British Military Strategy in the Napoleonic Wars

Hmmm...I can't immediately see anything to persuade me that sepoys don't count in that number, but fair enough.
 
The reason for the Peterloo massacre of 1819 becoming the bloodbath it was is that that job would normally have been done by militia - and quite efficiently, I might add - but since a unit of Waterloo veterans had only just returned to Manchester, they were asked to go instead, and their blood was still up after fighting Napoleon and having to spend several years occupying France.
Cavalry was the traditional tool of crowd control: there weren't any militia cavalry regiments, but the yeomanry (which was a similar force) had two regiments involved in Peterloo, the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry and the Cheshire Yeomanry. The 15th Hussars, who were the only regular unit there, had been back in the UK since May 1816.
 
Cavalry was the traditional tool of crowd control: there weren't any militia cavalry regiments, but the yeomanry (which was a similar force) had two regiments involved in Peterloo, the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry and the Cheshire Yeomanry. The 15th Hussars, who were the only regular unit there, had been back in the UK since May 1816.

What exactly is the difference between the yeomanry and the militia, for us undereducated Americans?
 
Since you mention the Bank of England's specie reserves as of 1814, it's only fair to mention the trade situation in 1814. So, no, it's not misleading unless we're only allowed to look at the bad news and not the good.
And what about the other markets, though? Some regions being a problem some of the time does not equal trade overall declining over the whole length of the period (1807-1812?).

I'm not saying Britain had no issues at all - but it's not as if it had to trade with, for instance, the Netherlands or not be able to export its goods anywhere - that paints too dark a picture.

The reason I think specie reserves differ from trade is because if you look at the statistics, trade recovered very rapidly once the blockade was lifted; Simon Schama has some interesting numbers for the Netherlands, but I don't have his book with me. Whereas specie, IMO, shows the nation's ability to wage war. France was obviously in worse shape by 1814, but I think they are different metrics.

Unsurprisingly I have issues with 67th Tiger's numbers and will address them later.
 
The reason I think specie reserves differ from trade is because if you look at the statistics, trade recovered very rapidly once the blockade was lifted; Simon Schama has some interesting numbers for the Netherlands, but I don't have his book with me. Whereas specie, IMO, shows the nation's ability to wage war. France was obviously in worse shape by 1814, but I think they are different metrics.

Unsurprisingly I have issues with 67th Tiger's numbers and will address them later.

Income from (note that I don't have figures for 1814) customs and excise receipts: 44.8 million pounds in 1815 - having gone up from 13.5 million in 1793.

Income and property taxes: 1.67 million pounds in 1799, 14.6 million "in the final year of the war"

Borrowing: "more than 25 million pounds annually"

And on the whole:

Total expenditure: 1.657 billion pounds
Total income: 1.217 billion
Balance raised by loans: 440 million pounds.

To put this in comparison as a percentage: 37.4% of the expenditure for the Seven Years War was covered by loans, this is a mere 26.6% (lower than any other war listed for a century).

So in short, I don't think specie reserves show anything about Britain's ability to continue raising funds and continuing to support (financially, at least) the war.
 

67th Tigers

Banned
What exactly is the difference between the yeomanry and the militia, for us undereducated Americans?

The yeomanry were volunteer cavalry drawn originally from the yeoman farmer class (hence the names).

There are several classes of militia.

If not prefaced then "militia" means the "regular militia" regular soldiers engaged on home defence only contracts who are supplied by their respective Lord Lieutenants (think state governor) rather than Horseguards. They could however be stationed anywhere in GB, Ireland, the Channel Islands and a few other places.

There are also "local militia" created by the 1808 act and "volunteers" or "volunteer militia" who were more typical militia in the way Americans think of it.

