Bicentennial Man: Ford '76 and Beyond

The Ghost of Mao Zedong
The Ghost of Mao Zedong

Secure was never a word much used to describe Hua Guofeng. Hua had few unique agendas or intellectual contributions of his own to make, and had primarily wound up in his position by being Mao's preferred yes-man while not being as ideologically fanatical as the disgraced Gang of Four. His economic policy was entirely built around Soviet-style heavy-industry centralism in his 10-year plan and though he had reversed much of the Cultural Revolution, he was not quite ready to admit that it had been entirely wrong, merely... excessive.

He was unsure of China's place, however, as the periphery of the country had never seemed more uncertain. South Korea's military regime had collapsed, presenting an opportunity, but just as it did North Korea defaulted on its sovereign debts and plunged into a deep depression. Vietnam had defeated the Khmer Rouge. India and Pakistan were not friends but some modicum of a thaw was occurring between her personalist regimes under Gandhi and Bhutto. Afghanistan sat under an unstable but pro-Soviet Marxist regime. China felt, and perhaps was, weak and encircled on all sides.

Hua's response was to do what Maoists do best - call for international struggle to ward off internal dissent. More money was spent in 1980 and 1981 on guerillas in Burma and Thailand than perhaps had ever before, in part to curb the Soviet "encirclement." All the while, members of both of the CCP's major wings began to quietly discuss potentially some kind of Soviet rapprochement, now that both Brezhnev and Mao were gone. New leaders for a new age presented a great deal of opportunity, after all...

(Not a long one but wanted to leave you all with something since it's been a while and I'm headed out on vacation tomorrow. Cheers!)
 
Non en Quebec
Non en Quebec

Joe Clark's first year as Prime Minister was a time of broad hardship as his young Premiership was met with the worst economy since the 1930s depression. Canada's unemployment rate, inflation levels and interest rates were markedly higher than those to its immediate south, and Clark engaged in an ambitious policy mix of short-term tax cuts, interest rate hikes, Keynesian spending and privatizations to try to spur the economy. First and foremost was his dismantling of Petro-Canada, a core demand of his Albertan base; next was a two-year reduction in the payroll tax and a three-year reduction in the income tax, to spur consumer consumption while also injecting billions of dollars into road projects (financed with a three-cent gasoline tax) [1], creating a bankruptcy protection fund for businesses of a certain size or that operated in more than one province, privatizing 30 of the 61 crown corporations (most prominently flag carrier Air Canada), and pursuing interest rate hikes considerably more aggressive than those in the United States. It was a curious mix of austerity and stimulus; Canadian economists to this day debate its efficacy, and by the one-year anniversary of his Premiership Clark's approvals had fallen so low the PCs would have been likely to be wiped out had an election been called. Indeed, knives came out for Clark in some more right-wing corners of the party, but his Premiership was saved by a confluence of factors and he would soon limp on.

The first was the election of former Finance Minister Donald S. Macdonald as Liberal leader in February of 1980. Macdonald was, compared to his fiery and charismatic predecessor Trudeau, an utter dud during Prime Minister's Questions and his position in support of free trade with the United States left him out of step with not only the Liberal base but many protectionist and nationalist swing voters worried about Canadian industry being overrun by American imports (Clark himself was quietly interested in the economic benefits of better trade relations with the US but was to Macdonald's left on this issue). Macdonald's victory in the 1980 leadership review had largely been on the back of his "economic competence" and that it was the "turn" of Ontario to have a Liberal leader. This, too, would have an effect as Quebec soon thereafter went to the polls on May 20 to vote on sovereignty-association with the rest of Canada - in other words, independence. The governing Parti Quebecois, swept into power in 1976 in a font of sovereigntists fervor and frustration with the governing Liberals both provincially and federally, had waited until Trudeau had exited power to call its long-promised referendum, with leader Rene Levesque - a moderate compared to hardliners like Jacques Parizeau, who found the question in the plebiscite too academic and unwieldy - not wanting to have to campaign against the electric "PET." Sound as this stratagem may have been, it surprisingly backfired. First and foremost, Trudeau was as much a lightning rod for his opponents as his supporters; much as Quebecois may not have liked "Albertan oilmen" such as Clark, it was hard to polarize the electorate against the Tories who had pledged and delivered on a less statist and firm hand in constitutional matters, as well as the dry but inoffensive Macdonald. The "Oui" campaign thus fell behind the "Non" camp led by Claude Ryan, which ran it as a traditional political campaign, while the sovereigntists dove into more esoteric activism. Key officials made offensive remarks about women, Parizeau gave a disastrous CTV interview where he could not keep his facts straight on economics, and what, exactly, sovereignty "looked like" was esoteric. Swing voters, already despondent in a bleak economy, did not bite - "Non" won 71-29, a considerably broader margin than projected ahead of time, and Quebecois separatism was, for now, almost entirely dead, bookending a decade that had begun with the kidnappings by the FLQ that triggered the October Crisis.

