Blue Skies in Camelot: An Alternate 60's and Beyond

What's Queen been up to, lately? I've become interested in them ever since I watched Bohemian Rhapsody.

Hopefully a certain Paul has not/will not meet Freddie in this timeline, and perhaps Freddie can be reigned in slightly by another partner. Still early in their career though so best days ahead.

Queen has, as per OTL, been kicking ass and taking names in the world of Blue Skies in Camelot. :) Their fourth studio album, A Night at the Opera was released ITTL on Apple Records in November of 1975, after Queen had opened for the Beatles and Elton John on the three acts' combined tour of the US and UK throughout the year. "Bohemian Rhapsody", "Love of My Life", and "You're My Best Friend" were the biggest hits from the record, and the band hopes to keep chugging along and capitalize on their success. :)

How goes Southeast Asia outside Vietnam and Cambodia come 1974 and 1975?

The next update will deal primarily with Vietnam and the People's Republic of China, but I will try to answer any questions about the rest of the region here. :)

As mentioned in the recent retcon, Indonesia is led by its second President, Mohammad Hatta. Though for a brief time, his predecessor Sukarno, supported Pakistan against India in the 1967 war, drawing the ire of the United States and United Kingdom, which had decided to back India, the war was soon ended and President Hatta has made a concerted effort to bring his country back into the US-UK sphere.

Malaysia survived its armed conflict with Sukarno's Indonesia in the late 1960's, but is still rife with ethnic tensions, religious tensions, and economic and political issues. Some in the political sphere are calling for economic reform and revitalization, but many of these issues are inseparably linked to the racial issues, and most in power do not support Affirmative Action to help racial minorities. Malaysia is a deeply conservative country ITTL, though that could start to change soon.

First elected in 1969, Liberal Party leader Emmanuel Pelaez is currently serving his second term as President of the Philippines, and enjoys moderate public support, though it is starting to wane as the economy continues to turn for the worse. President Pelaez is trying to follow the mostly free market policies of his predecessor, but is facing increasing pressure from some within his administration to have the government intervene in struggling industries.
 
Chapter 95
Chapter 95: That’s the Way of the World - South Vietnamese Elections and Chairman Zhou’s Succession


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Above: President Nguyen Khanh of South Vietnam, a stabilizing, if sometimes controversial leader for the burgeoning Southeast Asian democracy (left). A crowded street in the South Vietnamese capital of Saigon (right).


Since becoming his country’s first democratically elected President in 1967, President Nguyen Khanh gained a mostly positive reputation with his people and abroad as he oversaw eight years of development, change, and reform. Under his young, watchful gaze, South Vietnam had transitioned from little more than a western bloc puppet state aimed at preventing the spread of communism to the rest of Southeast Asia, into a respectable, independent nation, with potent military and economic power to boast of. Saigon, the nation’s capital, had become a bustling commercial hub of nearly 3 million people, attracting foreign business and investment from America, Europe, Australia, and all over the globe. These investments, combined with generous American aid from the implementation of the Kennedy Doctrine and largely continued under Presidents Romney and Bush, provided Khanh’s government with funds to construct massive public works and infrastructure projects, including bringing electricity to the nation’s countryside and rural poor. A modest, but effective social safety net was put in place, along with free, compulsory public education through secondary school, and subsidies which would form the basis of a more affordable form of public healthcare. Though there were still occasional tensions between the country’s various ethnic and religious groups, these were mostly curtailed as well, with President Kennedy having insisted that continued American aid was contingent upon Khanh’s government officially banning all forms of public discrimination. With this achieved, the country’s large Roman Catholic minority would no longer be able to oppress or provide inferior treatment to its Buddhist majority. Boasting a sizable military capable of defending against communist guerrillas in Cambodia or across the DMZ with the North, South Vietnam had reached a point of no longer relying on the United States for its defense. The quality of life for the Vietnamese people had, thanks to Kennedy and Khanh’s efforts, been improved dramatically. But there were still problems which needed addressing.


