POD: Manuel Komnenos listens to his more cautious advisors in 1176 and accepts the Seljuk terms, resulting in a treaty favorable to the Empire.
The Emperor becomes more cautious in his old age – he turns 60 in 1178 – and seeks to preserve his gains for his son and raise him as a proper emperor. When Manuel dies peacefully in 1187, he leaves his son Alexius II a full treasury, a strong military, a popular regime and a strong position in Eastern Med politics. Alexius II is less ambitious than his father but still committed to the greatness of the Empire, the ultimate expulsion of the Seljuks from Anatolia, the Byzantine diplomatic position in the Crusader states and continuing Byzantium’s dominance over the Bulgars, Serbs and Hungarians.
In the early years of his reign Alexius foils an attempted usurpation in Cyprus, in his first personal command showing resourcefulness, courage and a blend of compassion and will. His kinsman Isaac is taken to Constantinople and imprisoned; after a failed escape attempt several months later he is executed.
Seeing the Seljuk state as the greatest threat, Alexius focuses most of his energy on the East, which witnesses a chain of victories, primarily over the Seljuk Sultanate of Iconium, though there are still a few renegade Armenians who need a stern message sent.
This war commences in 1194 and lasts nearly two decades, not ending until 1212 with the extinction of the Seljuk kingdom; by 1215 Alexius II has nearly restored Byzantium’s preeminence in the Eastern Mediterranean; he pursues a policy of neutrality regarding the Crusader states, allowing them to purchase passage through his territories but not giving them discounted commodities and refusing to lend his armies for campaigns against the Muslims. Of course he conducts such campaigns but those are in furtherance of Byzantine interests.
Richard of England blusters somewhat about Byzantine treachery but after a naval task force stationed on Cyprus – which has had security beefed up since Isaac’s revolt – intercepts his fleet in 1190 and sinks one of the English ships with Greek fire, the English king protests it was all a misunderstanding and he only sought to legitimately purchase supplies; the Byzantine governor of the island replies that this is allowed but due to heightened security the English will have to submit an order and the goods will be brought to them and only handed over after the money had been paid. If that is unacceptable, the reply continues, good luck getting their supplies elsewhere.
The Third Crusade goes basically as OTL, Alexius carefully monitoring events; it is only after the heat has died down the Emperor opens his war with the Seljuks after extracting an agreement from Saladin that since Alexius did not show any undue favor to the Franks and remained uninvolved, it would only be honorable to return the favor. Despite repeated pleas from Iconium, Ayyubid forces remain in their garrisons in Syria and Egypt – Alexius has shown himself a man of honor and Saladin will reciprocate; a tiny amount of aid finds its way to the Seljuks via the back door, so to speak, but ultimately it makes little difference. Year after year Byzantine armies, increasingly consisting of hardened veterans skilled in mountain warfare, invade the shrinking Seljuk domain; in 1201 the last link to the outside is severed and thereafter it is only a matter of time; still, the Turks hold out to the end.
Even their last stronghold, Iconium itself, a superbly stocked and situated mountain fortress, has to be stormed following a siege of 15 months in which great hardships are endured on both sides. On 10 October 1212 a breach is made and the Greeks storm it; heavy fighting ensues but soon an Imperial soldier finds and opens a door for reinforcements and eventually, after nearly an hour of stiff resistance, the main gate is taken from the inside and the Imperial forces force the surrender of the defenders. Alexius rides through the city, entering the main mosque and ordering its reconsecration as an Orthodox church. Greek Christians are still a majority in the former Seljuk lands, the minority Turks blend into the population, Hellenizing and Christianizing by about 1300 except for those who leave for Muslim states.
By redefining the role of Byzantium on a more limited basis and abandoning impossible goals like acquisition of Italy or the immediate reconquest of the Holy Land, Alexius II looks forward, formulating a realistic vision of Byzantine power and is thus able to achieve that goal.
When Alexius dies in 1224 after a reign of 37 years, he’s established Byzantium as the leading Christian power in the East; his eldest son succeeds him as Alexius III. His reign is one of consolidation and it is in this period Byzantium faces the threat of the Mongols; with generals like Theodore Lascaris and John Ducas, however, even had the horsemen actually tried to invade Anatolia, Greek historians agree they would have been defeated.
