Beyond 1066: The Sixth Age of the World

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One fall day, on a hillside, on an island, in an obscure corner of an unfashionable continent, two armies clashed- the Englisc forces of Harold Godwinson and the Norman soldiers of William the Bastard. Throughout the day, the Normans tried to break the Englisc shield wall with archery fire and cavalry charges, but the Englisc held the line. Their tried and true tactics of interlocking shields seemed as if they could carry the day. As the day drew near its close, both armies were tired, and the result was still very much in doubt.

It was then that the hand of Fate showed itself.

The Norman cavalry, after yet another unsuccessful charge, began to retreat back down the hill. The Englisc soldiers made as if to charge after the cavalry they assumed was put to route, but Harold and his brothers, acting as his commanders, were able to maintain the discipline of the shield wall. Meanwhile, a rumor began to spread throughout the Norman army that William had fallen in the last charge. They began to panic. William rode among his men, showing he was alive to prove to them that he was still alive and in command.

However, the distracted commander did not notice that his grip on his horse’s reins was slacking. His horse miss-stepped and panicked. William tried to recover, but the powerful warhorse launched him from the saddle. The Bastard hit the ground, directly in front of a band of retreating knights. Unable to stop in time, the knights trampled their commander. William never stood back up again. His army, now without guidance, abandoned the field and fled back towards the coast.

The tired Englisc cheered their victory- they had accomplished a military triumph. They had driven back two invasions, and, for now, their island nation of Englaland was safe.

Little did they know that this victory would create ripples, and change the course of world history forever…
 
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As the 1066 finally drew to a close, Harold Godwinson finally had a moment to breathe. The new King of Englaland had all-but cemented his control of the island kingdom, having killed the Norwegian Harald and the Norman William, who both had had the impertinence to claim his throne. Harold made sure that the story of his great twin victories at Stamford and Haestingas was sounded and feted from coast to coast in Englaland. And, indeed, Englisc people cheered the preservation of their land from new ravages of the Northmen and the only imagined rapine of the Normans.

However, Harold did not have long to rest on his laurels; Englaland, though secure from outside threats, still had internal divisions simmering below the surface. In the court in Lundenwic, there still resided the grandson of Edmund Ironside, the so-termed Eadgar Ætheling. There were still some voices, subdued now, that grumbled that the crown rightfully belonged the him due to his ancestry.

Beyond Lundenwic, the second threat presented itself in the persons of two brothers- Eadwine and Morcar, the Earls of Mercia and Northumbria, respectively. These two lords had grudgingly supported Harold’s claim after great diplomatic effort, though rumors still spread that they resented the crown being on Harold’s head. Some said that they wanted to place Eadgar on the throne as a puppet; others said that they desired to place the crown on their own heads, bringing the power and station that came with the monarchy to their families.

Harold knew that if he dealt with the Eadgar problem first, that he would be able to snip much of the discontent in the nation in the bud. Therefore, Harold ensured that one of his first declarations in the new year was to grant Eadgar Ætheling a “fine estate, as befits his station” in South-Western England, placing Eadgar (when he reached his majority) in possession of some relatively rich land. Additionally, Harold arranged for a modest payment to be given to Eadgar each year; contemporaries believed that this was an effort at bribing the princeling into not pursuing his claim.

Despite this coming off as a “bribe”, the kind treatment of Eadgar by Harold did much to quiet the rumblings of discontent that surrounded Eadgar’s status. Talk was quieted even more when rumors began to spread that Harold was going to betroth one of his daughters to the Ætheling; Harold did little to either encourage or discourage these rumors, so it was still very much an open discussion for several years.

This treatment of Eadgar did silence some of the more open complaints of Eadwine and Morcar, but they still had their ambitions. During this three-year period, they sought to strengthen themselves; the two, acting in conjunction, fought off a raid by Malcom III of Scotland in 1068, then launched a counter-raid across the border, freeing “captive Englisc and laying waste to the land of the Scyttisc, as they had laid waste to the land of the Englisc.” This struggle threatened to escalate into open warfare between the two nations, but cooler minds prevailed when Harold sent Æthelmær, the Bishop of Elmham, to calm Malcom. While not going as far as condemning the raid by the two brothers, Harold’s diplomacy with Malcolm was taken as a slight by the Earls.

In 1069, with peace once again tentatively restored along the Scottish border, Harold sought to boost his popularity from aspersions cast on his character after negotiations. He decided he could accomplish this by launching a campaign in Wales, to support the new order he had established there. After his campaign in 1063 in that country, Harold had split Gruffydd ap Llywelyn’s conquests back into the traditional states. Two Welshmen who had given assistance to Harold during the campaign, the brothers Rhiwallon and Bleddyn ap Cynfyn, were given the rule of the petty kingdoms of Powys and Gwynedd. This angered the two sons of Gruffydd, who swore revenge.