Though the country had successfully held free, fair parliamentary elections every two years since the 1967 Constitution was ratified, and President Khanh was successfully reelected in 1971, there were still lingering suspicions of corruption and fraud which plagued his administration. This largely stemmed from Khanh’s preference for filling his cabinet of ministers with former fellow officers from the ARVN, rather than qualified civilians of equal or better merit and skill. Furthermore, a growing generation of young Vietnamese were growing restless after eight years of Khanh’s leadership in the capital. Democracy was a welcome change of pace for them from the revolving door of military juntas and dictators who had led the country since its founding, but Khanh was a former leader of one of those juntas, and his right-wing, conservative social tendencies often ran counter to the beliefs and desires of a growing number of more liberal young voters. For these young people, many of them the first in their families to have access to college educations and thorough schooling in political philosophy, a democratic republic was only as strong as its ability to weather a changing of the guard. For as long as Khanh and his party, the People’s Action Party, remained in power, there was no way of knowing for sure if the country’s new democratic traditions would be respected or trampled again by a strongman who did not want to relinquish his grip on power. With President Khanh’s term coming to an end in September of 1975, a Presidential election, which loomed on June 24th, would be the ultimate litmus test in these young people's’ eyes. Would President Khanh follow the example of George Washington in the United States, and step aside to let his country move on and practice its democratic faith? Or, would he run for a third term, and continue to dictate which direction his country would follow into the future? Beginning in late January, “Dump Khanh” rallies erupted on the campus of the recently founded Saigon University, with the protesters calling for new candidates from all the major political parties, and for liberal reforms like equal pay for women, stronger workers protection laws, and rapprochement with the North. Despite his instincts, the President allowed the protests to take place, winning the respect of leaders across the free world, and confirming that the right to freely assemble would be honored by his administration. The elephant, however, remained in the room: would President Khanh seek a third term as President?


After much deliberation, the relatively young chief executive decided that, after years of careful, thoughtful governance, he deserved a third term in office and made his announcement official in March. All across the country, the “Dump Khanh” rallies intensified, and were simultaneously opposed by a growing counter movement to support Khanh’s continued leadership, much to the President’s delight. Opposing the liberals, social democrats, and college students who wanted Khanh gone and Vietnam reunited, large swaths of the country’s armed forces, as well as more conservative and hardline anti-communist voters (mostly comprised of older generations) remembered the early days of fighting fifteen years before against Ho Chi Minh and his vietcong, and did not yet think the country was ready for reunification. Khanh easily secured the renomination of his party, and though he spoke in platitudes against the “political polarization” of the electorate, he also continued to encourage it with his increasingly right-wing rhetoric throughout the campaign.


Opposition to the President coalesced primarily around Tran Van Huong, a former Prime Minister of the country and mayor of the capital city of Saigon before that. Earlier in his long and storied career, Huong had established his democratic bona fides by being one of several politicians to sign the Caravelle Manifesto critical of the government of Ngo Dinh Diem. Though jailed for his outspoken criticism, Huong was later freed from prison, and returned to Saigon to be elected the first Prime Minister of South Vietnam’s new government after the ratification of the 1967 constitution. Huong served in that capacity until 1971, when his “Renaissance Party”, a centre-left coalition of liberals and social democrats, was narrowly voted out of power by a reelected Khanh and his Nationalists. Nevertheless persistent, Huong remained as leader of his party in opposition until just before the filing deadline for Presidential candidates, when he dramatically stood aside and announced his candidacy for the Presidency. More than twenty years his opponent’s senior, Huong naturally faced opposition to his candidacy on the basis that he was too old for the often stressful, difficult job. Supporters of the President and other pundits opined that Huong should stand aside and “allow a younger generation to guide the country forward”, meaning President Khanh. Huong thoughtfully countered that the country’s youth made up the majority of his support, and that they were trying to lead, through him, but the Khanh Administration simply wasn’t listening to them. Though the President maintained the upper hand in several of the “fundamentals” of the campaign - fundraising, incumbency, a largely apathetic electorate, and so on, Huong was able to fight back thanks to a highly effective and committed base of young activists, who sought to get out the vote, especially in Saigon, where Huong was fondly remembered and beloved from his time as Mayor. The most pressing issue in the campaign, besides serving as a referendum on the country’s ability to function with a peaceful transition of power, was whether or not to allow a reunification referendum to take place between North and South Vietnam.


