Blood & Gold: Ammon Rising

Deleted member 5909

BLOOD & GOLD

Ammōn Rising
The Reign of Alexandros

Alexander Mosaic.jpg

Berthold Werner / CC-BY-SA-3.0


"Where is the Great Alexander?"
"Great Alexander lives and reigns!"

— The Nereid's Riddle

 
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Damn fine writing, I'll keep watching this. Would love to see Alexander put those damn Romans to the sword. Hellenic-Punic alliances in the future?
 

Deleted member 5909

Thank you for the likes and interest everyone!

My apologies if this TL has started out slow. I want to give this my all, and I’m determined to go over every aspect of this POD with a fine toothed comb. Alexander is such a monumental figure, I know that I’ll never be able to truly do him justice, but I want to at least try. My plan, thus far, is for this to be volume 1, dealing with the events of his reign. There’s just so much to cover and so many aspects to explore of what a surviving Alexander means for the future.

I know that a great deal of the terminology might be overwhelming for many who aren’t as familiar with the Ancient Greek language. I hope to include a working glossary soon.

As always, please feel free to offer any criticisms or to point out any errors or oversights on my part. Editing has never been my strong suit.
 

Deleted member 5909

My apologies for the delay in a new update to this. I needed to rework the first entry, so it has been deleted. More is coming soon. In the meantime, I've edited and made additions to the Prologue and the Appendices previously posted. Feel free to have a look everyone.
 

Deleted member 5909

Also, I'm just curious as to everyone's opinion:
What is the general consensus on names and dates? I'm considering limiting the Greek forms of names and Argead dates to contemporary source documents, with all other entries using the English/Latin forms and BCE dates, for the sake of clarity, in order to eliminate confusion. Years ago, in University, my focus was Classics and Linguistics, so I know that I have a tendency to overdo it on transliterations and to overly use Greek terms that may be unfamiliar to many here.
 
Also, I'm just curious as to everyone's opinion:
What is the general consensus on names and dates? I'm considering limiting the Greek forms of names and Argead dates to contemporary source documents, with all other entries using the English/Latin forms and BCE dates, for the sake of clarity, in order to eliminate confusion. Years ago, in University, my focus was Classics and Linguistics, so I know that I have a tendency to overdo it on transliterations and to overly use Greek terms that may be unfamiliar to many here.
In my opinion the dates might need to be adjusted. Mainly because it can get confusing with an entirely different calendar system and I doubt people would want to go to the footnotes consistently to understand the current time. Maybe you should just have years in brackets? Like instead of 1 AC you could have [331 BC] so it's clear the dates aren't in universe but it would still be readable. As for the names and transliterations I think that those should stay, they aren't confusing and they make it feel more authentic. Though I like to use them too so I guess my opinion is a bit biased lmao.
 
In my opinion the dates might need to be adjusted. Mainly because it can get confusing with an entirely different calendar system and I doubt people would want to go to the footnotes consistently to understand the current time. Maybe you should just have years in brackets? Like instead of 1 AC you could have [331 BC] so it's clear the dates aren't in universe but it would still be readable. As for the names and transliterations I think that those should stay, they aren't confusing and they make it feel more authentic. Though I like to use them too so I guess my opinion is a bit biased lmao.
Fully agree! Just put actual dates in brackets after the more relevant date @Endymion
 
The names and transliterations are not, IME, too difficult to get used to, what is hard is keeping track of dates. But as the previous posters said this is fairly easy to handle by inserting date in our format in brackets after the date in their format.
 

Deleted member 5909

PROLOGUE:

Babylon, June, 323 BC

Seeing that Alexander had become gloomy from the words of his Companions, for he was offended by their reprimands, a certain old soldier in the crowd, a Boeotian, drew near. The man spoke to him in the dialect of his homeland, saying to him, "Alexander, it is the fate of all heroes to perform great deeds!" Then, quoting Aeschylus of Athens, he reminded him that all great men are also destined to suffer. These words pleased Alexander, who afterward received the man as one of his Companions.
—Nearchus of Crete, the I
NDICA.

The most detailed account of Alexander’s illness at Babylon, which occurred in June of 323 BC, late in the Macedonian month of Daesius, is given in the Ephemerides, or Royal Journals. The Journals were the records of the daily activities of the King and his court. These were customarily kept by the King’s chief secretary. In the reign of Alexander, this position was held first by Eumenes of Cardia and then, subsequently, after his promotion to hipparch, by Diodotus of Erythraea. As Eumenes was promoted to replace Perdiccas, shortly before the events recorded for that month in the Journals, the latter having succeeded to Hephaestion as Alexander’s chiliarch, it is unclear whether the entries in Journals were still being recorded by Eumenes himself at this time, or by Diodotus working with him.

Unfortunately, the Journals have been lost, along with the bulk of the Argead royal archives, no doubt destroyed in the events surrounding the Sack of Babylon. However, the entries can still be reconstructed relatively securely, having come down to us in fragments quoted by Aristobulus of Potidaea in his History of Alexander. From this, and the quotations of other, later historians, who also seem to have had access to the Journals, we can piece together the following scholarly reconstruction.