These two deposed princes, Maredudd and Idwal, spent the six years after their father’s death gathering a loyal band of troops and launching raids against Englisc villages to gain funds. They perceived that they were strong enough to offer a challenge to the two rulers and reclaim what they viewed as theirs. After an early defeat, Rhiwallon and Bleddyn wrote to Harold and asked for aid. Therefore, Harold raised an army and prepared, as the summer of 1069 drew to a close, to advance across Offa’s Dyke and assist his allies.

On August 29, 1069, the Englisc and friendly Welsh force entered into battle with the two rebellious brothers. By the end of the day, the two rebellious brothers were killed and the rule of Rhiwallon and Bleddyn was reasserted. In gratitude to Harold, the two Welsh lords presented the Englisc King with a sizeable gift of treasure. Harold returned to Englaland, his hegemony over Wales reasserted and, in his mind, his reputation restored.

However, as 1070 dawned, Eadwine and Morcar were still not satisfied. Eadwine, who had accompanied Harold on his Welsh expedition, felt as if he had been used for “dishonorable” duties, and not given a chance to gain honor and glory. In secret, the two brothers began to plot, doing their best to find like-minded nobles and clergy to support them.

The general public did not know about this, however, as they were concerned with an upcoming double wedding. Harold had announced that Eadgar was going to marry his daughter, Gytha, while his son Edmund would marry Christina, one of Eadgar’s two sisters. This was seen as a perfect way to unite the old and new ruling houses, and many saw it as a move by Harold to legitimize his reign, as well as ensure that the House of Wessex and the House of Godwine would remain forever entwined.

The marriage, which took place in the winter of 1070, was seen as a triumph for Harold and, it was hoped, would usher in a new era of peace and prosperity in Englaland. Little did any know, but that soon Englaland would be torn apart once again by war…
 
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Thanks! I know that this is one of those almost done-to-death timelines, but I thought I would add my own spin on it. Hopefully it is enjoyable!
Seems like it's good so far! I personally love as many Hastings timelines as there can be, so the more, the merrier.
 
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With the death of William the Bastard on the field of Haestingas, the Norman force fled back to their ships in disarray. Harassed by the Englisc all the way to the boats, the navy crossed the channel and returned to Normandy proper by the end of October. While rumors of William’s death had beaten the fleet across the channel, the arrival confirmed those rumors and began to set in motion a variety of plots that had already been simmering, waiting for the official news of that event.

Normandy itself was placed in trouble. The Duchy devolved to William’s son, Robert, who was only 15 years old. There was some talk about a regency council, but Robert, taking King Phillip as his example (and also with his own impertinent manner), declared that he was old enough and did not need the guidance. This declaration of Robert’s was one of the factors that pushed his uncle Odo over the edge; the Bishop of Bayeux and veteran campaigner began to plot with petty nobility and local clergy to contest the young man’s claim. Robert’s caustic personality meant that Odo was able to find plenty of supporters.

The arrival of the fleet also set off a chain reaction beyond Normandy’s ducal borders. In Anjou, Fulk IV had decided that enough was enough and that he needed to seize control of the affairs of the County. He undertook a campaign against his brother, Geoffrey III, attempting to force him to recognize his rightful rule of Anjou. During combat, Geoffrey was killed by a knight in the service of Fulk; despite some mild Church condemnation, Fulk was able to assert his control of Anjou by the time spring of 1067 came around.

Phillip, the 14-year old King of France, decided that, for now, he had to watch events unfold in Normandy. He had grown up with the knowledge that William the Bastard had been a thorn in the side of the French monarchy, and now with the Duke dead, Phillip believed that a great chance had presented itself to secure his own authority. He would just have to wait and see what happened in the northern Duchy.

In July of 1067, Odo, from the pulpit of his church in Bayeux, declared that he had received evidence from worthy sources that William, in his will, had declared that Odo should have inherited the Duchy, in a caretaker capacity, as he knew that his children were young and inexperienced. Odo, presenting the evidence of Robert alienating the local nobility and clergy to support this claim. His supporters quietly raised their levies, waiting for Robert’s response.

Robert, of course, responded with incredulity. He declared that this was nothing more than an attempt to usurp his rightful rule, and called for his loyal noblemen to support him against his uncle. However, Odo had done a good job of convincing the Norman nobility of the “rightness” of his cause, and very few noblemen chose to side with the adolescent. One small comfort, however, was the choice of Robert’s other uncle, Robert, Count of Mortain, chose to support neither side. Though the young Duke would have preferred Robert to engage on his behalf, at least he did not raise his forces against the young nobleman.