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Both the ARVN and the Vietcong had largely lost their appetite for separation by 1975, and part of the Kennedy-Khrushchev era agreement which had brought the War in Vietnam to an end in 1967 was a provision which would allow the two countries to reunite “at such a time as a direct vote would prove that a majority of the citizens of each country would favor the arrangement.” Public opinion polls conducted by the free press throughout the South clearly demonstrated that a majority of the people were ready to bring Vietnam together again. Overtures and private diplomatic cables received from Hanoi brought good news for reunification as well. Chairman Giap believed that if the South could guarantee that the Communist Party would be free to compete in the first round of elections post-reunification, then he could convince the Politburo, now fearful of a pro-U.S. China on its northern border, to come to terms and support reunification. This, Prime Minister Huong believed (as JFK and numerous others had before him) was a compromise amenable to all parties involved. Huong little doubted the ability for democratic parties like his own to defeat the Communists in a free and fair election, it would merely be democracy at work. President Khanh was less convinced. Fearful that the Communists could paint the democratic parties as “not nationalist enough” in character, the President railed against the referendum, and declared that “no reunification can occur until the North learns the error of the path of Totalitarian collectivism!” This opinion would cost the President severely in the polls. The people of South Vietnam were hopeful, and in the mood for a dose of optimism which Huong captured and Khanh could not muster. When they went to the polls on June 24th, they rewarded the former Prime Minister with a narrow victory.


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President-Elect Tran Van Huong of South Vietnam

The results shocked the nation. Despite Khanh’s overwhelming advantage as the incumbent in a burgeoning democracy, and despite the enduring influence of the military and powerful corporations all being stacked against his opponent, the opposition managed to carry the momentum of the race, and cultivate it into the roots of a new political movement, aimed at social justice, increased freedoms, an end to corruption in Saigon, and hopes for a reunited Vietnam. President George Bush, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, and numerous other heads of state were quick to send Huong their congratulations, and though there was some talk amongst Khanh’s loyalists in the military of getting involved to prevent Khanh from stepping down from power, the former General decided it was time to hang up his hat. He had been defeated, fair and square, and Khanh had learned from his time working with President Kennedy that old Abraham Lincoln quote about ballots being the rightful successors to bullets. His time had come and gone, and the people of his country had made their will known at the ballot box. It was time to honor their wishes. Tran Van Huong became the second President of the Second Republic of South Vietnam in September, and made pursuing a reunification referendum his top priority from his first day in office. With the assent of his government, and that of the North in Hanoi as well, an act of Parliament providing for dual referendums was passed in December, and a date for the public vote set for June of 1976. Across the nation, the people celebrated, and capitalists and communists were learning to work together in the realm of democratic government. Directly to the north, another Socialist leader was striving to implement reforms and make the most of a not-very-good situation.




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Above: Zhou Enlai, Chairman of the Communist Party of the People’s Republic of China​


Chairman Zhou took to his office with a generosity of spirit sorely needed in his country in the aftermath of nearly a decade of his predecessors’ “perpetual revolution”. He was just, open-handed, and kind whenever he could be, and his gestures toward stabilization and a “return to normalcy”, such as emphasizing the beauty, value, and importance of traditional Chinese culture, made tremendous strides toward healing the wounds which had nearly bled the People’s Republic dry. At the same time, however, Zhou knew that he could not afford to sit on his hands. He was no longer a young man, and while China would remain safe, sane, and on the right track under his leadership, he harbored no illusions of what horrors could be unleashed should the wrong person happen to succeed him. He believed strongly that his tenure as Chairman, however long it would wind up being, needed absolutely to be a time not just for restoration, but for reform, change, and progress as well. The Chairman recalled an ancient Chinese proverb he had been taught as a boy, when an Emperor still ruled from Beijing: “a crisis is an opportunity which rides on the dangerous wind.” While his advisers called for more platitudes and gestures of reconciliation, Zhou instead decided to seize this rare moment to push back against the excesses of the Politburo, and demand a China more in line with his own unique vision for communism. In this process, he was vastly helped by the mountain of political capital he was able to accrue through his own reputation and immense popularity with the Chinese people. In his old age, Zhou, to the people of China, came to represent moderation, stability, and justice in Chinese politics and culture. He was renowned as a skilled negotiator, a master of policy implementation, a devoted revolutionary, and perhaps most of all, a pragmatic statesman with a brilliant attention to detail and nuance. His tireless work ethic, personal magnetism, charisma and charm, and his poise in public reminded many children of the Revolution of their own fathers, at once startlingly conservative in their traditional Chinese upbringing, but also simultaneously radical in their belief in Marxist ideals. The Chairman was arguably the last Mandarin politician in the Confucian tradition, and he strove to bridge the gap between his own generation and the next, which knew not the conditions which allowed for Mao’s rise, only the stark divide between Mao’s promises and the harsh, grim realities of his many failures. Zhou saw limitless potential for China in the remainder of the 20th Century and in the promise of the new Millennium which lay beyond it, but it first needed to sort out its own house and put itself in a position to benefit the most from the shifting currents of history.


