Has Mussolini's style of governing changed here?
What's happening in Russia if the Reds have been defeated?
What's happening in Russia if the Reds have been defeated?
Benito Mussolini: L'Unione Sindacalista Nazionalista - the Principate
- Thread starter CountofDooku
- Start date
Yes it has, it's much more Syndicalist (meaning communist/ fascist elements mixed or never split to a extent as meantioned in some of the chapters, but we'll get into more detail there too).
Russia will be part of the as Mussolini would call it TTL reactionary block (oldschool Monarchists, Conservatives, think kinda like Holy Alliance that smashed down revolutions and democratic ideas, OTL democrats and capitalists are part of it too from TTL Mussolini's view point). It's state is partly democratic and has the worker (NOT THE STATE) truely owning the factories, tools and conglomerates (unlike OTL Soviet Union), since Mussolini viewes the State alongside the Church as another old reactionary entity, that has to be broken down and rebuild/ reshaped (not only reformed) to create a truely new and just society (we will read more about all of this in the upcoming chapters tomorrow btw). ;D
Chapter Ten: A new Sindacalist Nazionalist Principatist Culture
Chapter Ten: A new Sindacalist Nazionalist Principatist Culture
Our new Principate State combined the liberal institutions of election and trade unions with a modern school. Futurism a revolutionary cultural movement that is a catalyst for our movement too, knows the need of a school for physical courage and patriotism. Away from our traditional Ancient Greek and Latin culturesand roots. In these years our youth wingwas formed, the Avanguardia Giovanile Principes (Principalist Youth Vanguar) in 1919, followd by the Gruppi Universitari Principes (Principalist University Groups) in 1922. After the Mach on Rome we had to politicize our society, focussing on education and readucation. Therefore I assigned the former ardito and deputy-secretary for Education Renato Ricci the task of reorganizing the youth from a moral and physical point of view. Ricci sought inspiration by Robert Baden-Powell, the founder of Scouting, meeting with him in England, as well as with Bauhaus artists in Germany. The Opera Nazionale Sindicale Balilla was created through my decree of 3 April 1926, and was led by Ricci for the following eleven years. It included children between the ages of 8 and 18, grouped as the Balilla and the Avanguardisti. Our new education is moral, physical, social, and military: it aims to create a complete and harmoniously developed human, a Principalist one according to our views. I structured this process taking in view the emotional side of childhood. Childhood and adolescence alike cannot be fed solely by concerts, theories, and abstract teaching. The truth we aim to teach them should appeal foremost to their fantasy, to their hearts, and only then to their minds.
Our educational value will be set through action and example was to replace the established approaches. Principalism opposed its version of idealism to prevalent rationalism, and used the Opera Nazionale Sindicale Balilla to circumvent educational tradition by imposing the collective and hierarchy, as well as my own personality cult. Another important constituent of our Principalist cultural policy was Roman Catholicism. In 1929, a concordat with the Vatican was signed, ending decades of struggle between the Italian state and the Papacy that dated back to the 1870 takeover of the Papal States by the House of Savoy during the unification of Italy. The Lateran treaties, by which the Italian state was at last recognized by the Roman Catholic Church, and the independence of Vatican City was recognized by the Italian state, were so much appreciated by the ecclesiastic hierarchy that Pope Pius XI acclaimed Mussolini as "the Man of Providence". The 1929 treaty included a legal provision whereby our government would protect the honor and dignity of the Pope by prosecuting offenders. For this I was re-baptized by the Pope in 1927. Pope Pius XI and many Catholics anti-reactionary views against the Reactionary Forces in Europe (Monarchists, Consevativs, Capitlists and Imperialists in Russia, England, Yugoslavia, Spain and to a extent France), many Catholics would actively support us an our movement. Even more so as our Italian inoctrinated priests and church scolars would unite the church and our movement.
Similar to the Holy Alliance, that smashd down revolutions and democatic ideas, these backwater ideas and ideologies arose from or hoped to be preserved by, they are the past, soon a ancient forgotten time. Just like our workers and soldiers should be the masters of their own means of production and defense, they should be the masters of their own home and houses. The state and the church, while both obsolete ideas can serve a purpose to us. These rectionary entities have to be boken down to rebuild, reshape and reform then in our movements image. Only then we could have a new and just society can be created. This means that our new Principalist architecture has to meet the need of the people. Unlike the traditional architctur meant to show of the power and wealth of the ruling aristrocracy and church, ours will aim to please the needs of the Principes. No unnessesary ornaments, squiggle and adornments are needed in it, it has to be simplistic, functional and most of all cheap. Only then we con guarantee to have good, comfortable and not to expensive homes for all our Principali.
- Benito Mussolini, 5 September 1936
Our new Principate State combined the liberal institutions of election and trade unions with a modern school. Futurism a revolutionary cultural movement that is a catalyst for our movement too, knows the need of a school for physical courage and patriotism. Away from our traditional Ancient Greek and Latin culturesand roots. In these years our youth wingwas formed, the Avanguardia Giovanile Principes (Principalist Youth Vanguar) in 1919, followd by the Gruppi Universitari Principes (Principalist University Groups) in 1922. After the Mach on Rome we had to politicize our society, focussing on education and readucation. Therefore I assigned the former ardito and deputy-secretary for Education Renato Ricci the task of reorganizing the youth from a moral and physical point of view. Ricci sought inspiration by Robert Baden-Powell, the founder of Scouting, meeting with him in England, as well as with Bauhaus artists in Germany. The Opera Nazionale Sindicale Balilla was created through my decree of 3 April 1926, and was led by Ricci for the following eleven years. It included children between the ages of 8 and 18, grouped as the Balilla and the Avanguardisti. Our new education is moral, physical, social, and military: it aims to create a complete and harmoniously developed human, a Principalist one according to our views. I structured this process taking in view the emotional side of childhood. Childhood and adolescence alike cannot be fed solely by concerts, theories, and abstract teaching. The truth we aim to teach them should appeal foremost to their fantasy, to their hearts, and only then to their minds.
Our educational value will be set through action and example was to replace the established approaches. Principalism opposed its version of idealism to prevalent rationalism, and used the Opera Nazionale Sindicale Balilla to circumvent educational tradition by imposing the collective and hierarchy, as well as my own personality cult. Another important constituent of our Principalist cultural policy was Roman Catholicism. In 1929, a concordat with the Vatican was signed, ending decades of struggle between the Italian state and the Papacy that dated back to the 1870 takeover of the Papal States by the House of Savoy during the unification of Italy. The Lateran treaties, by which the Italian state was at last recognized by the Roman Catholic Church, and the independence of Vatican City was recognized by the Italian state, were so much appreciated by the ecclesiastic hierarchy that Pope Pius XI acclaimed Mussolini as "the Man of Providence". The 1929 treaty included a legal provision whereby our government would protect the honor and dignity of the Pope by prosecuting offenders. For this I was re-baptized by the Pope in 1927. Pope Pius XI and many Catholics anti-reactionary views against the Reactionary Forces in Europe (Monarchists, Consevativs, Capitlists and Imperialists in Russia, England, Yugoslavia, Spain and to a extent France), many Catholics would actively support us an our movement. Even more so as our Italian inoctrinated priests and church scolars would unite the church and our movement.
Similar to the Holy Alliance, that smashd down revolutions and democatic ideas, these backwater ideas and ideologies arose from or hoped to be preserved by, they are the past, soon a ancient forgotten time. Just like our workers and soldiers should be the masters of their own means of production and defense, they should be the masters of their own home and houses. The state and the church, while both obsolete ideas can serve a purpose to us. These rectionary entities have to be boken down to rebuild, reshape and reform then in our movements image. Only then we could have a new and just society can be created. This means that our new Principalist architecture has to meet the need of the people. Unlike the traditional architctur meant to show of the power and wealth of the ruling aristrocracy and church, ours will aim to please the needs of the Principes. No unnessesary ornaments, squiggle and adornments are needed in it, it has to be simplistic, functional and most of all cheap. Only then we con guarantee to have good, comfortable and not to expensive homes for all our Principali.
- Benito Mussolini, 5 September 1936
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Yugoslavia or Jugoslavija(native name)
Iam not sure what you wanted to say here i guess Only then and then?
Any how good work i wonder if this will give rise to Soviet style building blocks
That's a German thing Jugoslawia
Yeah changed that too, sausage fingers tried to write words there.
Oh it clearly will lead to Soviet like mass-population buildings as seen OTL, that was the intention behind the architecture part there ...
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Chapter Eleven: Foreign Policy and the Principalist International (PRIINT)
Our foreign policy was always pragmatic, ever since the mutilated victory of the plutodemocracies Britain and France (alongside the United States of America) had cheated their allies and enemies alike. Betrayed in the Treaty of London our wargoals of archiving our natural rights of local hegemony and supremacy in the Mediterranean were cheated from us. But the enforced democratic capitalism that these victors hoped to rule Europe by did not last very long. The Treaty of Versailles cheated former Allies and Enemies, Victors and Defeated alike and together with the Great War that destabilized Europe, gave rise to radical syndicalist revolutionary ideas. One of our foreign policy goals was to hold onto the little we had gained in the peace and use our determinant weight, by changing the balance of power decisively by allying with any non-reactonary European Power we chosed. Only then our dreams for Europe, Africa and the world could become a certain vison for the future. Increasing our birthrate, by ordering ever Principalist women to double the nmber of children that they were willing to bear, as our current population of 40 million was insufficient for the goals ahead and a population of at least 60 million, better yet 80 million would be way better to prepare us for the challenges in front of us. Our revolution needed spazio vitale (living space) a base for our movement and revolution to spread to other nations and finally the whole world. One of the logical goals because of that was to join the two shores of the Mediterranean and of the Indian Ocean into a single Principalist Commonwealth for all people living inside of it. However it was clear that the Imperial Capitalists and Imperial Monarchist Reactonary Powers (Britain, Russia and France) could not be beaten by Italy and Libya alone, as we lacked the sufficient manpower to win a outright war against them. A higher birth-rate would give us the numbers to win a future war, but we needed better infrastructure and industry too, so we could compete and outproduce the enemy in economic and industrial capacities too.
While openly advocating for peace and guaranteed borders, like in the Locarno Trieties of 1925, secretly we crafted operations against potential enemies like France and Yugoslavia (Russia as the main reactionary power was too far away and we lacked any border with their sphere of influence). However the time of the Western Democracies in Europe soon came to an End, as Bulgaria and Spain established dictatorships after military coups in 1923, the same year Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pascha became the dictator of Turkey (known as Atatürk, Father of Turkey since then). Albania followed in 1925 by giving President Achmed Zogu emergency powers. Poland had a military coup in 1926, as did Portugal and Lithuania. In 1929 Yugoslavia had a reactionary coup led by King Alexander, as did Romania in 1930 by King Carlos II. (both incidents clearly supported by Russia and maybe even France to gain more influence on the Balkan, our natural zone of influence). In 1932 Lithuania became a dictatorship too and in 1933 my admirer Adolf Hitler gained the power in Germany with his National Syndicalist German Workers Party (NSDAP), while in Austria a certain Engelbert Dollfuß implemented a Austroprincipalist rule. In 1934 Estonias President Constantin Päts got rid of the democracy there too, as did Präsident Ulmanis in Latvia. Greece followed 1936 when General Metaxas coup allowed him to gain power there.