There is no Crusader assault on Constantinople in TTL; with a built-up Byzantine navy and a victorious army which seems to be always winning some new victory in the East, nobody in the West is particularly eager to tangle with the Greeks. So the Fourth Crusade goes to Egypt as planned but despite initial successes is a failure, the French and Italians limping home in 1205; seeing off the Crusaders is the last deed of the united Ayyubid state; shortly afterward it descends into anarchy, tempting another crusade. This doesn’t get off the ground until the 1240s, despite pressure from five popes in five decades.
One side-effect of continued and indeed heightened Byzantine prosperity and prowess is that Venice and Genoa cannot victimize her; the Empire remains the arbiter of Black Sea trading – in 1241 a combined Piso-Venetian fleet set out to force the Hellespont but are intercepted off Crete and all but one ship is burned or sunk; there are sporadic attempts to prey on Byzantine shipping after that but most Italian traders follow the rules in Greek territory; it’s not that there are no Italian merchants doing business in the Empire, just that it’s regulated and Greek merchants do a good deal of their own trading; with restored links to Georgia and Alania, there is trade with the East overland, though the strict enforcement of the rules by Imperial officials will probably still lead Western states to look for a loophole, i.e. a more direct route to the East.
In 1264 John III sends a Byzantine army into Antioch – at the request of the Prince, the Eastern Empire assumes direct rule to keep the city and its immediate hinterland out of Muslim hands; the cities further to the south cannot be helped however; his hands are tied in northern Mesopotamia with the hydra of ghazi bands infesting the region.
In 1262 Henry of Poitou, nephew of the king of France, is given papal approval to overthrow the Hohenstaufen king of Sicily; he's incompetent and tyrannical so the coup itself isn’t hard. Henry develops a deep hate for John Komnenos and spends lot of time and money stirring up trouble for him; as the East is pretty much sewn up and the Byzantine navy is strong he played the Serbia/Bulgaria card, financing uprisings in those regions, where Byzantium’s hand have always rested rather lightly, leaving some potential for rebellion. In 1270 a rebellion erupts in Bulgaria, catching John unawares and spreading quickly, enveloping much of the ethnically Bulgar territory of the Empire.
The blow is staggering but hardly a KO for John, who assembles an army and sends it under one of his best generals, Michael Paleologus; he’s defeated, however, and mortally wounded. Before the situation can unravel any further the Emperor sends another, larger army under his own son, the Caesar Michael, who fights several battles with the Bulgars, the advantage passing back and forth before the rebels suffer a heavy defeat at the Battle of Plovdiv in 1278; the Bulgar king is slain, it’s said by Michael himself, and most of the rebel army is killed or captured. By 1280 John and his son have restored the Empire’s authority over Bulgaria.
In the preceding 18 years Henry of Poitou has followed in his predecessor’s footsteps and alienated the locals in Sicily – he’s bled them white with taxation, endlessly conspired against Byzantine interests, a significant trading partner, billeted on them French soldiers who disrespect their culture; by 1280 the fuse is burning and when it reaches the charge the whole island of Sicily ignites in rebellion. At the rebels’ request, King Samuel of Aragon personally leads a force to “restore order” on the island and is acclaimed king of Sicily by the cheering populace in Palermo; installing his brother Alfonso as viceroy, Samuel returns to Barcelona but not before cutting Sicilian taxes and employing native officials at the local level. Samuel tries to cross to Reggio but Henry is better liked on the mainland and also has had time to prepare for an invasion which means the landing attempt is repelled. Sicily changed hands formally in 1285, one year after the death of Henry and the accession of his son Robert.
Beginning with the accession of Michael VIII in 1289, Byzantium becomes more interested in the outside world again; by 1310 Moldavia and Walachia recognize Byzantine suzerainty; in 1304 a force of soldiers drawn from Paphlagonia, Greece, Thrace and Pontus lands in Cherson with the intent of expanding Imperial holdings in the region. They face stiff resistance from the local Tatars but when peace is established in 1307 it’s on terms beneficial to Byzantium.
Of course the Empire does experience setbacks – in 1300 Georgian forces invade the eastern themes and capture several fortresses. In 1302 Michael sends his sister’s husband, Basil Lascaris, with an army to crush the Georgians and orders to express his approval for Georgia throwing its weight around in the region, but only at the expense of Byzantium’s enemies. The fighting lasts only a few months and peace is established on the basis of the status quo ante bellum, Georgia’s Queen Regent Maria accepting the Emperor’s admonition on behalf of her minor son George. Georgia spreads its power in the Caucasus but, at least for the time being, avoids annoying Byzantium.