This process began in earnest in the spring of 1975. Following the visits to Beijing of Presidents John F. Kennedy and George Bush, and normalization of relations with the United States and the rest of the Western world, the People’s Republic replaced Taiwan as the country representing China as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, a major foreign policy boon for Zhou, as it strengthened his country’s position against its chief rival, the Soviet Union while also increasing its credibility and prestige. Next, the Chairman turned his attentions inward and began to undo the damage wrought by Mao’s paranoia, and Lin Baio’s radical, out-of-control purging. To begin, a policy of reasonable Tòumíngdù or “openness” would be encouraged across the nation. Gone forever were the days, Zhou promised, of the Red Guards hunting down and silencing any dissent or disagreement with government practice. Though the press would continue to be controlled by the Party, articles and reports which criticized the state or called for reform would be allowed to be printed, and censorship would be as limited as possible while still maintaining “order and harmony in the political sphere”. Further, the mass-scale collectivization policies which had proved to be abysmal failures under Mao and Baio were also curtailed, with new committees founded and organized for the express purpose of replacing them with “more rational, effective” means of achieving “true communism”. Generally speaking, Chairman Zhou was a true Marxist in thought, but he abhorred the radical, impractical extremes to which Mao and Biao had been willing to go to try and achieve a socialist utopia. A just society, Zhou had been taught in his Confucian tradition, was predicated on harmony and peace, not endless violence and killing to enforce tyrannical law. At that point, how were the Red Guards any better than the Imperial soldiers the Revolution of 1949 had overcome? True communism was, to Zhou, the achievement of harmony and order between all segments of society, workers and laborers from all walks of life. The policies set about in Beijing throughout the second half of the 1970’s therefore followed this school of thought.


The Chairman also set about preparing his country for his eventual passing and succession, as the peaceful transition of power in particular seemed especially difficult for his comrades to grasp in the preceding decade or so. Unwilling to allow the Chairmanship and the Premiership, the two most powerful positions in government, to be held by the same person, Zhou stepped down as Premier and passed the position to one of several younger proteges, Hu Yaobang, who favored not just political liberalization, but gradual economic decentralization as well. The choice was controversial with some remaining hardliners on the Politburo, but when the Chairman made it clear that his decision in the matter was final, their voices were quieted beneath the overwhelming weight of Zhou’s popularity, which he effectively wielded as an astute political weapon. Zhou was not sure that Hu would meet his every expectation as a potential successor, and also believed in establishing a precedent of separating power to an extent amidst the high command of the Communist Party, thus he did not name Hu Yaobang his Vice Chairman, and instead offered that position to another protege, Zhao Ziyang.


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Though it would take several years for China to recover from the Great Leap Forward and the purges of the Cultural Revolution, Zhou’s governance had already gone a long way to restoring Chinese unity, sovereignty, and national character. The Second Taiwan Strait Crisis came to an end nearly twenty years after it began, as U.S. recognition of the PRC made the issue a mute point for the moment geopolitically. Though longtime President of the Republic of China on Taiwan, Chiang Kai-Shek vigorously protested President Bush’s decision to recognize the PRC, there was little that he could do, and when Chiang passed away in 1975, his island nation was busy enjoying a minor economic boom, bringing rapid industrialization, higher wages, better standards of living, and the potential for an increasingly open and democratic political sphere. There was even talk of reuniting at last with the Communists on the mainland, though the KMT did everything they could to strangle such discussions early in their infancy. Both Chinas still had a long way to go toward making their countries modern, free, and the true superpowers which their leaders wanted them to be, but the steps taken by Chairman Zhou and his allies in the middle of the 1970’s would go a long way toward bringing the PRC up to speed with much of the rest of the world.


Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: The American Tolkien and the King of Horror
 
China seems to be on the same track as OTL, with maybe abit more hope for a succsesful Democratic transition. Vietnam is interesting, although I think Huong is a naieve fool if he thinks Reunification with the north will be accepted by Hanoi with anyone but the Commust party in charge.
 