May 29, 323 BC

After his bath, the King offered his customary sacrifices to the gods, adding certain others in thanksgiving for his successes and for the purpose of taking the haruspices, at the direction of his seer, Aristander of Telmessos. He then distributed sacrificial victims and a good quantity of wine to the centuries and the companies of his army. That evening, the King held a lavish symposium in honor of Nearchus of Crete and drank with his Companions long into the night. Afterward, he took a bath. Then, instead of retiring to sleep after bathing, as was his custom, he attended another symposium at the house of Medius of Larissa, where he was joined by many of his Companions. At length, he returned to the palace, bathed again, and then went to bed in the small hours of the morning.

May 30, 323 BC

The King continued to sleep until late in the afternoon. When he rose, he took a bath and offered his customary sacrifices. That evening, the King dined at the house of Medius of Larissa again and afterward attended another symposium there with twenty of his Companions. He drank with this company late into the night. When he returned to the palace, he felt feverish and so he ate only a little after his bath and slept all night on the floor of the bathing room.

May 31, 323 BC

After his bath, the King was carried out on a couch to offer his morning sacrifices. He then withdrew into the andron [1], where he met with his generals to issue orders to them for the expedition to Arabia. He instructed Perdiccas and those others who were to march by land to be leave in two days’ time. To Nearchus and to those who were to accompany him by sea, he gave orders that they were to be prepared to sail in three days’ time. Afterward, he dismissed them all and remained in the andron until nightfall, occupying himself by playing at dice with Medius of Larissa. At sunset, the King was carried out on a couch to the river, where he crossed by boat to the park on the far side. He then took a bath and offered sacrifices to the gods. When this was done, he ate a little and retired to bed. However, he slept very little, for he had a fever throughout the night.

June 1, 323 BC

The King took a bath and offered sacrifices in the morning. After this, he went to lie down in the bathing room, where he spent the day conversing with Medius of Larissa and listening to Nearchus regale him with stories of his voyage on the Erythraean Sea. After Medius and Nearchus had taken their leave of him, the King dined, but ate only a little, for he still felt unwell. Then, he gave orders that his generals were to meet with him in the morning. After this, he retired to his bedchamber, where he lay all night with fever.

June 2, 323 BC

The King took a bath and performed his customary sacrifices. When this was done, he again went to lie down in the bathing room. There, he met with Nearchus to give him detailed instructions for the fleet’s departure in two days’ time. He remained in the bathing room with Nearchus all day, conversing with him and listening to more of his stories from the Erythraean expedition. The condition of the King grew worse after sunset and he retired to sleep very early. Again, however, he slept very little, for his fever gave him little rest.

June 3, 323 BC

The King offered sacrifices in the morning after his bath. All day, his fever was very high and would not abate. Nevertheless, he sent for his generals and met with them, giving orders that the departure of his expedition to Arabia was to be postponed several days hence, until he was well enough to travel. The King took a bath and then retired early to sleep, for his condition was now very grave. Again, he lay all night with fever.

June 4, 323 BC

When he awoke, the King felt very weak and called for his doctor, Philip of Acarnania. On Philip’s advice, he was carried out on a couch to the baptistery [2], where he bathed and performed his sacrifices. When this was done, the King then sent for his generals to meet with them. All day, he remained in the baptistery until dark, lying by the side of the pool and discussing with his officers who was to fill those posts in the army that had since fallen vacant after the departure of Craterus and his other veterans. After his generals had gone, the King retired early in the evening to sleep.

June 5, 323 BC

The King offered his sacrifices in the morning, as was his custom, but only with very great difficulty, for he had to be carried out on a couch to do so. Despite his fever and weakness, he again sent for his generals and met with them to discuss plans for the coming expedition. To the officers, he gave orders that their departure was now again to be temporarily delayed, on account of his illness. The King again retired early to sleep.

June 6, 323 BC

When the King awoke, his fever was very violent and gave him no rest. He was so weak that he could not stand and had to be carried out again on a couch to offer sacrifices. After this, he was carried back to his bed, where he issued orders that his generals were to go to the palace and wait for him in the court there, while the commanders of the battalions and the companies of his army were also to go there and to wait outside the doors. After sunset, the King was carried out on a couch to the river, brought by boat to the other side, and thence taken back to the palace. His condition had grown even more desperate and he was so ill with fever that he could no longer speak. His generals, then still waiting in the court, were allowed in to his bedchamber to see him, but though the King recognized them, he was so weak that he struggled to even raise his head to greet them. All night, his fever continued to rage.

June 7, 323 BC

The King lay in his bed all day, speechless and in a state of high fever. At night, gravely ill, the King remained in his bed, still afflicted by fever and unable to speak or move.

June 8, 323 BC

Early in the morning, the King’s fever finally broke and he was again able to speak. He took a bath, ate a little, and then retired to sleep, for he was still very weak. But the soldiers were restless and eager to see him, for a report had been circulated among them that the King was dead. They came to the doors of the palace and, with loud shouts and threats to the King’s Companions, forced their way in to see him. When the doors were thrown open and the men saw the King alive and well, they raised a great cheer and clapped their hands at the sight of him. Some even wept tears of joy. One by one, the soldiers entered the bedchamber and drew near him, without cloak or armor. They touched his hands, his knees, and his clothes, chanting his praises. The King spoke to each of them as they filed past him, raising his hand to salute some of them and greeting others that were his Royal Kinsmen with a kiss.