Late summer and early fall of 1067 saw the beginning of fierce campaigning in Normandy. Robert, believing that he could defeat his uncle without outside help, refused his mother’s offer to call for aid from her father, the Count of Flanders. The young Duke was not as fine at fighting as he liked to believe, however, and the tide began to quickly turn against him. On October 7, at the Battle of Dieppe, Robert and his forces were drawn into open combat by the Bishop; the young Duke found himself out numbered and out maneuvered, soon finding himself trapped against the coast. Escaping on a small, commandeered fishing boat, Robert fled the field; his army was not as lucky.

The young Duke fled to Flanders, along with his mother and his brothers, while Odo marched on the castle at Caen, defended by a small garrison of Robert’s loyalists. Odo felt confident enough to write to King Phillip and request that he receive Ducal recognition; the young monarch remained silent, however.

While in Flanders, Robert finally humbled himself enough to ask for aid. His grandfather had died shortly after the Battle of Dieppe, and his maternal uncle, Baldwin VI, was now in control of Flanders. Baldwin was willing to support his nephews claim, in exchange for transferring the vassalage of the County of Ponthieu to him. Robert vacillated for a bit, but, realizing that there was little chance to recover his ducal rights any other way, he decided to stomp down his pride for now and agree to his maternal uncle’s conditions.

Rouen fell to Odo in March of 1068, leaving him in near total control of the Dukedom. The Bishop knew that it was likely that Flanders was going to intervene in his conflict, as he had heard of Robert’s fleeing to that land, and so he took steps to reinforce his army. Using his contacts with Breton lords, Odo was able to gain a small force of mercenaries to assist his Norman armies. Thus, he felt he was prepared to meet with Baldwin’s Flemish levies when they entered Normandy.

That invasion took place in May of 1068, with the Flemish army meeting up with the remnants of the loyalist forces in the Duchy. A brutal summer campaign ensued, with Baldwin recovering about a third of the Duchy. The Flemish lord was wiser than his nephew- he did not fall to Odo’s bait for pitched battle, instead sending small raiding detachments to distract the Bishop and keep his attention in several different directions while he moved further into the Duchy. This strategy succeeded in frustrating Odo, as well as demoralizing his supporters.

The fighting between Baldwin and Odo tapered off as fall set in, though another conflict in the Duchy would flare up. Fulk of Anjou, having spent the past year and a half watching and waiting while building up his forces, he felt prepared to launch his attack on the County of Maine- Maine had been a disputed territory between Anjou and Normandy for decades, and Fulk determined that now was the best time to resolve this dispute in Angevin favor. But he did not count on Robert of Mortain, the neutral uncle in the conflict.

When word reached the Count that the Angevins had crossed the border into Maine (late September of 1068), he raised his as-yet untouched levies and marched South to protect Norman territory. Robert of Mortain met the Angevin vanguard on the Sarthe river on September 30, and dealt them a resounding defeat. This move surprised Fulk, who, at first, was worried that his plans may not come to fruition. However, the wily Count soon realized that he could turn this to his advantage.

Fulk sent an embassy to Robert of Mortain, seeking to come to an accommodation with the Norman Count. Robert, at first, was uneasy with making a deal with Fulk, knowing of his reputation, but his clerical advisors told him to hear the Angevin out. Robert agreed, and prepared to meet with the Angevin in the town of La Fleche. Little did he know, but Fulk, knowing of Robert’s respect for the clergy, had, for lack of a better word, bribed the advisors of Robert to push for the meeting.

At La Fleche, Fulk dominated the strategically smart but diplomatically challenged Robert of Mortain. Fulk convinced Robert that both his brother and his nephew had forfeited their right to rule Normandy- Odo had rebelled against his liege, sullying his office as a clergyman, and Robert the younger was going to prop his reign up with foreign swords. The Count Robert was in possession of a fine force of Norman warriors; with, perhaps, some minor considerations, Fulk would be willing to lend him some Angevin soldiers to assist in his rightful campaign…

With Robert’s clergy pushing for him to accept this measure, Robert folded to the Angevin’s offer. 1069 would see a third side of the war open, as the War of Uncles (as it was beginning to be called) continued into its second year.

Baldwin continued the same strategy as he had pursued the previous summer’s campaign, as that had brought him much success. However, Odo was more prepared for this measure, and had broken up his own force into smaller independent commands to better counter the Flemish efforts. This bogged down the fight between the Bishop and the Flemish Count, which made it all the better for Robert of Mortain when he finally made his move.

With his Angevin soldiers in tow, Robert began to attack the smaller detachments of Odo and Baldwin’s forces. The situation on the ground changed quickly, as the troops of Robert of Mortain were fresh and facing dispersed bands of soldiers. Odo and Baldwin tried to rally their men as quickly as they could, but communication was difficult and it took longer than they had hoped to rally their troops. Odo thought to hasten this process by personally overseeing the process; however, the Bishop would make a fatal mistake, as in July of 1069, an Angevin archer ended his life when he was caught in an ambush.