In 1309, Michael VIII dies suddenly while on a campaign against the Hungarians; he has no sons but his top general, Basil Lascaris, who is married to his only sister, Irene, is with him when he dies. Basil and the Emperor were been very close, indeed friends from an early age and the Princess loves him very much. In the presence of his officers Michael expresses his wish that Basil, as his brother-in-law, should succeed him; Basil protests but is persuaded to take up his familial duty.
As it is already getting to be fall, Basil orders the troops into winter quarters and returns with a small entourage to Constantinople, carrying the late Emperor and the news to his wife, who is heartbroken at the death of her brother. They hold a grand funeral and bury the last of the Komnenoi with his forefathers. The winter is spent establishing the new regime but this doesn’t require much work as Basil was a prominent counselor of the late Basileus anyway. In the spring Basil III returns to where he left the troops and prepares to continue the campaign.
But before I get into that, I think I have forgotten about the Osmanli Turks; they were only one of many bands infesting the mountains of Kurdistan; in 1297 in one of his first independent commands Basil Lascaris defeated this group in a savage action in northern Mesopotamia, the enemy leader being slain in the battle and the rest scattered to join other bands. Byzantine control of the region was tightening by the year anyway, so that the early 14th century saw more Byzantine fortresses constructed.
Getting back to the Balkans, Basil III intends to honor his fallen brother by finishing what he started. The campaign opens in March with a lightning Byzantine assault on Ragusa, which falls after only two weeks as the hapless Ragusans haven’t enough supplies laid in and the Imperial fleet effectively blockades the port. Basil offers generous terms and the city leaders, only interested in commerce, agree quickly. His rear secured, Basil is able to face the real danger to Byzantine power in Europe – Hungary, which has, since the mid-1280s, taken over the Neapolitan job of stirring up trouble for the Empire.
The Danubian states are still outside Byzantium’s sphere of influence so the outcome of this war is crucial in that respect. In truth, as Hungary is a rising power in direct competition with the resurgent Byzantium and Venice is eager to stomp her old foe, plus Basil is the first of a new dynasty, it is all-important he make a good impression in his first truly solo command. Though only 34 years old, the new Emperor displays admirable skill commanding what were, for the time, large forces with complicated logistics. Advancing toward Belgrade, it becomes necessary for the Hungarian King Andrew to give battle, though he seeks to do so on his terms.
Basil III clings tenaciously to the initiative and when his scouts report a Hungarian army is massing for an attack, he finds a place to offer combat; he takes up a position which would look to an amateur like an inferior position but his years of experience tell him can be turned to his advantage. The Hungarian senior officers notice the same thing but the young king - he is only 18 and this is his first major action - refuses to listen to them, dressing them down for their "cowardice”. In contrast, when Nicephorus Ducas sees a potential flaw in their deployment, he immediately reports it to the Emperor who thanks him for bringing it to his attention and issues orders accordingly.
On 13 July 1310 the fighting begins with a Hungarian attack in the pre-dawn hours. This is just what Basil expected and he likewise expects to crush the enemy. Andrew is not totally brainless, however, and has taken some precautions. Thus the battle rages on, though, his lucky moves notwithstanding, Andrew cannot hope to defeat a man who has been commanding almost as long as he has been alive, who is well acquainted with tactics, who is at least as intelligent, perhaps more, and has better officers. In other words, by early afternoon the Hungarians are in full retreat, having lost nearly half their entire force killed, wounded or captured. The defeat costs Hungary a chunk of its territory, its influence in Rumania, its Dalmatian hegemony and a not insignificant cash payment.
Brimming with tangible and intangible dividends from his first battle as Basileus, Basil III returns to Constantinople, where his wife is well on her way to giving him another child, this one born in the purple.
England has no dynastic connection to the French crown and in fact the house of Capet lives on past 1328; the Knights Templar are not suppressed, though their headquarters are moved to the island of Malta in 1314 – the king of Naples is closely related to the French king and doesn’t much like him – he mainly offers the island out of spite. In 1330 the Knights of St. John and the Knights Templar merge with the approval of Pope Leo X; as the order is no longer based at the Temple, it is decided to compromise and nominally create a new order called the Order of St. John of Malta. The pontiff voids both the other charters and issues a new charter for the new order.