Originally I had planned a surprise attack on France and Yugoslawia to end the reactionary powers there in 1933, as many National Syndicalists in both states supported our cause, but were opressed. However I had to learn that the French Deuxième Bureau had broken our military code and that the French were well prepared for our attack. The rise of Adolf Hitler to power however, meant that one of the most populated and industrialised European Nation States suddenly was lead by National Syndicalists. The opportunity was enormous if German could be brought to end all claims on Austria and the Danube basin, yes instead help us focus on bringing our revolutionary movement to the Balkan Peninsula and the rest of Europe. To make my interest clear we guaranteed the independence and foreign policy of Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria, were fellow National Syndicalist regimes, or at least Principalist inspired ones ruled and opposed the (Russian and French supported) reactionary state of Yugoslawia and Romania in the Balkan Peninsula. We suggested to the Defense Minister General Kurt von Schleicher, an anti-French Italo-German alliance (pointing out that France opposed our similar interests in the Balkans and Europe), an offer Schleicher responded to favorably, albeit with the condition that Germany needed to rearm first. We tried to bring Romania into our sphere of influence and break them away from Russia and France, but only managed to get their anti-Yugoslawian opposition growing. Still they and Yugoslawia allied Czechoslovakia in a extension of the anti-German French-Belgian-Polish-Czechoslovakian alliance and also allied Greece and Turkey in a Russia supported anti-Italian Balkan Entente.
The so called Abyssinia Crisis and tensions along the border were ended when Ethiopia joined our cause as the Repubblica Unione Sindacalista Nazionalista Principatiste d'Ethiopia. The border between Ethiopia and our territory of Somaliland was redrawn and adjusted. In exchange for internal authonomy, we helped Ethopia build up their infrastructure and industry, while manaing their foreign policy for them from now on. It distracted from some of our problems during the Great Depression and gave us prestige for peacefully integrating a african power into our great state. This triumph however turned into some resistance and rebellion, as our Principalist methods and governments were implemented in Ethopia over the years, leading to a call of resistance by the local King Haile Selassie I.
The reactionary powers like Britain, France and Russia tried to prevent the expansion and rise of poorer nations like Italy in a typically hypocratic way to preserve their own hegemony and imperialism, just like the old monarchies had tried to prevent the rise of the masses. When we tried to stop reactionary ethiopians from rising up in a brutal rebellion, Britain, France and Russia criticized our use of mustard gas and phosgene, even if they had done so themselves during the Great War and the Russian Civil War. As it became clear that Russia and the Eastern Orthodox Church inspired the Ethiopians to resist and supplied them with weapons, I ordered all that Orthodox priests and monks were to be targeted in revenge for guerrilla attacks in Ethopia, while overall Orthodox priests and monks were espelled from our state and diplomatic relations to Russia totally frozen. Meanwhile like in Libya, I ordered Italians in Ethiopia to engage in multiracial relationship to form a new, unified ethnic group for our state to become a more united nation.
Italo-German relations were also improved, as both Hitler and myself expanded our economic, political and military influence on the Balkan Peninsula against the Russian and French plans there. This pushed Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria further into our National Syndicalist Block (the Principalist International, or PRIINT) spearheeded by Italy and Germany. While the Balkan Peninsula was one of our main strategic interest regions, we also had one of our eyes looking west, towards Spain and France. While opposing us at the moment, spain had many idealogical sympathiser for our ideals and plans within it's own syndicalist and socialist population, while Spain was a fellow Latin Nation State, the western brother of Italy that could serve as a second Front for a War agaisnt France if we would be able to ally them. The ruling Popular Front in Spain was made up by our fellow Syndicalists, Republicans and even some Socialist and Communist Remnants were opposing the more reactionary Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Rights), known as CEDA, who had some sympathisers and similarities to our movement, but completely contrary to our National Syndicalist goals, ideas and ideals.
- Benito Mussolini, 19 October 1936
Our foreign policy was always pragmatic, ever since the mutilated victory of the plutodemocracies Britain and France (alongside the United States of America) had cheated their allies and enemies alike. Betrayed in the Treaty of London our wargoals of archiving our natural rights of local hegemony and supremacy in the Mediterranean were cheated from us. But the enforced democratic capitalism that these victors hoped to rule Europe by did not last very long. The Treaty of Versailles cheated former Allies and Enemies, Victors and Defeated alike and together with the Great War that destabilized Europe, gave rise to radical syndicalist revolutionary ideas. One of our foreign policy goals was to hold onto the little we had gained in the peace and use our determinant weight, by changing the balance of power decisively by allying with any non-reactonary European Power we chosed. Only then our dreams for Europe, Africa and the world could become a certain vison for the future. Increasing our birthrate, by ordering ever Principalist women to double the nmber of children that they were willing to bear, as our current population of 40 million was insufficient for the goals ahead and a population of at least 60 million, better yet 80 million would be way better to prepare us for the challenges in front of us. Our revolution needed spazio vitale (living space) a base for our movement and revolution to spread to other nations and finally the whole world. One of the logical goals because of that was to join the two shores of the Mediterranean and of the Indian Ocean into a single Principalist Commonwealth for all people living inside of it. However it was clear that the Imperial Capitalists and Imperial Monarchist Reactonary Powers (Britain, Russia and France) could not be beaten by Italy and Libya alone, as we lacked the sufficient manpower to win a outright war against them. A higher birth-rate would give us the numbers to win a future war, but we needed better infrastructure and industry too, so we could compete and outproduce the enemy in economic and industrial capacities too.
While openly advocating for peace and guaranteed borders, like in the Locarno Trieties of 1925, secretly we crafted operations against potential enemies like France and Yugoslavia (Russia as the main reactionary power was too far away and we lacked any border with their sphere of influence). However the time of the Western Democracies in Europe soon came to an End, as Bulgaria and Spain established dictatorships after military coups in 1923, the same year Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pascha became the dictator of Turkey (known as Atatürk, Father of Turkey since then). Albania followed in 1925 by giving President Achmed Zogu emergency powers. Poland had a military coup in 1926, as did Portugal and Lithuania. In 1929 Yugoslavia had a reactionary coup led by King Alexander, as did Romania in 1930 by King Carlos II. (both incidents clearly supported by Russia and maybe even France to gain more influence on the Balkan, our natural zone of influence). In 1932 Lithuania became a dictatorship too and in 1933 my admirer Adolf Hitler gained the power in Germany with his National Syndicalist German Workers Party (NSDAP), while in Austria a certain Engelbert Dollfuß implemented a Austroprincipalist rule. In 1934 Estonias President Constantin Päts got rid of the democracy there too, as did Präsident Ulmanis in Latvia. Greece followed 1936 when General Metaxas coup allowed him to gain power there.
Originally I had planned a surprise attack on France and Yugoslawia to end the reactionary powers there in 1933, as many National Syndicalists in both states supported our cause, but were opressed. However I had to learn that the French Deuxième Bureau had broken our military code and that the French were well prepared for our attack. The rise of Adolf Hitler to power however, meant that one of the most populated and industrialised European Nation States suddenly was lead by National Syndicalists. The opportunity was enormous if German could be brought to end all claims on Austria and the Danube basin, yes instead help us focus on bringing our revolutionary movement to the Balkan Peninsula and the rest of Europe. To make my interest clear we guaranteed the independence and foreign policy of Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria, were fellow National Syndicalist regimes, or at least Principalist inspired ones ruled and opposed the (Russian and French supported) reactionary state of Yugoslawia and Romania in the Balkan Peninsula. We suggested to the Defense Minister General Kurt von Schleicher, an anti-French Italo-German alliance (pointing out that France opposed our similar interests in the Balkans and Europe), an offer Schleicher responded to favorably, albeit with the condition that Germany needed to rearm first. We tried to bring Romania into our sphere of influence and break them away from Russia and France, but only managed to get their anti-Yugoslawian opposition growing. Still they and Yugoslawia allied Czechoslovakia in a extension of the anti-German French-Belgian-Polish-Czechoslovakian alliance and also allied Greece and Turkey in a Russia supported anti-Italian Balkan Entente.
The so called Abyssinia Crisis and tensions along the border were ended when Ethiopia joined our cause as the Repubblica Unione Sindacalista Nazionalista Principatiste d'Ethiopia. The border between Ethiopia and our territory of Somaliland was redrawn and adjusted. In exchange for internal authonomy, we helped Ethopia build up their infrastructure and industry, while manaing their foreign policy for them from now on. It distracted from some of our problems during the Great Depression and gave us prestige for peacefully integrating a african power into our great state. This triumph however turned into some resistance and rebellion, as our Principalist methods and governments were implemented in Ethopia over the years, leading to a call of resistance by the local King Haile Selassie I.
The reactionary powers like Britain, France and Russia tried to prevent the expansion and rise of poorer nations like Italy in a typically hypocratic way to preserve their own hegemony and imperialism, just like the old monarchies had tried to prevent the rise of the masses. When we tried to stop reactionary ethiopians from rising up in a brutal rebellion, Britain, France and Russia criticized our use of mustard gas and phosgene, even if they had done so themselves during the Great War and the Russian Civil War. As it became clear that Russia and the Eastern Orthodox Church inspired the Ethiopians to resist and supplied them with weapons, I ordered all that Orthodox priests and monks were to be targeted in revenge for guerrilla attacks in Ethopia, while overall Orthodox priests and monks were espelled from our state and diplomatic relations to Russia totally frozen. Meanwhile like in Libya, I ordered Italians in Ethiopia to engage in multiracial relationship to form a new, unified ethnic group for our state to become a more united nation.
Italo-German relations were also improved, as both Hitler and myself expanded our economic, political and military influence on the Balkan Peninsula against the Russian and French plans there. This pushed Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria further into our National Syndicalist Block (the Principalist International, or PRIINT) spearheeded by Italy and Germany. While the Balkan Peninsula was one of our main strategic interest regions, we also had one of our eyes looking west, towards Spain and France. While opposing us at the moment, spain had many idealogical sympathiser for our ideals and plans within it's own syndicalist and socialist population, while Spain was a fellow Latin Nation State, the western brother of Italy that could serve as a second Front for a War agaisnt France if we would be able to ally them. The ruling Popular Front in Spain was made up by our fellow Syndicalists, Republicans and even some Socialist and Communist Remnants were opposing the more reactionary Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Rights), known as CEDA, who had some sympathisers and similarities to our movement, but completely contrary to our National Syndicalist goals, ideas and ideals.