NOTES:

[1] The room of a Greek house or palace reserved for entertaining male guests.
[2] The plunge pool of a Greek bath.
 
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Deleted member 5909

I've reworked and rewritten the Prologue. I have more updates coming, including two chapters, which I am just finishing up editing. Stay tuned!
 

Deleted member 5909

CHAPTER ONE:

From India to Babylonia, 325-323 BC

Is it not worthy of tears that, when the number of worlds is infinite, we have not yet become lords of a single one?
—Onesicritus of Aegina, the S
AYINGS OF ALEXANDROS.

I. IT WOULD SEEM that the initial plans for what would become the Arabian campaign were first conceived by Alexander either sometime late in the autumn or early in the winter of 325 or 324 BC. Even during the summer of 325 BC, as preparations for the long march home from India were being made by the King and his generals, Nearchus had been instructed to take about a quarter of the returning forces west by sea, in a fleet of some 150 ships built for the purpose. Onesicritus of Aegina, the King’s chief helmsman, had been appointed to assist Nearchus in the expedition, with Alexander commanding Nearchus not only to seek the mouths of the Tigris and the Euphrates from the Indus, but also to explore and chart the northern coast of the entire Persian Gulf during his voyage. Alexander was particularly interested in the best sites for finding freshwater and safe anchorage.

As Nearchus writes in his Indica, a memoir and periplus of the Indian expedition and its aftermath, published around 300
BC:
I was sent by Alexander not only to navigate the Persian Gulf, but to explore its coastline and to chart its harbors and rivers, to ascertain the fertility of its lands, and to report on the mores and customs of its inhabitants.

It is likely that at this time, Alexander was already interested in opening up a sea route to his Indian possessions from Babylon.

Originally, the plan had been for Nearchus to follow Alexander with the fleet as he marched through the deserts of Gedrosia. The two forces, land and sea, would rendezvous at prearranged locations along the mostly barren and uninhabited coastline. Nearchus, in addition to charting the coast, would keep the army supplied with food and other provisions, while Alexander and his men would ensure that the ships had a steady supply of freshwater. Both would be dependent on the cooperation of the other in order to complete their journey home to Susa.

Unfortunately, almost from the beginning, things did not go according to plan. While Alexander and some 40,000 men and camp followers, departed in August of 325
BC, they were forced by the rugged terrain of the desert to take a roundabout route, often turning inland and losing sight of the coastline. Meanwhile, back in Patala, Nearchus and the fleet were delayed several weeks by the southwest winds of the monsoon and were not able to sail until around September 21, 325 BC. The result was that Alexander lost contact with Nearchus and the fleet. Over 25,000 would die in the deserts of Gedrosia, to say nothing of the thousands more horses and livestock that perished and baggage that had to be abandoned along the way.

Nearchus, for his part, also lost men and ships during the voyage, facing the unknown of the Erythraean Sea [1], with all its storms, tides, and terrors. It was not until he rounded the straits at Maceta [2] and entered the more familiar waters of the Persian Gulf, that Nearchus and his ships managed to spot several stragglers from Alexander’s forces. Venturing inland with a some of his men, he had managed to once again make contact with Alexander in Carmania.

After this, the expedition of Nearchus had continued, sailing all the way up the Persian Gulf to the mouths of the Tigris and the Euphrates, while Alexander and his forces returned to Susa by way of Carmania. When Nearchus met him there, sometime in the spring of 324
BC, he had succeeded in his mission, managing to record his observations of the coastline and bring back sufficiently detailed reports.

Despite the logistic failures of the return, Alexander seems to have found Nearchus’ reports promising enough to expand his vision. They included not only observations and charts of the coastlines of Carmania, Gedrosia, and Persis, but also of the shores of Eastern Arabia, particularly of the straits at Maceta and of the nearby island of Oaracta [3].

Aristobulus of Potidaea relates that Alexander was of the opinion that, if properly settled and cultivated, the shores of the Persian Gulf would be as prosperous as those of Phoenicia and Syria. It is probably at this time, after reviewing Nearchus’ reports, that plans for the colonization of the Arabian coastline in the Gulf began to take shape.


II. T
HE MOTIVATIONS BEHIND the Arabian campaign continue to be debated. The opening up of a sea route to India was certainly a major factor in Alexander’s plans. However, Clitarchus of Colophon and many later historians citing him, also mention often Alexander’s own desire for conquest. This ascribed motivation relates to interpretations of the events surrounding the King’s return to Babylon in the spring of 323 BC, which, incidentally, it should be noted, would have been at a time when the planning for expedition was already taking its final shape.

Even before entering Babylon that year, delegations and embassies from throughout the known world had met Alexander on the way to the city. By this time, we are told, word of his defeat of Darius and of his exploits in India had reached as far as the Pillars of Heracles. Aristobulus, who would have been present in Alexander’s entourage at the time, reports the following:
As Alexander was returning to Babylon, he was met by envoys from the Carthaginians and from the Libyans, who came to honor him as conqueror of Asia. From Italia, there also came embassies for the same purpose from the Bruttians, the Lucanians, and the Tyrrhenians. The Ethiopians, the Scythians of Europe, the Gauls, and the Iberians also sent delegations to him to request his friendship. This was a sight to behold, for many of these peoples had never before been seen by the Greeks and the Macedonians. And to Alexander, they assigned the duty of settling their disputes with one another. It was then very apparent both to him and to all of us who accompanied him that he had indeed become the lord of all the world.