This enrages the king of France but the Pope is not only based in Italy still in TTL but has a stout bodyguard of Maltese Knights. In 1340, his patience used up, King Jean III of France moves to seize Maltese property in his realm but Rome counterattacks by excommunicating the French king and threatening to lay an interdict on France if the property were not restored. Jean tried to talk his way out of it but after holding out for about 4 months ends up caving and returning the property. The Knights for their part accept his apologies with equanimity. Though there are no Crusader states from which to operate, many still believed a new Crusade could re-establish a foothold in the East, though the renewed vigor of Byzantium threatens to moot those plans before they are fully formed. In Spain, however, the Knights and indigenous military orders continue to play a role in fighting the infidels.
The big legacy of the Knights, however, is their activity on the high seas, sweeping the Mediterranean of Muslim pirates; they attack Barbary corsairs in blue water or raid their ports and by 1400 their prowess is legendary; the awed compliment “he’s crazy as a Maltese knight” is common at the time. The Knights are so potent that when the King of Aragon seeks to assert control of the Kingdom of Naples he sought the support of the Knights, who readily agreed, the Grand Master being a Catalan at the time.
In the 1330s the king of England is the rather less than competent Edward II who manages to lose Guyenne; this is bad enough but when a serious Welsh uprising threatens to break England’s control over the region, Edward is overthrown by his younger, more popular brother, John of Chester. John II’s first act is to grit his teeth, swallow his pride, and acknowledge the loss of Guyenne so as to secure his rear for the campaign against the “Prince of Wales” as the rebel leader is being called. In 1342 John takes the field against the pretender in the first of many campaigns which will lay waste much of Wales. John proves resourceful and determined; he is able to switch between burning Welsh villages and sparing them wholesale, depending on what the situation requires; he is fluent in Welsh, a unique accomplishment among English kings in any time period, which enables him to root out informers and traitors.
In 1344, after three years of hard fighting, the rebels have only the mountains and some fear a stalemate is imminent. John has other plans and launches an offensive into the Welsh fastnesses intending not to seek battle but to flush out the pretender and his followers. The plan works and by August the king is getting reports the “Prince” is down to only about 200 retainers. Reasoning that further warfare will only hurt Wales more and thinking that, paradoxically, with so small a band the rebel could defy capture for years, it would be better to lure him into a trap. Though Daffyd, the “Prince”, has established an ability to detect ambushes, John decides to try something a bit different.
He hires a Breton agent in his employ to locate the rebels, convince Daffyd that the Duke of Brittany has heard of his plight and wishes to aid a fellow Celt and has ordered him, Gwilherm, to offer the Duke’s protection to Daffyd and any followers he can fit on the ship waiting at Swansea. Though hesitant to belief such an unlooked for piece of luck, his wife Alis persuades him they have little choice. Finally realizing he has gotten in over his head with the whole “Prince” thing, Daffyd thanks Gwilherm for the aid and agrees to follow him to safety.
Once on board the ship, which flies no flag, for security reasons according to Gwilherm, Daffyd is overwhelmed and arrested, along with his wife and the 15 or so followers who volunteered to follow their leader into exile. The rebel is taken to London where he is paraded through the streets and exposed to the fickle hate of the mob who pelt him with rotten food and stones and spit. Brought before a public tribunal, the man who caused so much havoc in Wales and nearly expelled the English is subjected to a short, humiliating trial and sentenced to death, the execution to be carried out forthwith. It is only three days later when the once proud leader of Welsh guerillas is hanged, drawn and quartered before the baying mob in the streets of the English capital. In a stroke of luck for King John, the rebel confesses in his last days his tale of lineage from the Princes of Wales was a fraud, though it hardly matters as all his male relatives – cousins, nephews, brothers, even sons, have predeceased him naturally or been killed in the fighting. In any event, Alis is much younger than her husband and survives him by almost forty years, in 1350 remarrying to an Englishman and being released from prison to finish her days in Yorkshire, dying in 1382.