- Benito Mussolini, 19 October 1936
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Chapter Twelve: The Spanish Civil War
Chapter Twelve: The Spanish Civil War
Things however took a turn in Spain, who'se government shifter from political extremed in both elections, when the reactionary Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Rights), known as CEDA won the 1933 elections and shortly after the Frente Popular (Popular Front) won the next election in 1936. Started by a coup, the Spanish Civil War (Guerra Civil Española) saw José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the eldest son of military dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera try to regain his fathers rule over the land, with the help of the Falange Española ("Spanish Phalanx"), a National Syndicalist group, allied with Ramiro Ledesma Ramos a National Syndicalist/ Falangist in a collaboration with the Spanish Anarcho-Syndicalists. Together the Falangists (Popular Front, Syndicalists, liberal Socialists, Generalitat de Catalunya, Euzko Gudarostea and later the International Syndicalist Brigades, supportet by Italy, Germany and the French National Syndicalists) formed the National Syndicalists (Falangists), who gained control in Catalonia (provisorial capital Barcelona), parts of Asturia, Basque and Andalusia. They were opposed by the reacionary Tradicionalista (Traditionalists, made up by Catholics, Monarchists, Carlists, Francoists, the Renovación Española, CEDA and the Army of Africa, supportet by the French and Russian Reactionares) who contolled Galicia, parts of Leon, Old Castile, Aragon and Andalusia after the rebellion. Both were opposed by the Republicans/ Loyalists (made up by the leftist Popular Front, Communists, CNT-FAI Anarcho-Syndicalists, and leftis Falangiss). Only because Falangist and Traditionalists elements opposed one another the Republican Loyalists were able to keep control of most of New Castile and Andalusia.
To limit the starting Spanish Civil War, the League of Nations ordered a international control by sea and land to stop international volunteers to further supply fighters and soldiers. This was the first major failure of the reactionary forces, because while Britain and France controlled the northern and southern coast, as well as the French border region, Italy and France controlled the eastern coast. While France and Russia majorly supportet the reactionary Traditionalists or the Republic, some other states also supportet the Republican Loyalists. The control of the east coast allowed the National Syndicalists States of Italy and Germany to secretly massive support the National Syndicalist Falangists. Italian forces took Menorca and helped the major Falangist region of Catalunya to take Aragon (and the city of Valencia) from the Republic and defend it from the reactionary Traditionalist offensive. While loosing some ground in Asturia and Andalusia to the reactionary General Emilio Mola and the Spanish Military Union. A amjor setback for the reactionary forces however was the fact that General Francisco Franco's Spanish Army of Africa was unable to get to the mainland thanks to the British and French sea blokade and sea control.
In 1938 the British tried to get us to pull out of the Spanish Civil War and even offered to accept our control over the Balearic Islands and some territorial gains in africa, hoping we would return to accepting and supporting their reactionary european order. We accepted, because by then the Falangist with the help of the remaining International Syndicalist Brigades, were able to deal with what was left of the Republican Loyalis and reactionary Traditionalists. The Intervention in the civil war had cost us around 4,000 soldiers and 14 billion lire, spending much of our entire military budget on the Spanish Civil War instead of modernisation and expanding of our forces. It was however worth it, as the blood shed by us and our fellow Principailst allies in Germany, Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria, leading to a much closer cooperation and agreement between our nations. Our National Syndicalist Block/ the Principalist International (PRIINT) had started to become a deadly enemy of the reactionary powers in France, Russia and to a extent also Britain, who were fighting on the opposite side of the barricade against us. In 1938 the PRIINT was closer together then ever before and our diplomats, delegates and leaders to nagotiate about a new idea, the Commonwealth of National Syndicalist Principailst Republics (CNSPR), a multinational principalist state that would export our movement and revolution across the world. These nations state leaders would become Consules, Magistrates and Senatores within the CNSPR.
- Benito Mussolini, 16 April 1939
Things however took a turn in Spain, who'se government shifter from political extremed in both elections, when the reactionary Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Rights), known as CEDA won the 1933 elections and shortly after the Frente Popular (Popular Front) won the next election in 1936. Started by a coup, the Spanish Civil War (Guerra Civil Española) saw José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the eldest son of military dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera try to regain his fathers rule over the land, with the help of the Falange Española ("Spanish Phalanx"), a National Syndicalist group, allied with Ramiro Ledesma Ramos a National Syndicalist/ Falangist in a collaboration with the Spanish Anarcho-Syndicalists. Together the Falangists (Popular Front, Syndicalists, liberal Socialists, Generalitat de Catalunya, Euzko Gudarostea and later the International Syndicalist Brigades, supportet by Italy, Germany and the French National Syndicalists) formed the National Syndicalists (Falangists), who gained control in Catalonia (provisorial capital Barcelona), parts of Asturia, Basque and Andalusia. They were opposed by the reacionary Tradicionalista (Traditionalists, made up by Catholics, Monarchists, Carlists, Francoists, the Renovación Española, CEDA and the Army of Africa, supportet by the French and Russian Reactionares) who contolled Galicia, parts of Leon, Old Castile, Aragon and Andalusia after the rebellion. Both were opposed by the Republicans/ Loyalists (made up by the leftist Popular Front, Communists, CNT-FAI Anarcho-Syndicalists, and leftis Falangiss). Only because Falangist and Traditionalists elements opposed one another the Republican Loyalists were able to keep control of most of New Castile and Andalusia.
To limit the starting Spanish Civil War, the League of Nations ordered a international control by sea and land to stop international volunteers to further supply fighters and soldiers. This was the first major failure of the reactionary forces, because while Britain and France controlled the northern and southern coast, as well as the French border region, Italy and France controlled the eastern coast. While France and Russia majorly supportet the reactionary Traditionalists or the Republic, some other states also supportet the Republican Loyalists. The control of the east coast allowed the National Syndicalists States of Italy and Germany to secretly massive support the National Syndicalist Falangists. Italian forces took Menorca and helped the major Falangist region of Catalunya to take Aragon (and the city of Valencia) from the Republic and defend it from the reactionary Traditionalist offensive. While loosing some ground in Asturia and Andalusia to the reactionary General Emilio Mola and the Spanish Military Union. A amjor setback for the reactionary forces however was the fact that General Francisco Franco's Spanish Army of Africa was unable to get to the mainland thanks to the British and French sea blokade and sea control.
In 1938 the British tried to get us to pull out of the Spanish Civil War and even offered to accept our control over the Balearic Islands and some territorial gains in africa, hoping we would return to accepting and supporting their reactionary european order. We accepted, because by then the Falangist with the help of the remaining International Syndicalist Brigades, were able to deal with what was left of the Republican Loyalis and reactionary Traditionalists. The Intervention in the civil war had cost us around 4,000 soldiers and 14 billion lire, spending much of our entire military budget on the Spanish Civil War instead of modernisation and expanding of our forces. It was however worth it, as the blood shed by us and our fellow Principailst allies in Germany, Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria, leading to a much closer cooperation and agreement between our nations. Our National Syndicalist Block/ the Principalist International (PRIINT) had started to become a deadly enemy of the reactionary powers in France, Russia and to a extent also Britain, who were fighting on the opposite side of the barricade against us. In 1938 the PRIINT was closer together then ever before and our diplomats, delegates and leaders to nagotiate about a new idea, the Commonwealth of National Syndicalist Principailst Republics (CNSPR), a multinational principalist state that would export our movement and revolution across the world. These nations state leaders would become Consules, Magistrates and Senatores within the CNSPR.
- Benito Mussolini, 16 April 1939
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I know this is a stupid questions, but, is Benny the Moose a reiable narrator here?
Just like with my Austria's Struggle TL, where A. Hitler is the narrator, the short answer is NOOOO. While part of this can be seen as his own monologue or chapters for a autobiography it is shaped by his own ideas and wishfull thinking, meaning the great leader and duce similar to Hitler OTL and in my other TL is delusional in parts and not always most honest as he tries to get a point across or cement his own legacy. And as his (or Hitlers in the other TL) version is the only insight in the TL's reality reading between the lines or searching for some clues might help to uncover the truth. ;D
So true.
Chapter Thirteen: The Commonwealth of National Syndicalist Principalist Republics (CNSPR)
Chapter Thirteen: The Commonwealth of National Syndicalist Principalist Republics (CNSPR)
The victory in the Spanish Civil War and the close Principalist Comradship of our fellow National Syndicalist had proven that if our Principalist International (PRIINT) worked and stayed close together, we would be victorious and our modern, utopian ideology would massively start to form and shape this new world. It was clear that the reactionary powers would try to stop us. Their lack of unity however provided us with a small chance, a opportunity that we should not let pass. Luckily for us the Entente was as dissatisfied with the Treaty of Versailles end the new Order after the Great War, then we were. The former Russian Empire, now a White Authoritarian Tyranny of the Russian Dictator against the minorities and their own social classes, the natural arch nemesis of everything the National Syndicalist idea stood for. After cementing their harsh, iron rule, not by nooble blood but by military power, authority and brute force alone, they now eyed their neightboring nation states to regain territories lost during the Great War, or even conquer new ones, by enslaving other people. Great Britain on the other hand tricked it's people, by having the monarch remain at the top of the state, while a parliament tricket them into believing they were a true democracy, beside the fact that the workers did not controll the means of the production, that the farmers did not have full controll over their farms and that their soldiers were send into war by people they did not elect as their leaders. This situation is only slightly better in France, were the revolution was born that tried to swab away the European monarchies and where the National Syndicalists and other Socialist groups, parties and trade unions have a strong basis among the average worker, farmer and soldier. Many French Syndicalists, Socialists and even Anarchists supported the National Syndicalis side in the Spanish Civil War, fighting among and alongside their fellow brothers and sisters, forming connections we can now hope to build upon. To unify our struggle, to combine our forces and ambitions for a utopian paradise, I Benito Mussolini had gathered the Principalist International at our annual meeting in Roma.
It was Mai 1st 1938 and it would be a historical day for all of mankind, as the delegates of the PRIINT agreed to take our combined effort and struggle to the next level, by forming the Commonwealth of National Syndicalist Principalist Republics (CNSPR) together. The very basic idea behind this multinational principaist state of syndicalist nationalist brothers and sisters that had a few goals at once. First it was meant as a natural extension of our separate nations, parties and unions, each represented by the in total 78 delegates present. A first and major step was the formation of a Executive Committee where each of this representatives had a own section and representative, to unite our efford, while at the same time preserving our much needed individual national syndicalist views, branches and goal, to combine them into one common dream, our vision of a utopian world. The congress then decided that the Executice Committee would elect a eighteen-member bureau to run the daily affairs of the PRIINT. One of our most important main topics to dicsuss afterwards was the decision if our new states and systems should be run in a direct form of democratic representatives and elected people, or by the more direct approach via voting on certain issues directly. I knew that both versions could be used to parental guide the will and the decisions of the people to a outcome, that would benefitt the masses, that would be good for all people the same, the outcome I myself have realized would be the best. The next step was that the various Consules, Magistrates and Senatores as former independent leaders of states, parties, unions and other groups within the CNSPR would accept the documents I had sended them, including the Twenty-eight Conditions, manifested for all National Syndicalist parties. After we adopted these conditions that outlined our basic principles and ideals, making them prerequisites for any group that wished to become affiliated with our PRIINT and CNSPR in general.
