry Kissinger. Rockefeller’s foreign policy advisor during the campaign, Kissinger was one of the most well versed and respected scholars in the field of international relations. An ardent realist, Kissinger argued that the Kennedy Administration had been too ideologically driven in its actions. Taking the crucial position of National Security Advisor, he would attempt to guide America towards a more pragmatic and issue-specific foreign policy strategy.
On January 20th, 1969, Nelson Rockefeller was officially sworn in as President of the United States. Surrounded by some of the nation’s most influential individuals, as well as his family and dearest friends, the new President urged unity and internal peace. In his inaugural address, written by Joseph Persico, Rockefeller called for a “renewed sense of self-purpose” where “American dignity and safety are preserved both at home and abroad.” Refraining from his most commonly used stump speech line (“The first civil right is safety”), Rockefeller reached out to sympathetic Democrats who still ran Congress. Following his speech, the President basked in the pageantry of the drive down Pennsylvania Avenue and towards the White House. Years later, CBS Reporter Dan Rather would note that “he (Rockefeller) was the most genuinely happy President I’ve ever seen, at least on the day of his inauguration.”
The first major proposal down the pipe was an Anti-Ballistic Missile system that Rockefeller was eager to pass. Supported by every member of his Administration, the proposal called for increased funding and deployment of ABM systems around the United States. Despite raising the ire of some liberals in both parties, the legislation was passed with a bipartisan vote.* From a political standpoint, the ABM was a wise move to placate concerned conservative Republicans who doubted the new President’s Republican credentials. Following the passage of the ABM, Rockefeller turned his focus to domestic priorities. In his proposed budget for 1970, the President proposed cuts to discretionary spending and on some “inefficient” military programs. Yet he also called for increases in conventional military spending and on appropriations for HEW. Thus, the budget would continue to be unbalanced for the time being. The two most significant domestic actions for 1969 were not enacted by the end of the year. The first was the President’s Commission on Urban Renewal. A bipartisan study group headed by Pat Moynihan, PCUR was intended to report back to Rockefeller on policy beneficial to poor urban cities and neighborhoods. In the end, Moynihan’s group released an extensive list of proposals in August of 1969. Rather than acting rapidly, Rockefeller decided to wait until 1970 before initiating a slew of legislation. The second biggest element of Rockefeller’s agenda was welfare reform, which he had hoped to initiate in 1969. But with Moynihan’s Commission reporting that many of their proposals were tied to an overhaul of the entitlement, the President decided to tie the two together in 1970. In the stead of these programs, the President shifted his focus to environmental affairs and inflation. In February, Rockefeller proposed the creation of an Environmental Protection Agency and a National Oceanic and Atmospheric Association. Tied with amendments to 1967’s Clear Air Act, this legislation was passed and signed into law. On the matter of inflation, Rockefeller worked with Fed Chairman William Martin to increase interest rates in an attempt to curb price increases. While somewhat successful, this effort led to a dip in the economic growth of the 1960s, leading to criticisms from both parties.
On the international stage, Rockefeller used 1969 as a year to establish himself as a man of the world. Touring Western Europe, he attempted to improve American relations with France and its controversial President Charles de Gaulle. 1969 was a great year for the General, who saw his final great initiative, the 1969 Constitutional Referendum on reforming the Senate and decentralizing governing authority, pass narrowly. At the same time, Rockefeller worked hard to maintain strong political ties to Great Britain and its pro-Kennedy Prime Minister, Harold Wilson. Rockefeller supported Wilson’s efforts to curb violence in Northern Ireland, despite frustrations from the Irish Catholic community in the United States. Meeting with Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev in Vienna, Rockefeller made clear that “under no circumstances will the United States break our commitments to halting the spread of Communism. And, Mr. Brezhnev, I imagine you and your countrymen feel the same way about your role.” It was still up for debate as to where this relationship would go in the coming years. As for 1969, it was a solid first year for a President who was elected largely to do things a President had very little power over: urban crime and rioting. The real question was, now that he was elected, would the American people stand behind Nelson Rockefeller?
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