John II is hailed as a stout defender of England, though in fact he only speaks a little English and that with a thick French accent. Still, his decision to sacrifice Guyenne for Wales is vindicated when the French king, Charles IV, dies in 1348 and is succeeded by a minor grand-nephew, Philippe V, whose regents gladly conclude a trading agreement with England covering the importation of wine from Bordeaux, the only real reason England still had any desire to keep the far away not quite colony. Of course, in 1348 everyone has bigger problems than where their wine was coming from. It all starts when a Byzantine ship docked in Pisa carrying a shipment from Cherson…
The Emperor becomes more cautious in his old age – he turns 60 in 1178 – and seeks to preserve his gains for his son and raise him as a proper emperor. When Manuel dies peacefully in 1187, he leaves his son Alexius II a full treasury, a strong military, a popular regime and a strong position in Eastern Med politics. Alexius II is less ambitious than his father but still committed to the greatness of the Empire, the ultimate expulsion of the Seljuks from Anatolia, the Byzantine diplomatic position in the Crusader states and continuing Byzantium’s dominance over the Bulgars, Serbs and Hungarians.
In the early years of his reign Alexius foils an attempted usurpation in Cyprus, in his first personal command showing resourcefulness, courage and a blend of compassion and will. His kinsman Isaac is taken to Constantinople and imprisoned; after a failed escape attempt several months later he is executed.
Seeing the Seljuk state as the greatest threat, Alexius focuses most of his energy on the East, which witnesses a chain of victories, primarily over the Seljuk Sultanate of Iconium, though there are still a few renegade Armenians who need a stern message sent.
This war commences in 1194 and lasts nearly two decades, not ending until 1212 with the extinction of the Seljuk kingdom; by 1215 Alexius II has nearly restored Byzantium’s preeminence in the Eastern Mediterranean; he pursues a policy of neutrality regarding the Crusader states, allowing them to purchase passage through his territories but not giving them discounted commodities and refusing to lend his armies for campaigns against the Muslims. Of course he conducts such campaigns but those are in furtherance of Byzantine interests.
Richard of England blusters somewhat about Byzantine treachery but after a naval task force stationed on Cyprus – which has had security beefed up since Isaac’s revolt – intercepts his fleet in 1190 and sinks one of the English ships with Greek fire, the English king protests it was all a misunderstanding and he only sought to legitimately purchase supplies; the Byzantine governor of the island replies that this is allowed but due to heightened security the English will have to submit an order and the goods will be brought to them and only handed over after the money had been paid. If that is unacceptable, the reply continues, good luck getting their supplies elsewhere.
The Third Crusade goes basically as OTL, Alexius carefully monitoring events; it is only after the heat has died down the Emperor opens his war with the Seljuks after extracting an agreement from Saladin that since Alexius did not show any undue favor to the Franks and remained uninvolved, it would only be honorable to return the favor. Despite repeated pleas from Iconium, Ayyubid forces remain in their garrisons in Syria and Egypt – Alexius has shown himself a man of honor and Saladin will reciprocate; a tiny amount of aid finds its way to the Seljuks via the back door, so to speak, but ultimately it makes little difference. Year after year Byzantine armies, increasingly consisting of hardened veterans skilled in mountain warfare, invade the shrinking Seljuk domain; in 1201 the last link to the outside is severed and thereafter it is only a matter of time; still, the Turks hold out to the end.
Even their last stronghold, Iconium itself, a superbly stocked and situated mountain fortress, has to be stormed following a siege of 15 months in which great hardships are endured on both sides. On 10 October 1212 a breach is made and the Greeks storm it; heavy fighting ensues but soon an Imperial soldier finds and opens a door for reinforcements and eventually, after nearly an hour of stiff resistance, the main gate is taken from the inside and the Imperial forces force the surrender of the defenders. Alexius rides through the city, entering the main mosque and ordering its reconsecration as an Orthodox church. Greek Christians are still a majority in the former Seljuk lands, the minority Turks blend into the population, Hellenizing and Christianizing by about 1300 except for those who leave for Muslim states.
By redefining the role of Byzantium on a more limited basis and abandoning impossible goals like acquisition of Italy or the immediate reconquest of the Holy Land, Alexius II looks forward, formulating a realistic vision of Byzantine power and is thus able to achieve that goal.
When Alexius dies in 1224 after a reign of 37 years, he’s established Byzantium as the leading Christian power in the East; his eldest son succeeds him as Alexius III. His reign is one of consolidation and it is in this period Byzantium faces the threat of the Mongols; with generals like Theodore Lascaris and John Ducas, however, even had the horsemen actually tried to invade Anatolia, Greek historians agree they would have been defeated.