It also included to distance ourself further from the failed ideas and visions of the Anarchists, Socialists and Communist, especially their failed attempts of violent uprising, including the Spartacist uprising and the Russian Civil War. It was a important decision, partly a political one to stay away from the too radical elements and to remain in open diplomatic contact with the reactionary British and French, as we needed to be their partners for now. At least until the time and circumstaces would be more in our favor, or one of the Reactionary forces like Britain, France and Russia was by internal or external crises so weakened, that a short war against one of thid reactionary states could bring victory to us and our demands, as well as bring revolution and internal change for the National Syndicalist Movement and the PRIINT into the hearts of these nations and states. But until then, even if we have trades and diplomatic deals with them, this reacionary states could and should never be trusted. The fight against them also calls for the use of their own false democratic institutions against them, by forming parties, alongside their democratic institutions, with centralist lines, where the parties, their press, propaganda and parliamentarian factions would be under direct controll of the party leadership, a leadership we would announce and even appoint if they wished to be affiliated with us and be a part of PRIINT and, or CNSPR. However, in a colonized world, were the major power of this reactionary forces came from their imperialism and colonialism, meaning that the liberation of the opressed people and civilisations who worked as their slaves would quickly bring their power and their own whole empires in he end. I believe it is poethic justice, that their reactionary, tyrannical ways fill fall victim to our liberation and enlightenment with the help of the very people these evil empires are build upon. A international united fron of our Principaists, the Peasentry and the National Citisens in the colonial countries. Therefore one of the twenty-eight conditions drafted by me on the congress mentioned that the liberation of these people and the support of democratic national syndicalist liberation movement in these colonies was one of our most important concerns.
However some National Syndicalists were still more socialist and communist then others and especially some Mecian Syndicalists and Indian Principalist Revolutionaries opposed this idea and openly advocated for a supporting National Syndicalist and even revolutionary movements in this ciuntries intead. For now we had to oppose those idea and our PRIINT and CNSPR member states (Italy, Germany, Spain, Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria, Albania, Libya and Ethiopia) had to agree to this too, as otherwise this would have driven us in direct early opposition of Britain and France, maybe even renewing their alliance and presenting as the natural ally of the Russian Tyranny, something we had to prevent for as long as possible. After all this question devided us further from the Anarchists, Socialists and Communists and even split and divided the PRIINT and the CNSPR from some of our National Syndicalist parties and groups. A split that was nessesarry, as those unwilling to follow a united, unified and strong course only would further divide our movement and it's ideals in the future, as long as it served their own selfish ideals and goals. Therefore I agitated restless to ensure all of the CNSPR states and the parties and groups or PRIINT followed the same foreing policy on this and other matters, in exchange for nagotiations and some diplomatic concessons for them in exchange. Luckily for us the support that those National Syndicalists, who had seperated from us, as well as the Communists, Socialists and Anarchists could give was insufficent for these opressed people, so their only hope was to ally and stay close to our PRIINT, hoping that the CNSPR would more openly support their struggle for independence, when the times were right for it.
- Benito Mussolini, 1 Mai 1938
The victory in the Spanish Civil War and the close Principalist Comradship of our fellow National Syndicalist had proven that if our Principalist International (PRIINT) worked and stayed close together, we would be victorious and our modern, utopian ideology would massively start to form and shape this new world. It was clear that the reactionary powers would try to stop us. Their lack of unity however provided us with a small chance, a opportunity that we should not let pass. Luckily for us the Entente was as dissatisfied with the Treaty of Versailles end the new Order after the Great War, then we were. The former Russian Empire, now a White Authoritarian Tyranny of the Russian Dictator against the minorities and their own social classes, the natural arch nemesis of everything the National Syndicalist idea stood for. After cementing their harsh, iron rule, not by nooble blood but by military power, authority and brute force alone, they now eyed their neightboring nation states to regain territories lost during the Great War, or even conquer new ones, by enslaving other people. Great Britain on the other hand tricked it's people, by having the monarch remain at the top of the state, while a parliament tricket them into believing they were a true democracy, beside the fact that the workers did not controll the means of the production, that the farmers did not have full controll over their farms and that their soldiers were send into war by people they did not elect as their leaders. This situation is only slightly better in France, were the revolution was born that tried to swab away the European monarchies and where the National Syndicalists and other Socialist groups, parties and trade unions have a strong basis among the average worker, farmer and soldier. Many French Syndicalists, Socialists and even Anarchists supported the National Syndicalis side in the Spanish Civil War, fighting among and alongside their fellow brothers and sisters, forming connections we can now hope to build upon. To unify our struggle, to combine our forces and ambitions for a utopian paradise, I Benito Mussolini had gathered the Principalist International at our annual meeting in Roma.
It was Mai 1st 1938 and it would be a historical day for all of mankind, as the delegates of the PRIINT agreed to take our combined effort and struggle to the next level, by forming the Commonwealth of National Syndicalist Principalist Republics (CNSPR) together. The very basic idea behind this multinational principaist state of syndicalist nationalist brothers and sisters that had a few goals at once. First it was meant as a natural extension of our separate nations, parties and unions, each represented by the in total 78 delegates present. A first and major step was the formation of a Executive Committee where each of this representatives had a own section and representative, to unite our efford, while at the same time preserving our much needed individual national syndicalist views, branches and goal, to combine them into one common dream, our vision of a utopian world. The congress then decided that the Executice Committee would elect a eighteen-member bureau to run the daily affairs of the PRIINT. One of our most important main topics to dicsuss afterwards was the decision if our new states and systems should be run in a direct form of democratic representatives and elected people, or by the more direct approach via voting on certain issues directly. I knew that both versions could be used to parental guide the will and the decisions of the people to a outcome, that would benefitt the masses, that would be good for all people the same, the outcome I myself have realized would be the best. The next step was that the various Consules, Magistrates and Senatores as former independent leaders of states, parties, unions and other groups within the CNSPR would accept the documents I had sended them, including the Twenty-eight Conditions, manifested for all National Syndicalist parties. After we adopted these conditions that outlined our basic principles and ideals, making them prerequisites for any group that wished to become affiliated with our PRIINT and CNSPR in general.
It also included to distance ourself further from the failed ideas and visions of the Anarchists, Socialists and Communist, especially their failed attempts of violent uprising, including the Spartacist uprising and the Russian Civil War. It was a important decision, partly a political one to stay away from the too radical elements and to remain in open diplomatic contact with the reactionary British and French, as we needed to be their partners for now. At least until the time and circumstaces would be more in our favor, or one of the Reactionary forces like Britain, France and Russia was by internal or external crises so weakened, that a short war against one of thid reactionary states could bring victory to us and our demands, as well as bring revolution and internal change for the National Syndicalist Movement and the PRIINT into the hearts of these nations and states. But until then, even if we have trades and diplomatic deals with them, this reacionary states could and should never be trusted. The fight against them also calls for the use of their own false democratic institutions against them, by forming parties, alongside their democratic institutions, with centralist lines, where the parties, their press, propaganda and parliamentarian factions would be under direct controll of the party leadership, a leadership we would announce and even appoint if they wished to be affiliated with us and be a part of PRIINT and, or CNSPR. However, in a colonized world, were the major power of this reactionary forces came from their imperialism and colonialism, meaning that the liberation of the opressed people and civilisations who worked as their slaves would quickly bring their power and their own whole empires in he end. I believe it is poethic justice, that their reactionary, tyrannical ways fill fall victim to our liberation and enlightenment with the help of the very people these evil empires are build upon. A international united fron of our Principaists, the Peasentry and the National Citisens in the colonial countries. Therefore one of the twenty-eight conditions drafted by me on the congress mentioned that the liberation of these people and the support of democratic national syndicalist liberation movement in these colonies was one of our most important concerns.
However some National Syndicalists were still more socialist and communist then others and especially some Mecian Syndicalists and Indian Principalist Revolutionaries opposed this idea and openly advocated for a supporting National Syndicalist and even revolutionary movements in this ciuntries intead. For now we had to oppose those idea and our PRIINT and CNSPR member states (Italy, Germany, Spain, Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria, Albania, Libya and Ethiopia) had to agree to this too, as otherwise this would have driven us in direct early opposition of Britain and France, maybe even renewing their alliance and presenting as the natural ally of the Russian Tyranny, something we had to prevent for as long as possible. After all this question devided us further from the Anarchists, Socialists and Communists and even split and divided the PRIINT and the CNSPR from some of our National Syndicalist parties and groups. A split that was nessesarry, as those unwilling to follow a united, unified and strong course only would further divide our movement and it's ideals in the future, as long as it served their own selfish ideals and goals. Therefore I agitated restless to ensure all of the CNSPR states and the parties and groups or PRIINT followed the same foreing policy on this and other matters, in exchange for nagotiations and some diplomatic concessons for them in exchange. Luckily for us the support that those National Syndicalists, who had seperated from us, as well as the Communists, Socialists and Anarchists could give was insufficent for these opressed people, so their only hope was to ally and stay close to our PRIINT, hoping that the CNSPR would more openly support their struggle for independence, when the times were right for it.
- Benito Mussolini, 1 Mai 1938
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Chapter Fourteen: Taming Hitler
Chapter Fourteen: Taming Hitler
My relationship towards Adolf Hitler had been a troubled one. From his failed march on Munich it was clear that he admired my own path to power. However our similar start and ideologies soon turned into a more heated relationship, after his National Syndicalist German Workers Party (NSDAP) had taken over the Weimar Republic and turned it into the National Syndicalist German Workers Republic from 1932 to 1933. After he had cemented his power base there, Hitler looked outward, targeting the ethnic German populated lands not inside of Germany. One of these territories was the Austrian Republic where political and social tension had led to the July Revolt of 1927 , also known as the Vienna Palace of Justice fire, a major riot that had started on July 15, 1927 in the Austrian capital Vienna, culminating in police forces crushing the outraged crowd, killing 89 protesters and losing five of their policeman. Around 600 protesters and nearly the same number of policemen were injured during the riot.
However the turbulent times in Austria were not quit over yet, as the Austrian Civil War, known as Österreichischer Bürgerkrieg in German speaking regions, broke out on 12 February 1934 and lasted until the 16 February 1934. It saw clashes and skirmishes between the Socialists, Communists and Reactionary Traditionalists, starting in Linz and quickly taking over to other cities like Vienna, Graz, Bruck an der Mur, Judenburg, Wiener Neustad and Steyr, as well as some other industrial cities of central and eastern Austria. The Austrian National Syndicalist Workers Party (ANSAP) then tried their own coup d'état against the Austrosyndicalist government of the Fatherland Front led by Engelbert Dollfuß, who was killed during the so called July Putsch. Their goal was replacing the rightful Austrosyndicalist government with one that would be closer to the German NSDAP and the Austrian ANSAP, trying to create a government-coalition under Anton Rintelen from the Christian Syndicalist Party. The putsch failed, also because Italian Republican Forces along the borders had orders from me to intervene back then. I knew full well that such a coup would have led to intervention by the Reactionary forces of Britain and France, maybe even starting a war before we were prepared for it. This forces and the diplomatic warnings from our Italy and the Reactionary France convinced Hitler that it would be foolish to strike directly military and get involved further then he most likely had until then, even if he claimed otherwise. When Kurt Schuschnigg then became the new Chancellor of Austria the status quo had been nearly restored, as he had been driven closer to my Repubblica Unione Sindacalista Nazionalista Principatiste d'Italia that now served as a legitimate protector for Austrian independence.