The state of the British Armed Forces on 25th May 1809 was:

Regular Army (inc. Regular Militia): 285,398 rank and file (all figures below for R&F, i.e. privates and corporals)
Foreign and Colonial Corps: 30,397 (this figure alone includes sergeants and drummer, not not officers)
Local Militia: 198,534
Volunteers (GB) (inc. Yeomanry): 114,066
Volunteers (Ireland): 75,340
Royal Marines: 31,400
Seaman (RN): 98,600
Artillery and Engineers: 14,261 (controlled by Board of Ordnance, not Horseguards)
East India Company: 4,051 Europeans and 128,418 Natives
 
So in short, I don't think specie reserves show anything about Britain's ability to continue raising funds and continuing to support (financially, at least) the war.

This data is interesting. On the other hand, there's some evidence that the British government thought they were at their limit.

Ina memorandum written by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1809, who doubted that the war could be continued on its present scale. He concluded it would be impossible to retain Walcheren, send an army to the Continent, and pay further subsidies. "The difficulty therefore of supporting any considerable increase in the Foreign Expenditure of the Country, conspires . . . to establish the necessity of limiting the Scale of Operations, and of endeavoring as far as possible to confine the War to a War of defense."

By 18712, Wellington's troops had not been paid for five months, and his muleteers for thirteen. Castlereagh noted that "the scarcity of specie become the subject of much anxiety," and by 1810 Lord Liverpool wrote that, "We cannot expect to carry on the war on a large scale, without some difficulties, those of a pecuniary nature perhaps more trying than any other, but they are at the same time most common."

( I don't get that either).

In 1810 the British PM William Huskisson complained that "the demands on the military chest in the Peninsula . . . were such as to create the greatest apprehension that the chest would be entirely exhausted if the expenditure should be very considerably increased." For similar reasons he thought that the financial problems imposed by landing troops in Westphalia in 1809 would be insurmountable.



side note: Interestingly, in 1811, the First Lord of the Admiralty ruled out another attack on Flushing on the grounds that "The Peninsula and Ireland absorb all we have and would do so were it double what what it is."

I wasn't aware that Ireland was garrisoned so heavily to keep it from rising up; and it seems weird to list it next to the Penninsula as a drain on troops.
 
This data is interesting. On the other hand, there's some evidence that the British government thought they were at their limit.

Ina memorandum written by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1809, who doubted that the war could be continued on its present scale. He concluded it would be impossible to retain Walcheren, send an army to the Continent, and pay further subsidies. "The difficulty therefore of supporting any considerable increase in the Foreign Expenditure of the Country, conspires . . . to establish the necessity of limiting the Scale of Operations, and of endeavoring as far as possible to confine the War to a War of defense."

By 18712, Wellington's troops had not been paid for five months, and his muleteers for thirteen. Castlereagh noted that "the scarcity of specie become the subject of much anxiety," and by 1810 Lord Liverpool wrote that, "We cannot expect to carry on the war on a large scale, without some difficulties, those of a pecuniary nature perhaps more trying than any other, but they are at the same time most common."

( I don't get that either).

In 1810 the British PM William Huskisson complained that "the demands on the military chest in the Peninsula . . . were such as to create the greatest apprehension that the chest would be entirely exhausted if the expenditure should be very considerably increased." For similar reasons he thought that the financial problems imposed by landing troops in Westphalia in 1809 would be insurmountable.



side note: Interestingly, in 1811, the First Lord of the Admiralty ruled out another attack on Flushing on the grounds that "The Peninsula and Ireland absorb all we have and would do so were it double what what it is."

I wasn't aware that Ireland was garrisoned so heavily to keep it from rising up; and it seems weird to list it next to the Penninsula as a drain on troops.

Well, Britain was spending staggering sums of money - seven times the amount spent on the American Revolution/France strikes Back in a war only three times as long,s so a bit more than twice as much per year (as a mathematical average).

So some people finding their hair turning white without any assistance at the thought doesn't surprise me. What does surprise me is that we hold their voices as great evidence when those who had to be convinced . . . disagreed.

And were right OTL.

Now, obviously that doesn't mean that they'd be right in all possible alt-timelines. But the idea that Britain survived by the thinnest of margins just isn't borne out, I think.
 
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