With a stabler China,maybe they could proceed with the Shuguang manned space program (roughly their version of our Gemini).
 
Well, at least China's getting better and South Vietnam is doing well...

I'm guessing George R.R. Martin and Stephen King are the focus of the next chapter, @President_Lincoln?

Good chapter, @President_Lincoln; the song "That's the Way of the World" was released by Earth, Wind, and Fire on June 17, 1975, so congrats for continuing the pattern, and waiting for more...
 
Vietnam looks like it's heading the same way as OTL, but with a multi-party democracy.

Zhou's rule reminds me a lot of Gorbachev's policies. Hope it's far more tenable long-term.
 
Great update. Glad Vietnam is doing better in OTL. Interesting about China too. In OTL Bush was the former Ambassador to China and favoured good relations with China. Will he continue that in your TL and do others in his administration such as Reagan and Cheney support that or do they see Bush as favouring China too much? Also what's Bush's policy with Vietnam?
 
Glad to see sane rulers in those countries, for once. I'm also excited at the thought of the next chapter. American Tolkien and King of horror...I already know it's going to be awesome!
 
Wow! That was a great update and it’s great to see things looking up for Saigon. Although, I think a reunification referendum in both Vietnams is coming about a bit too soon in my opinion. Glad to see things improve in the PRC.
 
Very nice global update there @President_Lincoln

Is China still doing ‘1 child per couple’ or has that crisis not happened yet?

Also have plastics had their big leap and replaced paper/bottles/wrapping in general yet?

The crisis which precipitated the "One Child Policy" is underway in China, but has not reached a head yet, so to speak. Chairman Zhou is not currently considering such a policy at this time, and as long as he remains Chairman, something like it is unlikely to be instituted. :) His health is precarious however, and there is talk about the possibility of it among more junior members of the party...

Whos leader of South Korea?

As per OTL, Park Chung-hee is currently serving as President of South Korea under the new 1972 Constitution, which allows him to run for an unlimited number of six-year terms. Park's Presidency has overseen a period of rapid export-led economic growth enforced by harsh political repression, the latter of which is beginning to grate on his people. Expect him to be forced to allow for political liberalization soon or to face a similar removal as he faced IOTL... As President Kennedy said, "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable."

Well, at least China's getting better and South Vietnam is doing well...

I'm guessing George R.R. Martin and Stephen King are the focus of the next chapter, @President_Lincoln?

Good chapter, @President_Lincoln; the song "That's the Way of the World" was released by Earth, Wind, and Fire on June 17, 1975, so congrats for continuing the pattern, and waiting for more...

Yep! :D Thank you all for your kind, supportive words. As always, it means so much to hear that you all enjoyed the update. :)

Great update. Glad Vietnam is doing better in OTL. Interesting about China too. In OTL Bush was the former Ambassador to China and favoured good relations with China. Will he continue that in your TL and do others in his administration such as Reagan and Cheney support that or do they see Bush as favouring China too much? Also what's Bush's policy with Vietnam?

ITTL, President Bush strongly favors good relations with China. Though Vice President Reagan was skeptical of his boss's decision at first, Bush has persuaded him that pitting Zhou's China against the more hardline Soviet Union can only stand to benefit the western bloc and its allies. Further, normalized relations with China will encourage trade and hopefully eventually break the economic issues facing the country. As for Vietnam, President Bush is a staunch ally of the South, but is willing to see a reunited Vietnam, as long as the North does not try to force a communist dictatorship by destabilizing the government in Saigon.

Glad to see sane rulers in those countries, for once. I'm also excited at the thought of the next chapter. American Tolkien and King of horror...I already know it's going to be awesome!

Thank you!

Hopefully it actually has a good ending... I hope both do.

Har! :D You and me both, sir. A Song of Ice and Fire may well be my favorite series in literature. You can bet that I'll do my best to make sure it gets brought to a satisfying conclusion ITTL (as long as Martin can finish it!)

Wow! That was a great update and it’s great to see things looking up for Saigon. Although, I think a reunification referendum in both Vietnams is coming about a bit too soon in my opinion. Glad to see things improve in the PRC.

Thank you, Alpha-King! :) You do make a good point about the Vietnam referendum coming earlier than expected. Giap is in favor of getting what he can get at this point, but if he were to leave the picture for some reason, the whole situation could change once again in an instant. All of this was only remotely possible due to Zhou's friendship with the West, of course.
 