Conspicuously absent from these arriving delegations were the Arabs. Aristobulus notes this, going on later to say that Alexander, insulted by their lack of respect for his person, resolved to prepare a fleet and subjugate their land:
Alexander intended to colonize the coasts and islands of the Persian Gulf, reasoning that the land could be as prosperous as Phoenicia…All of these preparations he ordered to be made so that he could attack and subjugate the Arabs, for they were the only peoples who had not sent any ambassadors or envoys to him upon his return to Babylon.

However, Clitarchus sees this as merely a pretext, writing:
I am aware that other details have been related by historians concerning the motives of Alexander for attacking the Arabs, especially that they had not sent an embassy to him, nor done anything else to show honor to his person. But the truth, it seems to me, is that he was only ambitious to expand his empire. For it was reported to him that the Arabs worshipped only two gods, Uranus and Dionysus. Uranus they venerated because he is always visible above men and encompasses within himself all the celestial bodies, not least of which is the sun, from which comes all manner of blessings to mankind. And Dionysus they worshipped due to glory and fame he had earned for himself by his conquest of India. Therefore, it was said that Alexander, who had performed deeds that were equal to those of Dionysus, thought himself to be worthy of inclusion as the third god of the Arabs.

What are we to make of this? The answer likely lies somewhere between these two accounts.

Aristobulus of Potidaea was a Companion of Alexander and his History is characterized by its admiration of the King, insisting that he was driven by pothos, or longing. He sometimes takes pains to excuse Alexander’s more suspect moments of character. By contrast, Clitarchus of Colophon wrote his own History in the years after Alexander’s death, when the King’s legend was first beginning to form. In general, he is of the opinion that Alexander was inevitably corrupted by the gifts Fate had brought him and tends to emphasize the King’s arrogance and more despotic moments. While Clitarchus may have been present in Babylon for the events he describes, unlike Aristobulus, he probably never met the King personally.

As we have seen, the initial plans for an expedition to Arabia dated back to long before Alexander’s return to Babylon, having already entered their beginning phases in the winter of 324
BC. As neither Aristobulus nor Ptolemy, whose own History records Alexander’s campaigns in great detail, make any mention of divine aspirations as a motivation behind the King’s plans, the anecdote of Clitarchus is, if not spurious, certainly suspect. Further, apart from the hyperbole of Clitarchus, there is no indication by any other contemporary historian that Alexander’s military plans for Arabia in the spring of 323 BC extended beyond the conquest and colonization of the Persian Gulf.

A more likely motivation for Alexander having set his sights on Arabia, apart from the obvious benefits to commerce and communications in his empire that its subjugation would bring, is his evolving understanding of his own position. By the time of his return to Babylon, Alexander, as King of Asia, understood himself to be the heir to Cyrus the Great and the Achaemenids. This opinion was likely cemented at Susa with his marriages to Statira and to Parysatis, the daughters of the Achaemenid kings Darius III and Artaxerxes III, respectively. In this regard, the failure of the peoples of Eastern Arabia to pay proper respect and homage to him is crucial. Historically, at least since the time of the Darius the Great, the Arabs of the Persian Gulf had been considered vassals and clients of the Kings of Persia. Any refusal to acknowledge this same relationship toward Alexander was to question his legitimacy, at the very least, if not an outright revolt against him. Thus, if nothing else, the noticeable absence of the Arabs from Babylon in the spring of 323
BC did serve to provide Alexander with a useful casus belli in which to cloth his aspirations. These, however, were probably political and commercial for the King, rather than, as Clitarchus suggests, due to his own personal hubris.


III. I
F NOTHING ELSE, the lessons of Gedrosia had imparted to Alexander and his generals the crucial part to be played by logistics in a desert campaign. There could be no failures of communication or coordination this time between the army and fleet. Any expedition to Arabia would require not only careful planning and preparation, but also nothing short of flawless execution. The coast of Arabia would need to be adequately explored and then carefully mapped and charted, with painstaking attention given to every place of anchorage, source of freshwater, and potential land route.

In order to achieve this, between January of 324
BC and May of 323 BC, Alexander commissioned no less than four expeditions to explore the coastline of the Arabia. This would include not only two expeditions in Eastern Arabia, along the Persian Gulf, but also two further voyages to explore the western and southern shores of Arabia. Each consisted of a single triaconter, a galley of thirty oars, fifteen on each side, with a midship mast for taking advantage of favorable winds.

The first of these expeditions, under the command of Archias of Pella, departed from Teredon around the winter of 324
BC and managed to explore much of the northeastern coastline of Arabia. Archias reached all the way to the island of Tylus [4], before turning back and returning to Susa with detailed reports. These included the exploration of an island about 50 kilometers southeast of the mouths of the Tigris and Euphrates. The island, known as Akar to the Chaldaians, would later be renamed Icarus by Alexander [5].

A second expedition in the winter of 323
BC, this time led by Androsthenes of Thasos and sailing from Thapsacus, penetrated even further south, confirming the observations made by Archias and reaching all the way to the straits of Maceta, the promontory that had been sighted the previous year by Nearchus and his fleet.