This guarantee of independence and diplomatic support for the reinstalled Austrosyndicalist regime also served as our door opener for convincing the rest of the Balkan Nation States to become our protectorates and get absorbed into our very own sphere of influence. The failed putsch also gave me the opportunity to tie Hitler closer to myself, as his reputation while not majorly damaged, had taken some steps back. So Chancellor Hitler had to lay down for a bit and even tried to get my help, as a respected European Diplomat for his goal of a Anschluss (Annexation or Joining) of Austria with his National Syndicalist German Workers Republic as one of it's state provinces. On several diplomatic emergency meetings, I Mussolini and Hitler talked for hours desperately to prevent war on my part and to gain Austria as a part of Germany on Hitlers part. It took some time to convince him, as well as some concessions, like his position as the German Consules (Advisers) and later German Magistrates (Officials) for all German ethnic people inside the Principalist International (PRIINT), as well as his later position as the German Senatores (Senators) inside the Commonwealth of National Syndicalist Principalist Republics (CNSPR). His position as the leading spokesperson of the Germans inside the PRIINT and the CNSPR. Austrian Chancellor Schuschnigg had to be convinced to give this external diplomatic power to Chancellor Hitler in exchange for the remaining internal autonomy and independence of his Austrian member state. The even closer ties that Italy, Spain Libya and Ethiopia now formed with Germany and Austria inside the PRIINT and the SNSPR as a result of this agreement, also meant that our combined economical, diplomatic and military influence now absolutely dominated the Balkan Peninsula and would even allowed us to break apart the reactionary web of alliances that France and Russia had build there after the Second Great War to dominate Europe together.
- Benito Mussolini, 12 March 1938
My relationship towards Adolf Hitler had been a troubled one. From his failed march on Munich it was clear that he admired my own path to power. However our similar start and ideologies soon turned into a more heated relationship, after his National Syndicalist German Workers Party (NSDAP) had taken over the Weimar Republic and turned it into the National Syndicalist German Workers Republic from 1932 to 1933. After he had cemented his power base there, Hitler looked outward, targeting the ethnic German populated lands not inside of Germany. One of these territories was the Austrian Republic where political and social tension had led to the July Revolt of 1927 , also known as the Vienna Palace of Justice fire, a major riot that had started on July 15, 1927 in the Austrian capital Vienna, culminating in police forces crushing the outraged crowd, killing 89 protesters and losing five of their policeman. Around 600 protesters and nearly the same number of policemen were injured during the riot.
However the turbulent times in Austria were not quit over yet, as the Austrian Civil War, known as Österreichischer Bürgerkrieg in German speaking regions, broke out on 12 February 1934 and lasted until the 16 February 1934. It saw clashes and skirmishes between the Socialists, Communists and Reactionary Traditionalists, starting in Linz and quickly taking over to other cities like Vienna, Graz, Bruck an der Mur, Judenburg, Wiener Neustad and Steyr, as well as some other industrial cities of central and eastern Austria. The Austrian National Syndicalist Workers Party (ANSAP) then tried their own coup d'état against the Austrosyndicalist government of the Fatherland Front led by Engelbert Dollfuß, who was killed during the so called July Putsch. Their goal was replacing the rightful Austrosyndicalist government with one that would be closer to the German NSDAP and the Austrian ANSAP, trying to create a government-coalition under Anton Rintelen from the Christian Syndicalist Party. The putsch failed, also because Italian Republican Forces along the borders had orders from me to intervene back then. I knew full well that such a coup would have led to intervention by the Reactionary forces of Britain and France, maybe even starting a war before we were prepared for it. This forces and the diplomatic warnings from our Italy and the Reactionary France convinced Hitler that it would be foolish to strike directly military and get involved further then he most likely had until then, even if he claimed otherwise. When Kurt Schuschnigg then became the new Chancellor of Austria the status quo had been nearly restored, as he had been driven closer to my Repubblica Unione Sindacalista Nazionalista Principatiste d'Italia that now served as a legitimate protector for Austrian independence.
This guarantee of independence and diplomatic support for the reinstalled Austrosyndicalist regime also served as our door opener for convincing the rest of the Balkan Nation States to become our protectorates and get absorbed into our very own sphere of influence. The failed putsch also gave me the opportunity to tie Hitler closer to myself, as his reputation while not majorly damaged, had taken some steps back. So Chancellor Hitler had to lay down for a bit and even tried to get my help, as a respected European Diplomat for his goal of a Anschluss (Annexation or Joining) of Austria with his National Syndicalist German Workers Republic as one of it's state provinces. On several diplomatic emergency meetings, I Mussolini and Hitler talked for hours desperately to prevent war on my part and to gain Austria as a part of Germany on Hitlers part. It took some time to convince him, as well as some concessions, like his position as the German Consules (Advisers) and later German Magistrates (Officials) for all German ethnic people inside the Principalist International (PRIINT), as well as his later position as the German Senatores (Senators) inside the Commonwealth of National Syndicalist Principalist Republics (CNSPR). His position as the leading spokesperson of the Germans inside the PRIINT and the CNSPR. Austrian Chancellor Schuschnigg had to be convinced to give this external diplomatic power to Chancellor Hitler in exchange for the remaining internal autonomy and independence of his Austrian member state. The even closer ties that Italy, Spain Libya and Ethiopia now formed with Germany and Austria inside the PRIINT and the SNSPR as a result of this agreement, also meant that our combined economical, diplomatic and military influence now absolutely dominated the Balkan Peninsula and would even allowed us to break apart the reactionary web of alliances that France and Russia had build there after the Second Great War to dominate Europe together.
- Benito Mussolini, 12 March 1938
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Chapter Fifteen: The Balkan Situation
Chapter Fifteen: The Balkan Situation
My most conservative estimate is that we will be fully ready for a full-out war against the reactionary powers of Britain, France and Russia in 1942 to end their tyranny and opression once and for all. However until then we could use the time to even further increase the numbers and strength of the PRIINT and the CNSPR to our favor. The Balkan Peninsula, until now used by the reactionary powers France and Russia for their own networks of reactionary alliances, would be a good first step to start such a move. With Italy, Germany, Austria, Hungary and Bulgary united into a single Front, Czechoslovakia, Greece, Poland, Romania and Yugoslavia were heavily depending of our economy and trade with them as between 25 and 75% of all their imports and exports now came out of our sphere of influence. Further more we had the upper hand with the possession of the upper Danube and the possibility to build a dam there to control the river as we please. Not only that but in the last decades this nation states had abandoned the French, British and Russian system of parliamentary democratic, constitutional monarchies as they had done with the attempt to install bolshevik, communist and socialist tyrannies in those states. Now most of this nations and states had ideologies and system, much closer to our own one, making them brothers in our spirit. Further more most of this states had irredentism, the goal to annex parts of the territories of their neighbors, we could exploit. Hungary aimed for southern Slovakia, while Austria and Germany wished to carve out the Sudetenland (Bohemia and Moravia) from Czechslowakia. This combined with internal Czech and Slovak tensions and the Ukraine wish to be independent in Transcapatia made it a week target for our pressures. The same was partly true for Lithuania, Poland, Romania and Yugoslavia where Germany (Poland and Lithuania), Poland (Lithuania and Germany), Lithuania (Poland), Hungary (Romania and Yugoslavia) and Bulgaria (Romania and Yugoslavia) had ambitions of expansion and growth. It was the clear natural order, that PRIINT and SNSPR as multi-national states surpassing local nationalism and independence, could only function on the terms of clear internal ethnic borders that left no room for Irredentism and internal conflicts and fighting.
Luckily for us the reactionary powers of Britain, France and Russia, like all Imperialists were only working together when needed and showed their weaknesses in the opposing end-goals they all shared. Russia like so often wished to claim huge parts of Eastern Europe and the Balkan for their own Empire, obsessing Poland, Romania, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the process and pushing them out of a possible Franco-Russian alliance against us. France goals opposed to that focused on the goal to remain the dominant power after the Great War, opposing Germany, Italy and Spain in their rise in Western Europe, while trying to form their own alliance against us in all of Europe in a attempt to surround us with enemies. This alliance network however focused on guaranteeing independent nation in a mutual defensive alliance, directly opposing the Russian plans, goals and ambitions and vice versa thanks to that. The same was true for Britain, that tried to establish a balance-of-power in Europe, so that it could remain the tip on the scale to ensure it's own global dominance and power, knowing full well that a unified Europe against them could bring down their global Empire. This opposing goals would ultimately give us room for our very own maneuvers in a attempt to break up the French and Russian hegemony in the Balkan Peninsula and replace it with our very own. This goals however like the Spanish Civil War and Hitler's direct actions with the re-militarization of the Rhineland and the Austrian Civil War had shown, should be best pursuit with diplomacy first, backed with our strong economic and military situation in the areas for a good amount of pressure, as the danger of a too early direct confrontation with the reactionary forces of Britain, France and Russia was something I wished to avoid back then at all costs. At least until our own military build-up would be finished after 1942. In our favor was the fact that inside the CNSPR had realized the necessarily of not only a growing infrastructure and industry, but a growing population too. With 2,35 to 3,1 kids per family we are far behind compared to the numbers for our nations before the Great War from 4,3 to 4,5 kids per family but like back then when the French only had 2,9 kids per family, we still outnumber them with their 2,2 kids per family of today. This growth will guarantee our military superiority in future generations, but we have to look with concern eastwards, were Russia outnumbered our growth with 5,1 kids per family back then in a already overall massive population and still does so with their 4,38 kids per family today.
- Benito Mussolini, 17 August 1938
My most conservative estimate is that we will be fully ready for a full-out war against the reactionary powers of Britain, France and Russia in 1942 to end their tyranny and opression once and for all. However until then we could use the time to even further increase the numbers and strength of the PRIINT and the CNSPR to our favor. The Balkan Peninsula, until now used by the reactionary powers France and Russia for their own networks of reactionary alliances, would be a good first step to start such a move. With Italy, Germany, Austria, Hungary and Bulgary united into a single Front, Czechoslovakia, Greece, Poland, Romania and Yugoslavia were heavily depending of our economy and trade with them as between 25 and 75% of all their imports and exports now came out of our sphere of influence. Further more we had the upper hand with the possession of the upper Danube and the possibility to build a dam there to control the river as we please. Not only that but in the last decades this nation states had abandoned the French, British and Russian system of parliamentary democratic, constitutional monarchies as they had done with the attempt to install bolshevik, communist and socialist tyrannies in those states. Now most of this nations and states had ideologies and system, much closer to our own one, making them brothers in our spirit. Further more most of this states had irredentism, the goal to annex parts of the territories of their neighbors, we could exploit. Hungary aimed for southern Slovakia, while Austria and Germany wished to carve out the Sudetenland (Bohemia and Moravia) from Czechslowakia. This combined with internal Czech and Slovak tensions and the Ukraine wish to be independent in Transcapatia made it a week target for our pressures. The same was partly true for Lithuania, Poland, Romania and Yugoslavia where Germany (Poland and Lithuania), Poland (Lithuania and Germany), Lithuania (Poland), Hungary (Romania and Yugoslavia) and Bulgaria (Romania and Yugoslavia) had ambitions of expansion and growth. It was the clear natural order, that PRIINT and SNSPR as multi-national states surpassing local nationalism and independence, could only function on the terms of clear internal ethnic borders that left no room for Irredentism and internal conflicts and fighting.