Chapter 96
Chapter 96: Some Kind of Wonderful - The Early Careers of George R.R. Martin and Stephen King

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Before he helped to redefine the novel and speculative fiction and inspired the highest rated and most awarded program in modern television history, George Raymond Richard Martin was born on September 20th, 1948, in Bayonne, New Jersey; the son of Raymond Collins Martin, a dockworker, and his wife, Margaret. George would grow up with two younger sisters, Darleen and Janet, to whom he was quite close, given a lifelong propensity for feeling like something of a social outsider. Martin’s mother was of half-Irish ancestry, and between she and his father, Martin could also claim French, English, German, and Welsh heritage. The Martins moved around frequently throughout George’s childhood, though they always remained “trapped” (in George’s words) in Bayonne, where his father worked. At first they lived in a house belonging to George’s great-grandmother. Then, in 1953, they moved into a federal housing project near the Bayonne Docks. Throughout his childhood, George’s life primarily consisted of “first street to fifth street” - the tiny neighborhood between his home and his primary school. This limited experience made him want to travel and see other sights, feel other sensations, but because of his family’s meager financial means, the way way he could do this was through the development of an active, wondrous imagination. George honed his creativity by becoming a voracious reader. When he wasn’t reading comic books, sci fi novels, and the “pulp” works of Robert Howard and H.P. Lovecraft, Martin started trying his hand at writing stories of his own. He began to sell these short stories, mostly gruesome horror tales, to his neighbors and friends, complete with a dramatic reading for a penny or two. It was his first experience as a “paid” author, but certainly not his last. Martin also famously wrote stories about a fantastical kingdom, populated by the pet turtles he kept in a terrarium in his room. The turtles died frequently in their toy castle, so George’s imagination decided that they were murdering and betraying each other in complex, machiavellian political plots to rule their small kingdom. Martin would later credit these stories with perhaps being the first inspiration for his most famous work, which would come about decades into his already by then prolific career…


Though Martin would credit Lovecraft, Shakespeare, and of course, J.R.R. Tolkien with inspiring his own fiction, Martin would later posit that perhaps the most profound literary influence on him as a child was Stan Lee, chief editor and writer for Marvel Comics throughout the 1960’s. During this, the Second Heroic Age of Comic Books, George was a massive fan, becoming a member of the fledgling comics fandom, and winning an award for the best comics “fan fiction” with his 1965 short story, “Powerman v The Green Goblin”. Martin was also the very first person to register for an early comic book convention, held in New York City, in 1964. This lifelong interest in writing and storytelling brought Martin to decide to study literature and creative writing as an undergraduate. Though he briefly considered attending Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism in Evanston, Illinois, a generous financial aid package and the promises of a strong creative writing program brought him instead to Ithaca College in Upstate New York. There, the young Martin was to meet one of the great literary figures in the history of television, the man who would become his first great mentor and serial professor during his time at Ithaca. That man was Rod Serling, screenwriter, playwright, television producer, narrator, World War II hero, and most famously, the creator and chief writer for The Twilight Zone, one of the most enduringly popular and celebrated programs in television history.


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Near the end of The Twilight Zone’s fifth and final season, Serling had grown weary from years of non-stop writing, producing, and teaching week long seminars, and decided that he needed a change in lifestyle. He first took a one year job teaching English at Antioch College, in Ohio, and decided he enjoyed the Academic profession, but would prefer to live closer to his childhood home of Binghamton, New York. He would teach classes during the days and evenings during the week, then spend his weekends writing a screenplay which would eventually become Seven Days in May, a political thriller about the President of the United States being removed from power in a military coup for pursuing an arms reduction treaty with the Soviet Union. The film was a modest success commercially but was critically acclaimed and won high praise from President John F. Kennedy himself, who had Serling to the White House for a private screening of the film, followed by a dinner with Serling and his wife. Kennedy said that he enjoyed the film so much because not only of its moving rhetoric and themes, but also because of what he saw as its “realism”, explaining to Serling in private that JFK had, in fact, feared a military coup during the Cuban Missile Crisis. Serling and the President remained on again, off again pen pals for years afterward. Serling developed and maintained a prolific career by exploring themes other writers shied away from because they were “too political” or “too socially aware”. In an era when talking about societal issues came with a certain stigma in the entertainment business, Serling tackled the problems head on, even if he sometimes had to make allegories for them through sci-fi and other speculative fiction. His anti-war activism and firm believe in racial and gender equality lined up perfectly with the young Martin’s views, and when Martin first took a creative writing class with Serling as a freshman, both became convinced that they had made contact with one of the great artistic minds of each of their respective generations. Martin adored Serling’s socially conscious writing, particularly on war, as Martin would go on to be a conscientious objector, refusing to fight in the War in Cambodia on philosophical grounds. (Martin would instead perform two years of alternate service work as a VISTA volunteer from 1972 - 1974.) Serling, for his part, cherished Martin’s capacity for capturing what William Faulkner called “the human heart in conflict with itself” and encouraged him to write more cerebral, character driven pieces in addition to his already gripping, action filled plots.