The reports from the voyages of Archias and Androsthenes greatly served to further Alexander’s plans for both the conquest of the Persian Gulf and its colonization. It also provided him with a much more accurate understanding of the size of the Arabian Peninsula. Indeed, by the time of Androsthenes’ return, it is likely that Alexander and his generals had managed to consult the royal archives of the Achaemenid kings at Babylon and Susa. There, they would have found reports from the reign of Darius the Great, who, two centuries earlier, had successfully commissioned the circumnavigation of Arabia by the famed mariner Scylax of Caryanda.

This would explain Alexander’s ambitious decision to send a third expedition to complete its own circumnavigate of Arabia. Led by Hiero of Soli, this triaconter departed from Heroöpolis in Egypt [6] sometime in the early spring of 323
BC, likely with the objective of following the route of Scylax. Hiero was able to navigate the entire Arabian Gulf, exploring the coast of Eudaemon Arabia [7] and continuing past the straights there into the Erythraean Sea [8], along the southern coastline of the peninsula, eventually turning back after encountering the arid and desolate coastland.

A final expedition, under a certain Anaxicrates, also with the objective of circumnavigating Arabia, was sent shortly after the return of Hiero. Sailing along the eastern shores of the Arabian Gulf from the port of Aela [9], he was less successful than Hiero, going no further than the Eudaemon Arabia before returning [10].

Despite the failures of Hiero and Anaxicrates, their reports had provided a great deal of useful information to Alexander. In particular, both had been able to explore the southwestern coastline of the peninsula and bring back the firsthand reports of Eudaemon Arabia. Since the days of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, this land had held an almost mythic status among the Greeks as a land of untold wealth at the edge of the earth. The valuable aromatic resins originating there were the source of the frankincense and myrrh that was brought via caravans across the desert trade routes of the Incense Road, to be sold for what amounted to small fortunes from the ports of Phoenicia to the rest of the known world. Indeed, the sailors who had accompanied both Hiero and Anaxicrates on their voyages were some of the first Greeks and Macedonians to provide eyewitness accounts of the fabled myrrh trees.

All of this resulted in the further extension of Alexander’s own plans. By the time he reached Babylon in early April of 323
BC, Eudaemon Arabia had become a new target of interest for the King. There is no indication, however, that his designs for Southern Arabia went beyond the commercial at this point in his reign. On the other hand, these expeditions did serve to provide him with enough information to finalize his plans for the Persian Gulf at this time.

The Eastern Arabian venture was by now to be, if it had not already been earlier, both a colonization project and a military campaign. The control of the southern coast of the Persian Gulf would not only open up new commercial routes to India, but also give him a sizable share in the even more lucrative desert trading networks of the Incense Road. Without this foothold, further expansion into Arabia, whether commercial or military, would be impossible.

NOTES:

[1] The Indian Ocean
[2] Modern Straits of Hormuz
[3] Modern Qeshm
[4] Modern Bahrain
[5] Modern Failaka in the Bay of Kuwait
[6] Modern Pithom
[7] Modern Yemen
[8] Modern Bab-el-Mandeb and the Gulf of Aden
[9] Modern Eilat in the Gulf of Aqaba
[10] The inability of the Macedonians to successfully circumnavigate the Arabian Peninsula is likely due to alternation of the monsoons. From November to April, the winter monsoon is characterized by a strong wind blowing in the direction of the northeast, while from July to September, the summer monsoon is dominated by southerly and southeasterly winds. Between these seasons, the post-monsoon month of October and the pre-monsoon months of May and June have a much less persistent wind pattern. An intimate understanding of these patterns provides for a very useful means of navigating both the Arabian Sea and Gulf of Oman, especially in the facilitation of seasonal trading patterns. However, it would not be until centuries later that anyone fully understood this phenomena.
 
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Deleted member 5909

APPENDIX ONE:

On Hellenic and Makedonic Names.

In BLOOD & GOLD, I have rendered all proper names of persons or geographical locations in the Romanized Hellenic form, without exception. All other nouns and adjectives of Hellenic origin are given in a Hellenized English form wherever possible. For example, Athens is referred to by its Hellenic name, Athēnai (Gr. Ἀθῆναι), while its inhabitants, are referred to as Athēnaians, rather than by the transliterated Hellenic designation Athēnaioi (Gr. Αθηναίοι). Similarly, wherever a Hellenic word can be adequately translated into English, I have done so, such as using ‘Royal Bodyguard’ in place of the Hellenic term sōmatophylax basilikos (Gr. σωματοφύλαξ βασιλικός).

I have done my best to reflect the spirit, if not the letter, of Hellenistic naming conventions and practices, while at the same time, striking a balance with modern English for readability. Where an epithet was used for a person, it is preferred, in place of either the patronymic or the ethnic, namely when introducing a character in the story for the first time. This is especially true in the case of members of the Argead dynasty, where the same names tend to appear in each generation, sometimes multiple times.

Otherwise, for Makedones not commonly known by an epithet, the patronymic will be used to distinguish a character when this is necessary. For the Hellenes and other non-Makedones, I have opted to use the ethnic in place of the patronymic for identification. All patronymics are given in the Romanized transliteration of the genitive case, e.g., Ptolemaios Lagou (Gr. Πτολεμαῖος Λάγου). Ethnics (see below) are rendered as adjectives with a definite article, e.g., Aristoboulos the Potidaiean (Gr. Ἀριστόβουλος ὁ Ποτιδαιεύς).