Luckily for us the reactionary powers of Britain, France and Russia, like all Imperialists were only working together when needed and showed their weaknesses in the opposing end-goals they all shared. Russia like so often wished to claim huge parts of Eastern Europe and the Balkan for their own Empire, obsessing Poland, Romania, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the process and pushing them out of a possible Franco-Russian alliance against us. France goals opposed to that focused on the goal to remain the dominant power after the Great War, opposing Germany, Italy and Spain in their rise in Western Europe, while trying to form their own alliance against us in all of Europe in a attempt to surround us with enemies. This alliance network however focused on guaranteeing independent nation in a mutual defensive alliance, directly opposing the Russian plans, goals and ambitions and vice versa thanks to that. The same was true for Britain, that tried to establish a balance-of-power in Europe, so that it could remain the tip on the scale to ensure it's own global dominance and power, knowing full well that a unified Europe against them could bring down their global Empire. This opposing goals would ultimately give us room for our very own maneuvers in a attempt to break up the French and Russian hegemony in the Balkan Peninsula and replace it with our very own. This goals however like the Spanish Civil War and Hitler's direct actions with the re-militarization of the Rhineland and the Austrian Civil War had shown, should be best pursuit with diplomacy first, backed with our strong economic and military situation in the areas for a good amount of pressure, as the danger of a too early direct confrontation with the reactionary forces of Britain, France and Russia was something I wished to avoid back then at all costs. At least until our own military build-up would be finished after 1942. In our favor was the fact that inside the CNSPR had realized the necessarily of not only a growing infrastructure and industry, but a growing population too. With 2,35 to 3,1 kids per family we are far behind compared to the numbers for our nations before the Great War from 4,3 to 4,5 kids per family but like back then when the French only had 2,9 kids per family, we still outnumber them with their 2,2 kids per family of today. This growth will guarantee our military superiority in future generations, but we have to look with concern eastwards, were Russia outnumbered our growth with 5,1 kids per family back then in a already overall massive population and still does so with their 4,38 kids per family today.
- Benito Mussolini, 17 August 1938
Chapter Sixteen: Breaking the French and Russian Reactionary Chain in Europe
Chapter Sixteen: Breaking the French and Russian Reactionary Chain in Europe
With the Reactionary Power of France nearly surrounded by the PRIINT and the CNSPR, while Britain was not directly involved on the continent, I believed our time was right to alienate them from Europe and the Balkan Peninsula further. Luckily for us Frances network of alliances and pacts heavily relied on eastern alliances to keep down the Germans. But with the National Syndicalist German Workers Republic now a part of the PRIINT and the CNSPR, this fear was embanked as Germany did not annex or attack Austria as feared. Instead both became coexisting members of PRIINT and CNSPR, showing that there was another way then that of the radical Reactionary Powers. With such a tamed Hitler and Germany, many states in Eastern Europe and the Balkan Peninsula now were much more concerned with the Reactionary Power of Russia. The French even suggested that those states should let Russian soldiers march trough their territory to fight Germany if the need would arise. But wisely the eastern European States knew all to well from the example of Poland and others what happened once imperial Russian boots had entered the country, they would not leave anymore on their own. Therefor they denied the French and Russian suggestion of alliances or the right to march trough their nations, heavily weakening the Reactionary Powers abilities and ambitions in Central Europe and the Balkan Peninsula. All of this was mainly targeted against the Franco-Russian Treaty of Mutual Assistance from 1935, that violated the Treaty and Spirit of Locarno, to weaken the French Russian Alliance targeted against the free people and nations of Europe and the World. The support and assurance for the Austrosyndicalist government in Austria, it's guarantee of independence and diplomatic support from Germany, served the PRIINT and the CNSPR as a door opener to the rest of the Balkan Nation States. The membership of Italy, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Albania and Bulgaria inside of the PRIINT and the CNSPR gave us massive diplomatic and economical influence and even hegemony in the Balkan Peninsula, as major parts of the Danube river and their most major trade partners in Europe had become members of our great nation, alliance and ideology.
However many Balkan Peninsula states had still reactionary, monarchist and imperialist governments and ambitions in the region, even if some had embraced the national syndicalist ideals to some capacity. This combined with their own Irredentism was the perfect opportunity for me to break down the French-Russian alliance and pact network in the region and with the help of Hitler who came up with the idea of using the combined German, Austrian and Hungarian ambitions to strike against Czechoslovakia. He and I hoped that maybe even the Polish would get in on this breakup of the Czechoslovakian state. To do this, we reached out for the League of Nations, because while we despised this group of weak often reactionary, imperial global powers, their rules and morals could easily turned against them we realized. So Kurt Schuschnigg and his Austrosyndicalist government in Austria pushed forward in terms of the Sudeten Germans inside of Czechoslovakia. To do so the Sudetendeutsche Partei (Sudeten German Party) and it's paramilitary militia, the Sudetendeutsches Freikorps (Sudeten German Free Corps) increased their militant actions and political demands up to outright autonomy for their region, even if they made up a huge part in the Prague parliament with the most votes (15 percent, or 44 of 300 seats in the houses of Camber of Deputires and 22 of 150 in the Senate) while Czechoslovakia had outlawed their predecessor as a dangerous German political party and movement.
While originally Hitlers and my idea, after taming Hitler we both know, it would be important for Schuschnigg to bring forwards this demands, not from Hitler. However as Britain and France still had high diplomatic opinions of me for my negotiations with Hitler and other diplomatic actions in Europe, even if the Spanish Civil War had clearly diminished this admiration in many ways, so I offered myself as a diplomatic negotiator, while in secret we already had planned out what goals we wished to accomplish in the Czechoslovakia. It would be a first direct start to bring all of the Balkan Peninsula under our direct control inside the PRIINT and the CNSPR and a major step for our future plans at it drove a wedge right trough Europe, dividing the Reactionary Powers of France and Russia further away from another, both territorial and diplomatically. So Britain, France and Russia as Europe's major powers and guarantors of the Treaty of Versailles and the stable Peace in Europe gathered in Vienna to discuss the matter further and to prevent a new major territorial conflict and war in Europe to arise once again.
- Benito Mussolini, 14 September 1938
With the Reactionary Power of France nearly surrounded by the PRIINT and the CNSPR, while Britain was not directly involved on the continent, I believed our time was right to alienate them from Europe and the Balkan Peninsula further. Luckily for us Frances network of alliances and pacts heavily relied on eastern alliances to keep down the Germans. But with the National Syndicalist German Workers Republic now a part of the PRIINT and the CNSPR, this fear was embanked as Germany did not annex or attack Austria as feared. Instead both became coexisting members of PRIINT and CNSPR, showing that there was another way then that of the radical Reactionary Powers. With such a tamed Hitler and Germany, many states in Eastern Europe and the Balkan Peninsula now were much more concerned with the Reactionary Power of Russia. The French even suggested that those states should let Russian soldiers march trough their territory to fight Germany if the need would arise. But wisely the eastern European States knew all to well from the example of Poland and others what happened once imperial Russian boots had entered the country, they would not leave anymore on their own. Therefor they denied the French and Russian suggestion of alliances or the right to march trough their nations, heavily weakening the Reactionary Powers abilities and ambitions in Central Europe and the Balkan Peninsula. All of this was mainly targeted against the Franco-Russian Treaty of Mutual Assistance from 1935, that violated the Treaty and Spirit of Locarno, to weaken the French Russian Alliance targeted against the free people and nations of Europe and the World. The support and assurance for the Austrosyndicalist government in Austria, it's guarantee of independence and diplomatic support from Germany, served the PRIINT and the CNSPR as a door opener to the rest of the Balkan Nation States. The membership of Italy, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Albania and Bulgaria inside of the PRIINT and the CNSPR gave us massive diplomatic and economical influence and even hegemony in the Balkan Peninsula, as major parts of the Danube river and their most major trade partners in Europe had become members of our great nation, alliance and ideology.
However many Balkan Peninsula states had still reactionary, monarchist and imperialist governments and ambitions in the region, even if some had embraced the national syndicalist ideals to some capacity. This combined with their own Irredentism was the perfect opportunity for me to break down the French-Russian alliance and pact network in the region and with the help of Hitler who came up with the idea of using the combined German, Austrian and Hungarian ambitions to strike against Czechoslovakia. He and I hoped that maybe even the Polish would get in on this breakup of the Czechoslovakian state. To do this, we reached out for the League of Nations, because while we despised this group of weak often reactionary, imperial global powers, their rules and morals could easily turned against them we realized. So Kurt Schuschnigg and his Austrosyndicalist government in Austria pushed forward in terms of the Sudeten Germans inside of Czechoslovakia. To do so the Sudetendeutsche Partei (Sudeten German Party) and it's paramilitary militia, the Sudetendeutsches Freikorps (Sudeten German Free Corps) increased their militant actions and political demands up to outright autonomy for their region, even if they made up a huge part in the Prague parliament with the most votes (15 percent, or 44 of 300 seats in the houses of Camber of Deputires and 22 of 150 in the Senate) while Czechoslovakia had outlawed their predecessor as a dangerous German political party and movement.
While originally Hitlers and my idea, after taming Hitler we both know, it would be important for Schuschnigg to bring forwards this demands, not from Hitler. However as Britain and France still had high diplomatic opinions of me for my negotiations with Hitler and other diplomatic actions in Europe, even if the Spanish Civil War had clearly diminished this admiration in many ways, so I offered myself as a diplomatic negotiator, while in secret we already had planned out what goals we wished to accomplish in the Czechoslovakia. It would be a first direct start to bring all of the Balkan Peninsula under our direct control inside the PRIINT and the CNSPR and a major step for our future plans at it drove a wedge right trough Europe, dividing the Reactionary Powers of France and Russia further away from another, both territorial and diplomatically. So Britain, France and Russia as Europe's major powers and guarantors of the Treaty of Versailles and the stable Peace in Europe gathered in Vienna to discuss the matter further and to prevent a new major territorial conflict and war in Europe to arise once again.
- Benito Mussolini, 14 September 1938
Chapter Seventeen: The Vienna Agreement
Chapter Seventeen: The Vienna Agreement
To break the Dominance of the Reactionary Powers that were Britain, France and Russia, to eliminate the unfair Treaty of Versailles that secured their hegemony and rule over other European Nations, we had to implement the Lessons learned during the Spanish Civil War; that internal weakness and differences can bring even modern nations and states to their knees. Luckily for the PRIINT and the CNSPR their very own treaty was what would be the undoing of their power and hegemony, as the Reactionary Powers as this justice made by the winners was neither fair, just nor objective in any way or form. While they had forced Germany, Austria and Hungary to accept the independence movements and wishes of their internal minorities, the same Reactionary Powers denied those rights to their own minorities, both inside their Colonies and in Europe themselves. This Hypocrite act could be seen from Ireland to India, from Brittany/ Bretagne to Algeria, from Finnland, over the Ukraine to Mongolia. Everywhere this Reactionary Powers ruled the promises and rules they enforced on others did not count for themselves and the world was about to learn that.