After finishing Serling’s class with an easy and happily earned A, Martin would cultivate a treasured friendship with his professor, taking just about every class Serling offered at Ithaca College, and making an effort to meet with him during office hours so that they could share writing that they had been working on with each other, and offer feedback, critiques, and advice. Some of Martin’s suggestions would eventually make it into Serling’s The Man, a 1972 film about racial equality, in which an African American Senator, played by James Earl Jones, ascends to the Presidency of the United States via succession, which was an especially pertinent topic the year it was released, due to the assassination of President Romney in the real world. The film would be nominated for an Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay, though it would ultimately lose out to The Godfather. In return, Serling gave Martin pointers on “The Hero”, a short story of Martin’s which became his first commercially published work when it was bought by Galaxy magazine and published in its February 1971 issue. Martin would also credit Serling for helping him brainstorm the idea which would ultimately become “With Morning Comes Mistfall”, Martin’s first story to be nominated for Science Fiction’s coveted Hugo Award in 1973. Martin graduated summa cum laude with a Bachelor’s Degree in English Literature and Creative Writing from Ithaca in 1970, and would go on to complete his Masters in that field the following year. Because his VISTA volunteer work brought him away from Ithaca, Martin was forced to say goodbye to his aging friend, Rod. The two remained close however, and Martin would continue to correspond with Serling by letter until the latter’s passing from a smoking-related heart attack in May of 1975. By this time, Martin had gotten a job teaching as a creative writing professor himself at the State University of New York at Geneseo to help supplement his modest, but steady income as an author, and made the journey to Sage Chapel at Cornell University for Serling’s funeral without a second thought on the matter. While saying goodbye to his friend and mentor, Martin had another encounter with a second television icon who would also help pave his way into a future in lucrative speculative fiction.


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Gene Roddenberry, the screenwriter and television producer most famous for being the creator of Star Trek, was a longtime fan, acquaintance, and admirer of Rod Serling, and though it was a considerable effort to venture out to western New York from his home in Los Angeles, Roddenberry knew it was a trip he felt that he had to make. The trip would wind up proving quite professionally fruitful, as well as personally fulfilling. By mid 1975, Roddenberry was knee deep in production headaches over the forthcoming, much-anticipated program Star Trek: Phase II. As if disagreements with the network heads over everything from casting, to plot points of the planned pilot episode, to the specific amounts laid out in the budget weren’t enough, Roddenberry was also suffering tremendously from a lack of writing staff for his new show. The Star Trek creator did have dozens of applicants for positions on the team, but many of their writing samples he dismissed as “cliche”, “overwrought”, and “tacky”. What he really wanted for his franchise’s second coming was to push the envelope even further than the original had. He wanted a staff that understood and wrote to real social issues and understood character conflict in a meaningful way, needless to say, he was much impressed with the fiction of a young George R.R. Martin, especially Martin’s first novel, Dying of the Light, which was released in the Spring of 1975. Though only modestly successful, the novel nonetheless earned Martin a tidy sum of royalties and brought him to the attention of Gene Roddenberry, who remembered his name from some of his own earlier letters with Rod Serling. After Serling’s funeral, Roddenberry asked the young English Professor and writer if he could take him to a nearby cafe for coffee or anything. Martin agreed, and as they sipped from their cups, Roddenberry complimented Martin on what he believed to be his “complex storylines, fascinating characters, great dialogue, and perfect pacing” as demonstrated in his fiction. Martin was deeply grateful for the praise, especially coming from the creator of one of his favorite television shows. He was even more blown away by what Roddenberry had to say next.