Neither the Hellenes nor the Makedones used regnal numbers to identify their kings, although sometimes a number was added in order to avoid confusion in the rare case of a father and a son who both bore the same given name and patronymic. In general, however, epithets were preferred by contemporary historians to distinguish two kings where they both possessed the same given name. I have followed this Hellenic convention in B
LOOD & GOLD, preferring the use of bynames to numbering. Incidentally, the regular epithet assigned by historians to a king could take various forms, including not only the official epithet used by the royal cult, but also an unofficial, and sometimes unflattering, common epithet that happened to become attached to the ruler.

One final peculiarity of note is that in our timeline, Alexandros was never assigned an epithet of by historians after his death. Instead, he was simply referred to as Alexandros by the Hellenes and Makedones. It was only much later, and under Roman influence, that he was known as Megas Alexandros (Gr. Μέγας Αλέξανδρος). This was true even for the purposes of the King’s cult throughout the Hellenistic world, where an epithet was, apparently, never deemed to be necessary to his worship. Out of faithfulness to this original practice, he is referred to in B
LOOD & GOLD as such, whenever possible, with Megas Alexandros being used only very sparingly, when absolutely necessary for the reader’s clarification.

For the reader’s general information, the following is a summary of naming conventions and practices in the Hellenistic world.

THE ONOMA:

Unlike the Romans, who used the tria nomina—that is, the quintessentially Italic combination of the praenomen, the nomen gentilicium, and the cognomen, the Hellenes and the Makedones used only a given name, or onoma (Gr. ὄνομα).

Traditionally, it was the right of the father to choose his children’s names, which he could also later alter, if he deemed it necessary. The child would receive his or her name ten days after birth, in a special rite known as a dekatē (Gr. δεκάτη, literally ‘tenth day’). During this occasion, the father would also offer sacrifices and invite friends and other relations to take part in a celebratory feast. In addition to being a religious rite, the dekatē also served an important legal function, as in the eyes of the law of most poleis, it was sufficient proof to establish that a father had recognized his child as legitimate.

The given names of the Hellenes and Makedones took a variety of forms. Some were compound names, consisting of two ordinary roots, e.g., Dēmosthenēs (Gr. Δημοσθένης, from δῆμος ‘people’ and σθένος ‘strength, might, power’). Theophoric names, derived from the name or cult epithet of a god, were also common. These could either consist of the adjectival form of a divine name, e.g., Dēmētrios (Gr. Δημήτριος, from Δημήτηρ ‘Dēmētēr’), or else a compound of the name or title of a god and an adjective, e.g., Apollodōros (Gr. Ἀπολλόδωρος, from Ἀπόλλων ‘Apollo’ and δῶρον ‘gift’). Others were simple names, derived from ordinary nouns and adjectives, e.g., Xanthos (Gr. Ξάνθος, from ξανθός ‘yellow, blond’), or hypocoristic names, or shortened, forms of a compound name, derived from a term of endearment, e.g., Kleommas (Gr. Κλεόμμας), from Kleomenēs (Gr. Κλεομένης, from κλέος ‘fame, glory’ and μένος ‘mind, courage, power’).

It was customary for the eldest son to be named for his paternal grandfather, the second son for his maternal grandfather, and, often, the third son after a paternal or maternal uncle. As far as we can tell, the same practices were also often used in the naming of daughters. Only in very unusual circumstances was a son named after his father. This makes the decision of Alexandros to name not one, but two of his sons after himself rather notable by contemporary standards.

On the other hand, a person could, and sometimes did, freely change his or her given name, usually to reflect an important event in his or her life. A notable example is Alexandros’ mother, who was originally named Polyxenē (Gr. Πολυξένη) by her father, King Neoptolemos of Epeiros. However, after her initiation into the Mysteries of the Kabeiroi on the island of Samothrakē, she took the name Myrtalē (Gr. Μυρτάλη). Later, when her husband’s horse won a great victory in the races of the Olympic Games, she assumed the new name Olympias (Gr. Ὀλυμπιάς). At each of these stages in her life, Olympias was known only by the given name she was using at the time, and never by all three names simultaneously.

In addition, it was fairly common for a person to be given an epithet by his or her family, friends, or fellow countrymen. This sobriquet or byname could derive from a variety of sources, such as a person’s profession, temperament, appearance, or place of origin. Often in the Hellenistic period, well-known individuals (e.g., philosophers, statesmen, generals, etc.) were cited by historians under both their given name and epithet. It was also a useful means to distinguish between two persons with the same name. Thus, we have Antigonos Monophthalmos (Gr. Αντίγονος ὁ Μονόφθαλμος, ‘Antigonus the One-Eyed’) and Ptolemaios Keraunos (Gr. Πτολεμαῖος Κεραυνός, ‘Ptolemaios Thunderbolt’). While this epithet was not technically part of a person’s legal name, it would often be noted in legal documents, usually under the formulae: ‘X, also known as Y,’ or ‘X, called Y.’