There is no Crusader assault on Constantinople in TTL; with a built-up Byzantine navy and a victorious army which seems to be always winning some new victory in the East, nobody in the West is particularly eager to tangle with the Greeks. So the Fourth Crusade goes to Egypt as planned but despite initial successes is a failure, the French and Italians limping home in 1205; seeing off the Crusaders is the last deed of the united Ayyubid state; shortly afterward it descends into anarchy, tempting another crusade. This doesn’t get off the ground until the 1240s, despite pressure from five popes in five decades.
One side-effect of continued and indeed heightened Byzantine prosperity and prowess is that Venice and Genoa cannot victimize her; the Empire remains the arbiter of Black Sea trading – in 1241 a combined Piso-Venetian fleet set out to force the Hellespont but are intercepted off Crete and all but one ship is burned or sunk; there are sporadic attempts to prey on Byzantine shipping after that but most Italian traders follow the rules in Greek territory; it’s not that there are no Italian merchants doing business in the Empire, just that it’s regulated and Greek merchants do a good deal of their own trading; with restored links to Georgia and Alania, there is trade with the East overland, though the strict enforcement of the rules by Imperial officials will probably still lead Western states to look for a loophole, i.e. a more direct route to the East.
In 1264 John III sends a Byzantine army into Antioch – at the request of the Prince, the Eastern Empire assumes direct rule to keep the city and its immediate hinterland out of Muslim hands; the cities further to the south cannot be helped however; his hands are tied in northern Mesopotamia with the hydra of ghazi bands infesting the region.
In 1262 Henry of Poitou, nephew of the king of France, is given papal approval to overthrow the Hohenstaufen king of Sicily; he's incompetent and tyrannical so the coup itself isn’t hard. Henry develops a deep hate for John Komnenos and spends lot of time and money stirring up trouble for him; as the East is pretty much sewn up and the Byzantine navy is strong he played the Serbia/Bulgaria card, financing uprisings in those regions, where Byzantium’s hand have always rested rather lightly, leaving some potential for rebellion. In 1270 a rebellion erupts in Bulgaria, catching John unawares and spreading quickly, enveloping much of the ethnically Bulgar territory of the Empire.
The blow is staggering but hardly a KO for John, who assembles an army and sends it under one of his best generals, Michael Paleologus; he’s defeated, however, and mortally wounded. Before the situation can unravel any further the Emperor sends another, larger army under his own son, the Caesar Michael, who fights several battles with the Bulgars, the advantage passing back and forth before the rebels suffer a heavy defeat at the Battle of Plovdiv in 1278; the Bulgar king is slain, it’s said by Michael himself, and most of the rebel army is killed or captured. By 1280 John and his son have restored the Empire’s authority over Bulgaria.
In the preceding 18 years Henry of Poitou has followed in his predecessor’s footsteps and alienated the locals in Sicily – he’s bled them white with taxation, endlessly conspired against Byzantine interests, a significant trading partner, billeted on them French soldiers who disrespect their culture; by 1280 the fuse is burning and when it reaches the charge the whole island of Sicily ignites in rebellion. At the rebels’ request, King Samuel of Aragon personally leads a force to “restore order” on the island and is acclaimed king of Sicily by the cheering populace in Palermo; installing his brother Alfonso as viceroy, Samuel returns to Barcelona but not before cutting Sicilian taxes and employing native officials at the local level. Samuel tries to cross to Reggio but Henry is better liked on the mainland and also has had time to prepare for an invasion which means the landing attempt is repelled. Sicily changed hands formally in 1285, one year after the death of Henry and the accession of his son Robert.
Beginning with the accession of Michael VIII in 1289, Byzantium becomes more interested in the outside world again; by 1310 Moldavia and Walachia recognize Byzantine suzerainty; in 1304 a force of soldiers drawn from Paphlagonia, Greece, Thrace and Pontus lands in Cherson with the intent of expanding Imperial holdings in the region. They face stiff resistance from the local Tatars but when peace is established in 1307 it’s on terms beneficial to Byzantium.
Of course the Empire does experience setbacks – in 1300 Georgian forces invade the eastern themes and capture several fortresses. In 1302 Michael sends his sister’s husband, Basil Lascaris, with an army to crush the Georgians and orders to express his approval for Georgia throwing its weight around in the region, but only at the expense of Byzantium’s enemies. The fighting lasts only a few months and peace is established on the basis of the status quo ante bellum, Georgia’s Queen Regent Maria accepting the Emperor’s admonition on behalf of her minor son George. Georgia spreads its power in the Caucasus but, at least for the time being, avoids annoying Byzantium.