With Odo dead, his coalition would quickly fall apart, with most of the nobility who were loyal to him defecting to Robert of Mortain. This strengthened Robert’s forces, and allowed him to launch a powerful offensive against Baldwin. The Flemish Count was driven back to the County of Ponthieu, where he was able to hold off the Norman-Angevin attacks and fortify his position. The fighting died off as the season changed, with Robert of Mortain in charge of most of Normandy.

Baldwin had no great loyalty to his nephew; he was in possession of Ponthieu, which had been his goal in getting involved in this conflict. He decided that now was as good a time as ever to withdraw from the conflict; he sent messengers to Robert of Mortain, asking for him to recognize Flemish control over Ponthieu, in exchange for withdrawing from the conflict. Count Robert accepted this; despite the protests of the young Robert, Baldwin dismissed his forces, and left the young Duke nearly friendless.

The young Robert was in a great dilemma; he lacked the means to continue the fight, and his attempts to write to the King for aid went unanswered. With great reluctance, and likely pressure from his mother and brothers, Robert set off for Sicily, to join the Norman soldiers there. Perhaps, he reasoned, he could gain experience and the loyalty of a band of troops. One day, he swore, he would return and take what was rightfully his.

With the young Robert out of the picture, and tentative peace restored to Normandy, the King decided to break his silence. He sent word to Count Robert that, as the young Robert was absent from his patrimony, that he was recognizing Robert of Mortain as the Duke of Normandy. Robet was understandably grateful, and he rode to Paris in fall of 1070 to pay homage to his feudal master.

King Phillip was pleased. Normandy had been ravaged by war for three years, and had two Counties stripped from its patrimony. He knew that no great threat could arise from the Normans, at least for the foreseeable future. However, in his short sightedness, he did not realize that Flanders and Anjou had been strengthened.

For the next two years, the three rulers in Northern France- Robert, Baldwin, and Fulk- sought to either repair their lands or incorporate their new territories. The Kingdom was quiet, but that would change soon…
 
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Thanks! I know that this is one of those almost done-to-death timelines, but I thought I would add my own spin on it. Hopefully it is enjoyable!
It's not done to death if those timelines were unable to reach the 1100 mark and afterwards, when butterflies truly start flapping.
 
William the Bastard's nephew/half-nephew, Stephen of Aumale, is still a potential claimant to the Duchy of Normandy. Maybe even a stronger claimant than Robert of Mortain. His mother, Adelaide, is also a claimant, but I'm not sure if she would have been able to become Duchess in her own right.
 
It's not done to death if those timelines were unable to reach the 1100 mark and afterwards, when butterflies truly start flapping.
Well, I have a semi-concrete path into the 1360s, and tentative ideas beyond that point. So hopefully this can go well beyond 1100!

Hugh D'Este's claim to maine does not happen this means Maine stays under Anjou..
Indeed, that is correct. The Maine revolt is butterflied away, so Anjou is in command there. Nice catch!

William the Bastard's nephew/half-nephew, Stephen of Aumale, is still a potential claimant to the Duchy of Normandy. Maybe even a stronger claimant than Robert of Mortain. His mother, Adelaide, is also a claimant, but I'm not sure if she would have been able to become Duchess in her own right.

Stephen was born in 1070, so while any children of Adelaide do indeed hold a claim to Normandy, Stephen does not exist to claim it, and his post-POD counterpart is a one year old infant and not in a position currently to press the claim. But this "alt-Stpehen" is a claimant, as is (technically) his mom, yes.

An interesting period, shall be following this.
Thanks!
 
Stephen was born in 1070, so while any children of Adelaide do indeed hold a claim to Normandy, Stephen does not exist to claim it, and his post-POD counterpart is a one year old infant and not in a position currently to press the claim. But this "alt-Stpehen" is a claimant, as is (technically) his mom, yes.

Oh, right. I got the dates mixed up.
 
Are you going to expand into the theological response regarding this failure of a crusade by the Pope? It was done in William remains a Bastard (among other things like Manzikert)...
 
The other claimant to the throne of Normandy is the Count of Burgundy, we could reverse the fates of Raymond of Galicia and Robert Curthose, Robert of Normandy marries Urraca and becomes King of Castile-Leon and Raymond becomes the Duke of Normandy since he himself has a claim to Normandy..
 
Your good! I do that all the time.

By the way, did the images stop working only for me or for everybody?
Images working for me.

This is a promising start. I look forward to seeing where this one goes. Hastings is one of those TLs that everybody has thought about. Perhaps it's too common a thought exercise, as it rarely progresses to actual writing, and if it does, tends to splutter out by 1100 at best.

Keep up the good work!
 
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