“George, I want you to come work with me on Star Trek: Phase II in Los Angeles.” The older man’s voice was like that of a much younger artist, filled with passion, vigor, and excitement. “I think you’d be perfect to help develop my vision for the program.”


“My goodness, Gene. I’m at a loss for words.” He paused, flabbergasted, and tried to think, but found that he could not. “I don’t know what to say!”


Roddenberry beamed. “Then say yes, damn it! I need writers like you.”


Martin asked for a day to consider it, and talk it over with Tish Rabe, his fiance and fellow Ithaca alum, who herself was trying to make it in the publishing business as a children’s author. Though he enjoyed teaching, Martin could tell that his true passion came in writing short stories and novels, and he believed that moving to LA and getting his foot in the door in television could be one way for his future work to have an easier time being published. If he could also make a name as a screenwriter, as his mentor Rod Serling did, than all the better for it as well. Tish agreed, and her approval settled it for him. George called Roddenberry at his hotel the next day and gave him his answer. “Gene, I’m in.”

...

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The aptly named “King of Horror”, Stephen King also had a slow, difficult start to what would ultimately become a prolific career in fiction writing. King sold his first professional short story, “The Glass Floor” to Startling Mystery Stories in 1967, but his earnings from it were next to nothing. After graduating from the University of Maine, King earned a certificate to teach High School English, but initially encountered difficulty in finding a placement. He was so broke in the first few years after college that he didn’t have enough cash to pay off a $250 petty larceny fine after being arrested for driving over a traffic cone. Thankfully, he received a last minute paycheck for his story, “The Float” and was able to pay the fine, avoiding jail time. Finally, in 1971, King found a job as an English teacher at Hampden Academy in Hampden, Maine. During his time there, he would continue to write and publish short stories, work on ideas for novels, and volunteer for Maine Senator Edmund Muskie’s campaign for the Democratic Nomination for President in 1972. The following year, Carrie became King’s first novel to be published, though it was the fourth one that he had written.

Composed on a portable typewriter belonging to his wife, Tabitha, Carrie began its life as a short story King was writing for Cavalier magazine, but after a discouraging spell of writer’s block, King attempted to discard his idea by tossing its first three pages in a garbage can. His wife refused to let him do so, however, and encouraged him to finish the idea, promising to help him write from the feminine perspective. King reluctantly agreed and wound up finishing the story by expanding it into an epistolary novel. He and Tabitha were in such dire financial straits that when Carrie was picked up by Doubleday Books to be published, the phone line in their trailer had been disconnected, and it would be weeks before King would even know his novel had been accepted. He eventually found out via a printed telegram sent to his home by his agent. The agency gave King a forward advance of $2,500, which he used to buy a new Ford Pinto and restore he and Tabitha’s phone to working order. On May 17th, 1973, New American Library bought the paperback rights for $400,000, which King split evenly with Doubleday Publishing in accordance with their contract. Still, $200,000 was nothing to sneeze at. He and Tabitha’s life would finally be more secure. Carrie would launch Stephen King’s career and become a significant novel in the horror genre in its own right. King would follow up Carrie with 1975’s Second Coming, a novel which wonders what it might look like if Count Dracula settled in a sleepy town in rural Maine; 1977’s The Shining (which was inspired by he and his family’s new home in Boulder, Colorado); 1978’s The Stand; and the beginning of a new series of novels which would serve as a sort of fusion between Tolkien’s Middle Earth and the American Wild West as depicted in the films of Clint Eastwood and Sergio Leone. The Dark Tower series, as it came to be known, would become a fan favorite among King devotee’s, and its hero, Roland Deschain, would eventually receive a fitting small screen treatment in one of the most acclaimed HBO series of all time, The Gunslinger in 2009 (in which he is played by Irish Actor Iain Glen).


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Over the course of its decades-long publishing history, The Dark Tower would become, arguably, King’s masterpiece, a poignant, imaginative epic which the New York Times would call “an imposing example of true storytelling at its finest.” Unfortunately, success also came at something of a cost for King. As the 1970’s wore on, he developed what would ultimately become a horrific drinking problem, which would only get worse following his mother’s passing of uterine cancer in 1974. King would later recall that his problem got so bad that he delivered his mother’s eulogy totally drunk. Though he would eventually overcome his demons and get sober for good, alcohol and drug addiction dominated King’s life throughout the rest of the 1970’s.

Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: SDUSA for Udall, the First Family
 
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