Clark, in quietly but firmly refusing to indulge the referendum, showing sympathy for provincial frustrations and standing up for a federal Canada, had won a major victory, and the Tories could reasonably claim to be the party of moderate provincial-federal mutually beneficial relations, unlike (in their view) the antagonistic Trudeau years. In a message after the successful defeat in Quebec, with Macdonald nowhere to be seen, Clark chipperly announced, "Though times are very hard, Canada endures, and will continue to endure, and a brighter future lies ahead!"

[1] OTL's was four cents
 
Yeah, really the whole Quebec campaign was kinda nuts and died down over time once the older generation faded into the background
 
What’s really amazing is that such an unworkable idea got that far (and that much buy in) in the first place
The close call back in like the 1990s was worded more on the opportunity to actually try to make an arrangement. Though in the minor defense of the Quebec folk, Canada was really crappy to its French speaking population for a long ass while, to where my in-laws (one Quebec and the other non Quebec, but still French Canadian) remember some of the issues and so on.

It was a heavily impractical idea, but the sentiments are sorta understnadable. Though granted, all the provinces have their problems; Alberta is the Canadian Texas, though with bigger delusions of grandeur and self-importance for starts.
 
The close call back in like the 1990s was worded more on the opportunity to actually try to make an arrangement. Though in the minor defense of the Quebec folk, Canada was really crappy to its French speaking population for a long ass while, to where my in-laws (one Quebec and the other non Quebec, but still French Canadian) remember some of the issues and so on.

It was a heavily impractical idea, but the sentiments are sorta understnadable. Though granted, all the provinces have their problems; Alberta is the Canadian Texas, though with bigger delusions of grandeur and self-importance for starts.
Oh, certainly. That alienation and resentment wasn’t made out of thin air by Levesque by any means, nor by men like Duplessis before him.

Quebec is… complicated.
 
Oh, certainly. That alienation and resentment wasn’t made out of thin air by Levesque by any means, nor by men like Duplessis before him.

Quebec is… complicated.
I know alot of the independence sentiment died down.

You are doing an awesome job and hope yo are well
 
Peru's Dangerous New Path
Peru's Dangerous New Path

Fernando Belaunde's choice not to seek the Presidency amid the mass rioting and upheavals in Peru threw the election of 1980 into turmoil, and it fell to Fernando Schwalb to attempt to win the day for Popular Action; this was not to be, for the mood of the country was one decisively angry with the staggering unemployment, inflation and misrule of the twelve-year junta. The left-wing APRA candidate Armando Villanueva was able to win instead, narrowly edging out the reformist and liberal Schwalb by barely one percent of the vote. Villanueva was a radical longtime activist who had spent much of his life in various exiles but was hardly a communist; the campaign against him hinged more on the smear claiming that he was married to a Chilean citizen than anything to do with his ideology, which was well within the mainstream of the Latin American left even by the angry, populist standards of 1980.

The military, which had only reluctantly begun to give up power due to the acute crises facing Peru and which had looked at the violence around the hemisphere since the Panama Crisis began two years earlier with alarm, asserted mass fraud on the part of APRA. Villanueva, for his part, claimed mass irregularities had kept his party from winning majorities in Congress and had nearly denied him the Presidency. The transition to civilian rule, it seemed, was not occurring nearly as smoothly as in Argentina just a month earlier. Even as Villanueva took the oath of office and began describing his policy agenda, protests rippled across the country and strikes continued to shut down more of its inflation and debt-riddled economy. Finally, in late July, the dam broke and the military declared martial law - again - and suspended the constitution to install former junta Prime Minister Oscar Vargas back into power. Villanueva's Presidency had lasted only a little over a month.

Peru's mainstream left had not been particularly radical before 1980; APRA was certainly on the more moderate edge of social democratic or laborist parties of the time, particularly in the context of them having been banned up until the year before by a military government. The suspension of the new constitution signed by the party's leader, Haya de la Torre, on his deathbed the previous year and the return of military rule after mere months was thus a supremely radicalizing event. For many Apristas, it seemed to suggest that their hero's legacy and work was entirely for naught, and they fell despondent; others took a darker view, that if a new constitution signed by one of the country's great philosophers legally and peacefully could not secure a democratic society that guaranteed freedom, welfare and human rights, then violence would have to do it. For the vast masses of immediately disenchanted, conspiratorial and outraged Peruvians who rightly felt completely cheated by the "Crime of 1980," there was - unluckily for Peru - a vessel just waiting there for their moment and which had already declared a "People's War" on the eve of the election against what they could now credibly claim was a system so corrupt top to bottom that only violent struggle could replace it - the Maoist Communist organization known as the Shining Path...
 