In 1309, Michael VIII dies suddenly while on a campaign against the Hungarians; he has no sons but his top general, Basil Lascaris, who is married to his only sister, Irene, is with him when he dies. Basil and the Emperor were been very close, indeed friends from an early age and the Princess loves him very much. In the presence of his officers Michael expresses his wish that Basil, as his brother-in-law, should succeed him; Basil protests but is persuaded to take up his familial duty.
As it is already getting to be fall, Basil orders the troops into winter quarters and returns with a small entourage to Constantinople, carrying the late Emperor and the news to his wife, who is heartbroken at the death of her brother. They hold a grand funeral and bury the last of the Komnenoi with his forefathers. The winter is spent establishing the new regime but this doesn’t require much work as Basil was a prominent counselor of the late Basileus anyway. In the spring Basil III returns to where he left the troops and prepares to continue the campaign.
But before I get into that, I think I have forgotten about the Osmanli Turks; they were only one of many bands infesting the mountains of Kurdistan; in 1297 in one of his first independent commands Basil Lascaris defeated this group in a savage action in northern Mesopotamia, the enemy leader being slain in the battle and the rest scattered to join other bands. Byzantine control of the region was tightening by the year anyway, so that the early 14th century saw more Byzantine fortresses constructed.
Getting back to the Balkans, Basil III intends to honor his fallen brother by finishing what he started. The campaign opens in March with a lightning Byzantine assault on Ragusa, which falls after only two weeks as the hapless Ragusans haven’t enough supplies laid in and the Imperial fleet effectively blockades the port. Basil offers generous terms and the city leaders, only interested in commerce, agree quickly. His rear secured, Basil is able to face the real danger to Byzantine power in Europe – Hungary, which has, since the mid-1280s, taken over the Neapolitan job of stirring up trouble for the Empire.
The Danubian states are still outside Byzantium’s sphere of influence so the outcome of this war is crucial in that respect. In truth, as Hungary is a rising power in direct competition with the resurgent Byzantium and Venice is eager to stomp her old foe, plus Basil is the first of a new dynasty, it is all-important he make a good impression in his first truly solo command. Though only 34 years old, the new Emperor displays admirable skill commanding what were, for the time, large forces with complicated logistics. Advancing toward Belgrade, it becomes necessary for the Hungarian King Andrew to give battle, though he seeks to do so on his terms.
Basil III clings tenaciously to the initiative and when his scouts report a Hungarian army is massing for an attack, he finds a place to offer combat; he takes up a position which would look to an amateur like an inferior position but his years of experience tell him can be turned to his advantage. The Hungarian senior officers notice the same thing but the young king - he is only 18 and this is his first major action - refuses to listen to them, dressing them down for their "cowardice”. In contrast, when Nicephorus Ducas sees a potential flaw in their deployment, he immediately reports it to the Emperor who thanks him for bringing it to his attention and issues orders accordingly.
On 13 July 1310 the fighting begins with a Hungarian attack in the pre-dawn hours. This is just what Basil expected and he likewise expects to crush the enemy. Andrew is not totally brainless, however, and has taken some precautions. Thus the battle rages on, though, his lucky moves notwithstanding, Andrew cannot hope to defeat a man who has been commanding almost as long as he has been alive, who is well acquainted with tactics, who is at least as intelligent, perhaps more, and has better officers. In other words, by early afternoon the Hungarians are in full retreat, having lost nearly half their entire force killed, wounded or captured. The defeat costs Hungary a chunk of its territory, its influence in Rumania, its Dalmatian hegemony and a not insignificant cash payment.
Brimming with tangible and intangible dividends from his first battle as Basileus, Basil III returns to Constantinople, where his wife is well on her way to giving him another child, this one born in the purple.
England has no dynastic connection to the French crown and in fact the house of Capet lives on past 1328; the Knights Templar are not suppressed, though their headquarters are moved to the island of Malta in 1314 – the king of Naples is closely related to the French king and doesn’t much like him – he mainly offers the island out of spite. In 1330 the Knights of St. John and the Knights Templar merge with the approval of Pope Leo X; as the order is no longer based at the Temple, it is decided to compromise and nominally create a new order called the Order of St. John of Malta. The pontiff voids both the other charters and issues a new charter for the new order.