THE PATRŌNYMIKOS:

Apart from the given name, all Hellenes and Makedones also possessed a patronymic (Gr. πατρωνυμικός). The patronymic was not, technically speaking, the name of the father, but rather a name derived from it. It was formed from the father’s name in the genitive case, e.g., Alexandros Philippou (Gr. Ἀλέξανδρος Φιλίππου), that is, Alexandros (son) of Philippos. Note, however, that in Aiolic speaking regions of Hellas and Asia, such as Aiolis, Boiōtia, and Thessalia, the adjectival form of the father’s name was preferred instead of the genitive for the patronymic, e.g., Alexandros Philippeios (Gr. Ἀλέξανδρος Φιλίππειος), or, Alexandros (the) Philippeian. Due to the peculiarities of Hellenic grammar, the patronymic could be written after the given name either with or without a definite article, as if it were a regular epithet. For the sake of clarity, the use of the definite article with the patronymic has been omitted in Blood & Gold.

The patronymic was almost always used with the given name of a person in formal speech and in legal documents. It was also essential to indicating that a person was both legitimate and freeborn. Slaves and freedmen did not possess patronymics and illegitimate children typically used a metronymic (Gr. μητρωνυμικός) in its place, formed in the same way as the patronymic, but instead with the mother’s name.

In the case of married women, the patronymic was also used, but often a second patronymic, or, more properly speaking, a gamonymic, would be added after it. This uxorial name could also be used on its own, in place of the patronymic, and was derived from that of the husband. Like the patronymic, it was formed either from the genitive case or the adjectival rendering of the husband’s name, depending on the region, e.g., Olympias Neoptolemou Philippou (Gr. Ὀλυμπιάς Νεοπτόλεμου Φιλίππου), that is, Olympias (daughter) of Neoptolemos (wife) of Philippos.

THE ETHNIKOS:

An ethnic (Gr. ἐθνικός) is a byname that was used with the given name and the patronymic, indicating a person’s native polis or region of origin. It could occur in one of two forms, either as an adjective or as a noun, e.g., Aristoboulos the Potidaiean (Gr. Ἀριστόβουλος ὁ Ποτιδαιεύς), or Aristoboulos the Potidaiate (Gr. Ἀριστόβουλος ὁ Ποτῑδαιᾱ́της), respectively. Unlike the patronymic, however, the ethnic did not constitute a part of a person’s name in the technical sense, although it was commonly cited to refer to foreigners or resident aliens of a polis in formal speech and legal documents. It was also widely used as an epithet (see above) by historians when referring to well-known individuals.

In the local context, when a man was residing in his native polis or with his own fellow citizens or countrymen, an ethnic was never used. Instead, it was common practice in many Hellenic poleis for male citizens to be assigned a demotic (Gr. δημοτικός), in addition to the given name and patronymic. However, outside of the polis the demotic was not used.

The demotic took the adjectival form of the deme, or civil district, where a citizen was registered, e.g., Alkibiadēs Kleiniou the Skambōnid (Gr. Ἀλκιβιάδης Κλεινίου Σκαμβωνίδες), Alkibiadēs son of Kleinias of (the deme of) Skambōnidai. The regular use of the demotic was especially common in Athēnai, where the patronymic was often omitted altogether, in order to emphasize the equality of all citizens before the law.
 
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Deleted member 5909

APPENDIX TWO:

On Timekeeping in the Argead Empire.

The calendar system used in BLOOD & GOLD is that of the Alexandrian Era (AE). This is inspired by the Anno Graecorum, or Seleukid Era, used by the Diadochoi in our timeline. Seleukos Nikatōr and his successors made use of a system of numbering the years that was reckoned retroactively from the date that Seleukos retook the city of Babylōn in 312 BCE. As the world of BLOOD & GOLD is one in which Christianity never existed, I opted to use an in-world system for dating. However, for the convenience of the reader, the Common Era date will be given in brackets, in order to give a reference point. Similarly, Makedonic month names are often used throughout BLOOD & GOLD, though the Gregorian month is also included in brackets, to avoid any confusion.

Below is a summary of the various systems of timekeeping used by the Hellenes and the Makedones of the Argead Empire.

THE MAKEDONIC CALENDAR:

The Argead Calendar is a lunisolar calendar consisting of a Metonic cycle of 235 months, or approximately 19 solar years. Originally, the Makedones and the Hellenes used a lunar calendar, with each polis keeping its own months and festivals. Each month began on the new moon, that is, the first appearance of the crescent of the moon after conjunction with the sun. A lunar month measures 29.5 days, giving a total of year of 354 days. Due to this, the calendar consisted of 12 months lasting either 29 or 30 days each.

As this is about 11 days short of the 365.25 days it takes for the Earth to complete a full rotation around the sun (i.e., a solar year), the calendar needed to be reconciled in order to prevent the months from slipping out of time with the seasons. This was done via embolismos (Gr. ἐμβολισμός), or intercalation, by which either an intercalary month or a set of leap days were inserted sporadically during certain years. Usually, an additional month would be added, leading to a 384 day leap year. However, there were still discrepancies that occurred and further astronomical cycles would often have to be devised to control the system of intercalation.

The conquest of the Achaimenid Empire by Alexandros greatly served to streamline this system, as, for the first time, the Makedones had access to the sophisticated astronomical calculations of the Chaldaians. During the reign of Alexandros, the Makedones adjusted their own calendar, with the months thereafter coinciding with those of the Chaldaians, though they retained their original names.