This isn't going to end well. The Shining Path was batshit insane and evil, so I'm terrified at what you have planned for Peru considering left-wing rebellions have been more popular ITTL.
 
This isn't going to end well. The Shining Path was batshit insane and evil, so I'm terrified at what you have planned for Peru considering left-wing rebellions have been more popular ITTL.
Looking forward to reading about the Peruvian Pol Pot in the 1980s. Assuming it gets that dark, at least.
😈

Jokes aside, it won’t quite get THAT dark - the Shining Path had severe obstacles to seizing power outright in Peru, and left wing urbanites despised them - but they’ll definitely be much more of a factor than they were OTL
 
The close call back in like the 1990s was worded more on the opportunity to actually try to make an arrangement. Though in the minor defense of the Quebec folk, Canada was really crappy to its French speaking population for a long ass while, to where my in-laws (one Quebec and the other non Quebec, but still French Canadian) remember some of the issues and so on.

It was a heavily impractical idea, but the sentiments are sorta understnadable. Though granted, all the provinces have their problems; Alberta is the Canadian Texas, though with bigger delusions of grandeur and self-importance for starts.
I completely beg to differ. There are countries that have had empires with smaller delusions of grandeur and self-importance than Texas. (In fact, for starters, Alberta never was a country of its own. )
 
So a slight (and fairly important one at that) before continuing - the Pope elected in 1978, Giuseppe Siri, would have taken the name Gregory XVII rather than Pius XIII.

Working my way out of writer's block on this one, may start speeding events up a bit, but BCM will continue before long!
 
So a slight (and fairly important one at that) before continuing - the Pope elected in 1978, Giuseppe Siri, would have taken the name Gregory XVII rather than Pius XIII.

Working my way out of writer's block on this one, may start speeding events up a bit, but BCM will continue before long!
Can’t wait!
 
The Death of Tito
The Death of Tito

"...Yugoslavia's long-serving President and autocrat, who forged his own brand of socialism independent of the Kremlin and ruled in a strange, non-aligned halfway point between East and West, died today in the northern city of Ljubljana three days shy of his 88th birthday..."

- Ted Koppel, ABC News, announcing death of Josip Broz Tito on May 4, 1980


A major page in history turned in May of 1980, as one of the titans of non-Soviet socialism died - Josip Broz Tito, who famously spurned Stalin and managed to keep Yugoslavia's ethnic tensions at a minimum. The old autocrat's funeral was one of the best-attended in history, with hundreds of statesmen from all around the world in attendance, including Gerald Ford, Yuri Andropov, Hua Guofeng, the leaders of every Warsaw Pact state, Prince Philip of the United Kingdom, Prime Minister Denis Healy, and dozens of other notable presidents, prime ministers, and foreign ministers. Ford looked positively relaxed speaking to Andropov and Healy at the event, glad to be out of the United States for a few days and able to conduct some informal diplomacy on his own, as the primary grind for his own Republican Party seemed to leave his Vice President behind and the Democrats appeared to be consolidating around Hugh Carey. For those few days, domestic politics may not have existed, and Ford made a trip of it, stopping in Berlin, Paris, Brussels, Belgium and Ottawa on his way back in a last-minute foreign excursion, in what he anticipated would be one of his last major foreign trips meeting NATO allies before his term expired in January.

In Yugoslavia, it was Prime Minister Dzemal Bijedic [2] - a Bosnian Muslim - who benefitted from Tito's death. He had carefully maneuvered his own allies into core positions throughout the Communist bureaucracy and with Tito's death, the singular Presidency was dissolved into a "President of the Presidency" - a rotating chairman of a collective Presidency of the six constituent republics, with a one year term for both the President and Vice President. As this was not a position that lent itself to a natural base of power, Bijedic - Prime Minister for nearly a decade already - became the symbol of continuity of Titoism and he threw himself into the shark-infested waters of Yugoslavian backroom politics, as bills postponed by Tito's mercurialism seemed likely to soon come due. The economic crisis of the late 1970s had not abated, however, and much worse loomed over the struggling Yugoslav economy in the months and years ahead...

[1] Part of the reason I've had writers block is I find primary race play-by-plays a chore and a bore to write. There's some very talented writers when it comes to elections on this site but I do not consider myself one of them. I'll probably do a single consolidated update for the May/June primaries to wrap things up ahead of the general
[2] Remember - not dead, his plane crash death was butterflied!
 
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