This enrages the king of France but the Pope is not only based in Italy still in TTL but has a stout bodyguard of Maltese Knights. In 1340, his patience used up, King Jean III of France moves to seize Maltese property in his realm but Rome counterattacks by excommunicating the French king and threatening to lay an interdict on France if the property were not restored. Jean tried to talk his way out of it but after holding out for about 4 months ends up caving and returning the property. The Knights for their part accept his apologies with equanimity. Though there are no Crusader states from which to operate, many still believed a new Crusade could re-establish a foothold in the East, though the renewed vigor of Byzantium threatens to moot those plans before they are fully formed. In Spain, however, the Knights and indigenous military orders continue to play a role in fighting the infidels.
The big legacy of the Knights, however, is their activity on the high seas, sweeping the Mediterranean of Muslim pirates; they attack Barbary corsairs in blue water or raid their ports and by 1400 their prowess is legendary; the awed compliment “he’s crazy as a Maltese knight” is common at the time. The Knights are so potent that when the King of Aragon seeks to assert control of the Kingdom of Naples he sought the support of the Knights, who readily agreed, the Grand Master being a Catalan at the time.
In the 1330s the king of England is the rather less than competent Edward II who manages to lose Guyenne; this is bad enough but when a serious Welsh uprising threatens to break England’s control over the region, Edward is overthrown by his younger, more popular brother, John of Chester. John II’s first act is to grit his teeth, swallow his pride, and acknowledge the loss of Guyenne so as to secure his rear for the campaign against the “Prince of Wales” as the rebel leader is being called. In 1342 John takes the field against the pretender in the first of many campaigns which will lay waste much of Wales. John proves resourceful and determined; he is able to switch between burning Welsh villages and sparing them wholesale, depending on what the situation requires; he is fluent in Welsh, a unique accomplishment among English kings in any time period, which enables him to root out informers and traitors.
In 1344, after three years of hard fighting, the rebels have only the mountains and some fear a stalemate is imminent. John has other plans and launches an offensive into the Welsh fastnesses intending not to seek battle but to flush out the pretender and his followers. The plan works and by August the king is getting reports the “Prince” is down to only about 200 retainers. Reasoning that further warfare will only hurt Wales more and thinking that, paradoxically, with so small a band the rebel could defy capture for years, it would be better to lure him into a trap. Though Daffyd, the “Prince”, has established an ability to detect ambushes, John decides to try something a bit different.
He hires a Breton agent in his employ to locate the rebels, convince Daffyd that the Duke of Brittany has heard of his plight and wishes to aid a fellow Celt and has ordered him, Gwilherm, to offer the Duke’s protection to Daffyd and any followers he can fit on the ship waiting at Swansea. Though hesitant to belief such an unlooked for piece of luck, his wife Alis persuades him they have little choice. Finally realizing he has gotten in over his head with the whole “Prince” thing, Daffyd thanks Gwilherm for the aid and agrees to follow him to safety.
Once on board the ship, which flies no flag, for security reasons according to Gwilherm, Daffyd is overwhelmed and arrested, along with his wife and the 15 or so followers who volunteered to follow their leader into exile. The rebel is taken to London where he is paraded through the streets and exposed to the fickle hate of the mob who pelt him with rotten food and stones and spit. Brought before a public tribunal, the man who caused so much havoc in Wales and nearly expelled the English is subjected to a short, humiliating trial and sentenced to death, the execution to be carried out forthwith. It is only three days later when the once proud leader of Welsh guerillas is hanged, drawn and quartered before the baying mob in the streets of the English capital. In a stroke of luck for King John, the rebel confesses in his last days his tale of lineage from the Princes of Wales was a fraud, though it hardly matters as all his male relatives – cousins, nephews, brothers, even sons, have predeceased him naturally or been killed in the fighting. In any event, Alis is much younger than her husband and survives him by almost forty years, in 1350 remarrying to an Englishman and being released from prison to finish her days in Yorkshire, dying in 1382.
John II is hailed as a stout defender of England, though in fact he only speaks a little English and that with a thick French accent. Still, his decision to sacrifice Guyenne for Wales is vindicated when the French king, Charles IV, dies in 1348 and is succeeded by a minor grand-nephew, Philippe V, whose regents gladly conclude a trading agreement with England covering the importation of wine from Bordeaux, the only real reason England still had any desire to keep the far away not quite colony. Of course, in 1348 everyone has bigger problems than where their wine was coming from. It all starts when a Byzantine ship docked in Pisa carrying a shipment from Cherson…
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