IMG_0022 (640x495).jpg


For this system, a regular 12 month year of 354 days was adopted, with an intercalary leap month being added on a regular basis on certain years of a 19 year cycle. When an intercalary month was added to the year, it became a long year of 13 months. In the Metonic cycle that was used in Babylōn, years 1, 3, 6, 9, 11, 14, and 17 were long. However, the Makedonic and Babylōnian years began at different times.

As a result, in the Makedonic Metonic cycle, years 3, 6, 9, 11, 14, 17, and 19 were long. This is due to the fact that in Babylōn, the first crescent moon on or after the vernal equinox marked the beginning of the new year, whereas for the Makedones, it was the first crescent moon on or after autumnal equinox. During all of these years, except for year 19 of the cycle, the intercalary month added was Xandikos Embolimos, in the spring. For year 19, the leap month was Hyperberetaios Embolimos, which was added in the autumn. As Dios was always the first month of the year and Hyperberetaios was the last, when Hyperberetaios Embolimos was intercalated in year 19, it was counted as the last month of the year.

Each new month continued to begin with the first appearance of the crescent moon in the evening, or, if it was not possible to observe this, by prediction. Months of 29 days were considered hollow months, while months of 30 days were full months. Each day of the month was numbered from 1 to 30 and began at sunset. All months ended on day 30, with hollow months omitting day 29. Hollow and full months often, but not always, alternated with one another in the year.

While the poleis of the Hellenes continued to use their own calendars for local purposes, the Argead Calendar was more or less adopted as the state calendar of the Empire. It was also the local calendar used by the cities founded by the Argead kings, as Hellenic colonies tended to use the same calendar as their respective mother cities.

THE RECKONING OF YEARS:

There were a number of systems used throughout the Argead Empire for numbering the years. The oldest system used in Hellas and Makedonia was that of the cycle of the Olympic Games, which occurred every four years and were traditionally held to have been inaugurated in 776 BCE. Thus, 114th Olympiad, year 2, would equate to 323/2 BCE.

The most widely used was system in the Argead Empire, however, was that of the so-called Alexandrian Era (AE). The Alexandrian Era was inaugurated around 320
BCE, and retroactively held to have begun in 331 BCE, with the entry of Alexandros into the city of Babylōn on October 22, subsequent to his defeat of Dareios III at Gaugamēla on October 1. As the Makedonic new year fell on the night prior to October 8 of that year (1 Dios), Year 1 of the Alexandrian Era was reckoned to have begun at that time.

For reference, the last year of the Makedonic Metonic cycle (i.e., year 19) began on the night prior to October 1, 314
BCE, with Hyperberetaios Embolimos being intercalated on the night prior to September 19, 313 BCE, and the new year (i.e., year 1 of the next cycle) starting on the night before October 18, 313 BCE.

The third means of numbering used was that of regnal years. For this system, the year of the King’s reign was used to date an event, e.g., 14 Alexandros = 323/2
BCE, or AE 9. However, note that the first day of the new year continued to be on 1 Dios. Confusingly, the accession year of a new king would be counted either as the last year of the old king’s reign, retroactively the first year of the new king’s reign, or as both of these. Thus, 1 Alexandros was also 23 Philippos, or 23 Philippos & 1 Alexandros. In the case of a co-regency, which became increasingly common under the Argead kings, in order to facilitate a smooth transition of power, the year of the senior king was listed first and that of his co-ruler second, in the same manner as that of a new king’s accession listed above.


Note, also, that the poleis of the Hellenes continued to use their own local systems of numbering, in addition to the Olympic cycle and Alexandrian Era. These systems varied widely, such as the eponymous archon in Athēnai, the senior ephors in Sparta, and the priestesses of Hēra in Argos. The various provinces of the Empire, in addition to adopting the Argead Calendar, also usually continued to reckon the new year alongside that of the Argead civil year according to their own local custom, such as in the spring in Babylōnia or in the summer in Attikē.
 
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Deleted member 5909

Thank you for all of the very kind words, everyone! Just to let you know, I’m currently working on two chapters that I hope to have finished by the end of the week. One will give an overview of Eastern Arabia on the eve of its conquest (in order to give an overview of what will come) and the other will deal with the numbers, logistics and formations of Alexander’s Arabian force (very important as the reforms he introduced at Susa in OTL in 324 BCE greatly altered the phalanx and are often misunderstood, even by a lot of scholars).

Once those two chapters are complete, I promise that I’ll finally begin work on an account of the actual campaign. Again, my apologies if this TL is starting out a little slow. Honestly, the thing that has kept me from reviving this TL all of these years is just how intimidating writing an ATL of the Arabian expedition would be. It’s not a well studied period in Arabian history, and I’ve pretty much had to cobble something together from scholarly works I’ve read for background from archaeologists and historians.

On one hand, you have what we’ve learned in the last few decades from digs in that region. On the other, various geographical and historical works from Classical authors commenting a few centuries after Alexander’s time on what was then known of Eastern Arabia. I’m confident I’ve managed to at least create a story, although I really do wish that we knew more, especially considering that it’s very apparent that in OTL, both the Seleucids and the Parthians were active in the Persian Gulf.
 
This is all excellent, and I can't wait to see more! Also very impressed by the appendices, clearly you know what you're talking about! Also, the calendar stuff was fascinating, because this is a system very similar to the one used by the Jewish religion.
 
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