Now their own Treaty of Versailles and the values and rules implemented there would become their undoing as Hitler, Kurt Schuschnigg and I had crafted a plan to use the Irredentism and unsettled border and ethnic disputes in Europe for our own goals and ambitions. Using German propaganda, weapons and support, the Sudetendeutsche Partei (Sudeten German Party) under Konrad Henelein and it's paramilitary militia, the Sudetendeutsches Freikorps (Sudeten German Free Corps) increased internal ethnic tensions inside of Czechoslovakia to a nearly civil war level. Killings and kidnapping of Czechs by those forces occurred nearly daily to increase the tension and our combined press spotlighted the Czechs as the aggressors, while we portrayed the Sudeten Germans as their victims and a oppressed minority. So Adolf Hitler, Kurt Schuschnigg, I Mussolini, Hungarian Prime Minister Miklós Kállay, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, French Prime Minister Édouard Daladier and Russian Prime Minister Pavel Nikolayevich Milyukov meat in Vienna to discuss the local crisis in Central Europe to “secure the peace” in a attempt to prevent a new major territorial conflict in the heart of Europe.
Unknown to Britain, France and Russia however we as member states of the PRIINT and the CNSPR had secretly discussed a common strategy for the diplomatic meeting. This way we had common goals and could influence the Reactionary Powers Block, even if it looked like we all were nagotiationg for our own terms and goals. This way we could split up the divided Front of the Reactionary Powers thanks to their own opposing goals and ambitions for the first time. To do so we used the claims that the German and Hungarian minorities were mistreated and oppressed under the Czechoslovakian government, while the Czechoslovakians did not even get invited to defend themselves. Russia as a ally to both France and Czechoslovakia could not deny these national minority and independence rights without causing tensions inside it's own borders, protectorates and depending states that feared a comeback of more direct Russian Imperial control ever since the End of the Great War. France could not outright deny such rights as well as they had regained Alsace-Lorraine because they had claimed the same for the French living under the German Empire there. However at the same time the French had fear of a similar German claim on the majorly German settled regions there and in the rest of Europe, fearing a German return to become a major or even hegemonic power in Europe again. At the same time the French feared similar independence or autonomy claims by the Breton population in Brittany and in it's colonies. Luckily thanks to our spies inside some national syndicalist french parties and groups, we knew that France was not ready for war yet and would not risk a war without support from either Britain or Russia. Britain meanwhile was trying a policy known as appeasement, as they themselves were not ready for war either and needed time to prepare similar to France. To buy this time, they were able to sacrifice some things in return. There was also the reason that some British feared a possible French hegemony over much of Europe that would just interchange with the former German one and could possibly one day turn against them too, so they wished to limit French ambitions and plans while playing all other powers against one another. Still there were also those British politicians, parties and civilians that feared our PRIINT and CNSPR ambitions and hegemony inside of Europe instead, or even the Russian one.
To solve this crisis, Kurt Schuschnigg presented a solution that would prevent a further German expansion by integrating the ethnic Sudeten German territories into Austria, while the Hungarians claimed the ethnic Hungarian territories into Hungary. To prevent a war, Britain, France and Russia, outplayed against one another forced the Czechoslovak government to accept the Vienna Agreement and cede the Sudetenland to Germany as well as the southern third of Slovakia to Hungary. The agreement signed on 29 October 1938 by Britain, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy and Russia and negotiated without the Czechoslovak participation was meant to secure Peace in Europe for our Time. Thanks to the Agreement the Škoda Works near Pilsen, Czechoslovakia's primary armaments factory, as well as most of their border fortifications, much of their industry and population ended up inside of the PRIINT and the CNSPR. Millions of citizens were lost to Czechoslovakia, while at the same time a newly formed Slovak Republic (Slovak: Slovenská republika), otherwise known as the Slovak State (Slovak: Slovenský štát) under Jozef Tiso and the Slovak People's Party declared the independence of Slovakia from Czechoslovakia and their autonomy as a independent state in December, encouraged by our diplomats and quickly joined the PRIINT and the CNSPR itself.
Czech and Slovaks (as well as Poland who feared to be next) had felt betrayed by the Reactionary Powers of the United Kingdom, France and Russia after the Vienna Agreement. They felt as if they were thrown under the bus for the Reactionary Powers diplomatic and political ambitions, while at the same time our PRIINT and CNSPR surrounding of their territories combined with our economical and military dominance and the fact that Britain, France and Russia did not seam to stay to their guarantees for their independence, helped us to integrate them into our very own network of alliances after breaking the chain of the French-Russian one. This way we managed to get them into our boat with a defensive pact and guarantees of independence against Russia, a treaty also meant to lure Poland into our faction in the future. At the same time we guaranteed their remaining national borders and accepted their own claims on territory outside of the PRIINT and the CNSPR. When shortly after the Carpatian Ruthenian, Carpatho-Ukraine or Zakarpattia declared independence too, we immediately offered them protection and membership inside the PRIINT and the CNSPR, as the small depending Ukrainian nation state was ideal to swing Polish and Ukrainian popular opinion into our favor and against Russia in the future. The Czech Republic, now alone, weakened and surrounded had to accept our terms too and was quickly “secured” by our PRIINT and CNSPR forces after signing a agreement to join our cause. With one single Agreement in Vienna the Balkan had switched from a bulwark against us into a concentration area for our forces against the Reactionary Powers. What has worked like a charm before could work again and so on my way back to Rome, I stopped in Zagreb and Sarajevo, supporting a local Croatian Independence movement know as Ustashe under Ante Pavelić, a Croatian general with my rhetoric and diplomacy. The message to Yugoslavia and Romania was clear, Czechoslovakia was finished, you two would be next. I knew that a divided and internally split Yugoslavia and Romania would be way to weakened to withstand our ambitions on the Balkan Peninsula and that soon they all were members of the PRIINT and CNSPR, one way or another. France and Britain meanwhile I believed would be best distracted by supporting some of the colonial independence movements in their states with money, propaganda and weapons for now.
- Benito Mussolini, 29 October 1938
To break the Dominance of the Reactionary Powers that were Britain, France and Russia, to eliminate the unfair Treaty of Versailles that secured their hegemony and rule over other European Nations, we had to implement the Lessons learned during the Spanish Civil War; that internal weakness and differences can bring even modern nations and states to their knees. Luckily for the PRIINT and the CNSPR their very own treaty was what would be the undoing of their power and hegemony, as the Reactionary Powers as this justice made by the winners was neither fair, just nor objective in any way or form. While they had forced Germany, Austria and Hungary to accept the independence movements and wishes of their internal minorities, the same Reactionary Powers denied those rights to their own minorities, both inside their Colonies and in Europe themselves. This Hypocrite act could be seen from Ireland to India, from Brittany/ Bretagne to Algeria, from Finnland, over the Ukraine to Mongolia. Everywhere this Reactionary Powers ruled the promises and rules they enforced on others did not count for themselves and the world was about to learn that.
Now their own Treaty of Versailles and the values and rules implemented there would become their undoing as Hitler, Kurt Schuschnigg and I had crafted a plan to use the Irredentism and unsettled border and ethnic disputes in Europe for our own goals and ambitions. Using German propaganda, weapons and support, the Sudetendeutsche Partei (Sudeten German Party) under Konrad Henelein and it's paramilitary militia, the Sudetendeutsches Freikorps (Sudeten German Free Corps) increased internal ethnic tensions inside of Czechoslovakia to a nearly civil war level. Killings and kidnapping of Czechs by those forces occurred nearly daily to increase the tension and our combined press spotlighted the Czechs as the aggressors, while we portrayed the Sudeten Germans as their victims and a oppressed minority. So Adolf Hitler, Kurt Schuschnigg, I Mussolini, Hungarian Prime Minister Miklós Kállay, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, French Prime Minister Édouard Daladier and Russian Prime Minister Pavel Nikolayevich Milyukov meat in Vienna to discuss the local crisis in Central Europe to “secure the peace” in a attempt to prevent a new major territorial conflict in the heart of Europe.
Unknown to Britain, France and Russia however we as member states of the PRIINT and the CNSPR had secretly discussed a common strategy for the diplomatic meeting. This way we had common goals and could influence the Reactionary Powers Block, even if it looked like we all were nagotiationg for our own terms and goals. This way we could split up the divided Front of the Reactionary Powers thanks to their own opposing goals and ambitions for the first time. To do so we used the claims that the German and Hungarian minorities were mistreated and oppressed under the Czechoslovakian government, while the Czechoslovakians did not even get invited to defend themselves. Russia as a ally to both France and Czechoslovakia could not deny these national minority and independence rights without causing tensions inside it's own borders, protectorates and depending states that feared a comeback of more direct Russian Imperial control ever since the End of the Great War. France could not outright deny such rights as well as they had regained Alsace-Lorraine because they had claimed the same for the French living under the German Empire there. However at the same time the French had fear of a similar German claim on the majorly German settled regions there and in the rest of Europe, fearing a German return to become a major or even hegemonic power in Europe again. At the same time the French feared similar independence or autonomy claims by the Breton population in Brittany and in it's colonies. Luckily thanks to our spies inside some national syndicalist french parties and groups, we knew that France was not ready for war yet and would not risk a war without support from either Britain or Russia. Britain meanwhile was trying a policy known as appeasement, as they themselves were not ready for war either and needed time to prepare similar to France. To buy this time, they were able to sacrifice some things in return. There was also the reason that some British feared a possible French hegemony over much of Europe that would just interchange with the former German one and could possibly one day turn against them too, so they wished to limit French ambitions and plans while playing all other powers against one another. Still there were also those British politicians, parties and civilians that feared our PRIINT and CNSPR ambitions and hegemony inside of Europe instead, or even the Russian one.
To solve this crisis, Kurt Schuschnigg presented a solution that would prevent a further German expansion by integrating the ethnic Sudeten German territories into Austria, while the Hungarians claimed the ethnic Hungarian territories into Hungary. To prevent a war, Britain, France and Russia, outplayed against one another forced the Czechoslovak government to accept the Vienna Agreement and cede the Sudetenland to Germany as well as the southern third of Slovakia to Hungary. The agreement signed on 29 October 1938 by Britain, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy and Russia and negotiated without the Czechoslovak participation was meant to secure Peace in Europe for our Time. Thanks to the Agreement the Škoda Works near Pilsen, Czechoslovakia's primary armaments factory, as well as most of their border fortifications, much of their industry and population ended up inside of the PRIINT and the CNSPR. Millions of citizens were lost to Czechoslovakia, while at the same time a newly formed Slovak Republic (Slovak: Slovenská republika), otherwise known as the Slovak State (Slovak: Slovenský štát) under Jozef Tiso and the Slovak People's Party declared the independence of Slovakia from Czechoslovakia and their autonomy as a independent state in December, encouraged by our diplomats and quickly joined the PRIINT and the CNSPR itself.
Czech and Slovaks (as well as Poland who feared to be next) had felt betrayed by the Reactionary Powers of the United Kingdom, France and Russia after the Vienna Agreement. They felt as if they were thrown under the bus for the Reactionary Powers diplomatic and political ambitions, while at the same time our PRIINT and CNSPR surrounding of their territories combined with our economical and military dominance and the fact that Britain, France and Russia did not seam to stay to their guarantees for their independence, helped us to integrate them into our very own network of alliances after breaking the chain of the French-Russian one. This way we managed to get them into our boat with a defensive pact and guarantees of independence against Russia, a treaty also meant to lure Poland into our faction in the future. At the same time we guaranteed their remaining national borders and accepted their own claims on territory outside of the PRIINT and the CNSPR. When shortly after the Carpatian Ruthenian, Carpatho-Ukraine or Zakarpattia declared independence too, we immediately offered them protection and membership inside the PRIINT and the CNSPR, as the small depending Ukrainian nation state was ideal to swing Polish and Ukrainian popular opinion into our favor and against Russia in the future. The Czech Republic, now alone, weakened and surrounded had to accept our terms too and was quickly “secured” by our PRIINT and CNSPR forces after signing a agreement to join our cause. With one single Agreement in Vienna the Balkan had switched from a bulwark against us into a concentration area for our forces against the Reactionary Powers. What has worked like a charm before could work again and so on my way back to Rome, I stopped in Zagreb and Sarajevo, supporting a local Croatian Independence movement know as Ustashe under Ante Pavelić, a Croatian general with my rhetoric and diplomacy. The message to Yugoslavia and Romania was clear, Czechoslovakia was finished, you two would be next. I knew that a divided and internally split Yugoslavia and Romania would be way to weakened to withstand our ambitions on the Balkan Peninsula and that soon they all were members of the PRIINT and CNSPR, one way or another. France and Britain meanwhile I believed would be best distracted by supporting some of the colonial independence movements in their states with money, propaganda and weapons for now.
- Benito Mussolini, 29 October 1938
Chapter Eighteen: French National Syndicalism and the Collapse of the French Government Coalition
Chapter Eighteen: French National Syndicalism and the Collapse of the French Government Coalition
I knew that the French Reactionaries would not allow for our little game in the Balkans to unfold, but luckily the so called Popular Front ruled in France. They had won the 1934 election that brought Blum to power as France's Prime Minister, a member of the French Section of the Principalist International (SFIP) after a coalition with the French Section of the Syndicalist International (SFIS), the progressive Radical-Syndicalist Republican Party (RSF) and the French Principalist Party (PPF) had joined together in a Popular Front. For the First time in French history our brothers and sisters had more votes then the Democratic Alliance and the Republican Federation that had follen to the liberal Orléanists and Catholics, that had turned into the largest conservative reactionary party after the Great War. Devided over wich side they should support in the Spanish Civil War and their economic policy, that lead to the collapse of their coalition government, thereby internally weakening the French Reactionary State as a whole. Breaking from this government coalition, the Workers and Peasants' Syndicalist Party (Parti syndicale ouvrier et paysan, PSOP) under our Principalist Brother Marceau Pivert, who on benefit of the workers and the normal man argued that another war in Europe would only benefit the Reactionary Leadership with their authoritarian rule, their military and industrial complex, while the poor man would suffer for it as a soldier on the fronts. This left the French Third Republic to fall apart internally, now This lead to the rise of a third political faction, where the French Principalist Party (PPF) allied with the French Section of the Principalist International (SFIP), as the largest syndicalist nationalist principalist coalition and faction (207 seats of 608 total seats available) against the center-democratic-liberal coalition faction that the Radical-Syndicalist Republican Party (RSF) had joined after the collaps of the government as the second coalition faction (187 seats of 608 total seats available), while the reactionary-conservative-aristrocratic coalition faction (214 seats of 608 total seats available)of the Democratic Alliance and the Republican Federation formed the third major block.
Instead of joining the reactionary-conservative-aristrocratic coalition factions and parts of the center-democratic-liberal coalition faction call for a strong opposition against our PRIINT and CNSPR, our Principalist Brother Marceau Pivert as a third force instead propoced a Europe of Peace and Coexisting, spending the governments money on a French syndicalist national welfare state and the French population instead of increasing the French military of allready massively costly defence structures like the Maginot Line. To do so Marceau Pivert called for the trade unions and syndicalist national groups and parties to start mass demonstrations, worker strikes and other forms of civil unrest to show the French government and the reactionary forces, that they meant buisness, that they wished for their voice of peace to be heard and not ignored. Hitler and I did our best to supply these internal French factions with money, propaganda and even paramilitary training when they visited Germany, Italy or Spain. All of this was important to maybe manage to change France from the block of Reactionary Powers into ours, or at least prevent them from interfearing directly once we would strike directly to secure the Balkan Peninsula. As shown by the Japanese actions into China, the League of Nations did only protest or threaten economic sanctions but not act upon it's words to enforce anything seriousness. The British, French and Russian Reactionary Powers however had shown in Spain that they were willing to commit at least some form of direct support and even forces to oppose us, so that possibility had to be included into our plans for Romania and Yugoslavia.
- Benito Mussolini, 15 November 1938
I knew that the French Reactionaries would not allow for our little game in the Balkans to unfold, but luckily the so called Popular Front ruled in France. They had won the 1934 election that brought Blum to power as France's Prime Minister, a member of the French Section of the Principalist International (SFIP) after a coalition with the French Section of the Syndicalist International (SFIS), the progressive Radical-Syndicalist Republican Party (RSF) and the French Principalist Party (PPF) had joined together in a Popular Front. For the First time in French history our brothers and sisters had more votes then the Democratic Alliance and the Republican Federation that had follen to the liberal Orléanists and Catholics, that had turned into the largest conservative reactionary party after the Great War. Devided over wich side they should support in the Spanish Civil War and their economic policy, that lead to the collapse of their coalition government, thereby internally weakening the French Reactionary State as a whole. Breaking from this government coalition, the Workers and Peasants' Syndicalist Party (Parti syndicale ouvrier et paysan, PSOP) under our Principalist Brother Marceau Pivert, who on benefit of the workers and the normal man argued that another war in Europe would only benefit the Reactionary Leadership with their authoritarian rule, their military and industrial complex, while the poor man would suffer for it as a soldier on the fronts. This left the French Third Republic to fall apart internally, now This lead to the rise of a third political faction, where the French Principalist Party (PPF) allied with the French Section of the Principalist International (SFIP), as the largest syndicalist nationalist principalist coalition and faction (207 seats of 608 total seats available) against the center-democratic-liberal coalition faction that the Radical-Syndicalist Republican Party (RSF) had joined after the collaps of the government as the second coalition faction (187 seats of 608 total seats available), while the reactionary-conservative-aristrocratic coalition faction (214 seats of 608 total seats available)of the Democratic Alliance and the Republican Federation formed the third major block.
Instead of joining the reactionary-conservative-aristrocratic coalition factions and parts of the center-democratic-liberal coalition faction call for a strong opposition against our PRIINT and CNSPR, our Principalist Brother Marceau Pivert as a third force instead propoced a Europe of Peace and Coexisting, spending the governments money on a French syndicalist national welfare state and the French population instead of increasing the French military of allready massively costly defence structures like the Maginot Line. To do so Marceau Pivert called for the trade unions and syndicalist national groups and parties to start mass demonstrations, worker strikes and other forms of civil unrest to show the French government and the reactionary forces, that they meant buisness, that they wished for their voice of peace to be heard and not ignored. Hitler and I did our best to supply these internal French factions with money, propaganda and even paramilitary training when they visited Germany, Italy or Spain. All of this was important to maybe manage to change France from the block of Reactionary Powers into ours, or at least prevent them from interfearing directly once we would strike directly to secure the Balkan Peninsula. As shown by the Japanese actions into China, the League of Nations did only protest or threaten economic sanctions but not act upon it's words to enforce anything seriousness. The British, French and Russian Reactionary Powers however had shown in Spain that they were willing to commit at least some form of direct support and even forces to oppose us, so that possibility had to be included into our plans for Romania and Yugoslavia.
- Benito Mussolini, 15 November 1938
Chapter Nineteen: Croatian Chaos
Chapter Nineteen: Croatian Chaos
While we had given Ethiopia coastal provinces and modernization for them to join our PRIINT and CNSPR, the situation in Yugoslavia needed a completely different approach. A bigger multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-national state had to be broken up into it's individual parts for us to conquer and dominate them finally. The best way to do so was the shared Catholicism of the Italian and Spanish people and that of the Croatian Independence Movement, the Ustashe under the Croatian General Ante Pavelić gained for more autonomy and independence. They were closer to us then the Orthodox Serbs, even if I disliked using religion to archive this goal. But religion was like race, nationalism and class, a means to rally people behind a single banner to oppose people standing under a different one. Whenever it would please us National Syndicalists we would use this to split our opposition, while we themselves would burn all those flags and banners to unify all people under our very own one instead. Offering our support for the Croatian Independence Movement in the League of Nations and calling for a local vote so the Croatians could decide their fate for themselves, some in the League of Nations were open for such ideas as they upheld the very foundations the League was build on. Like so often it showed once more that Democracies were weak and could beaten with their own ideology from within. At the same time Yugoslavia would never give into such a vote, at least not without rigging it, as they knew the outcome of such a popular vote in Croatia. They tried to upheld a all-Yugoslavian vote fro remaining a unified multi-ethnic state instead, but then Hitler intervened, saying that if Serbia could decide for the Serbians even living in other non-Serbian dominated Yugoslav provinces in a Serbian Nation State that they had archived to unify after the Great War, the German people should be allowed to vote if they wished to return to Germany too. This meant clearly a aggressive stand against Poland and France mainly, were German minorities close to the border were very pro-German and wished to return into the greater German Nation. Clearly now Poland and France backed down, not wanting to create a incident in the League of Nations that could soon turn against their very own states.
All of this only gave us more hope that my proposal would be denied by the overall League of Nations, not only Yugoslavia and therefore allowed me and Pavelić to blame them to deny the self-determination of ethnic groups against a foreign oppressor, the very thing the League of Nations had been founded around. With Yugoslavia as the scapegoat now Hitler and I secretly armed the Ustashe for a military uprising, to further increase the flames of the situation. In Hungary Miklós Horthy quickly got the idea and did the same for Hungarian minority regions inside Romania, supporting them with propaganda and smuggled weapons. The destabilization of these Balkan States however was a dangerous game too, as the reactionary Russian Empire would clearly try to rise it's pan-Slavic rhetoric in such a chase once again. In Austria Kurt Schuschnigg supported by Hitler and Horthy had before done the same to German and Hungarian minorities in Czechoslovakia with a similar attempt. All three of our remaining enemies in the Balkan Peninsula Yugoslavia and Romania could be massively weakened, like seen in Czechoslovakia before, by this armed uprisings, even if they did not break out into full civil wars in the area. It was also most likely that the reactionary powers of Britain and France would not intervene in such internal struggles in these countries. However we could not be sure about the same for the Russian Empire, lead by the reactionary White Russian Military Junta. Especially in the situation of Romania the danger of a direct Russian military intervention was imminent and therefore we had to play it more saver in this areas, so that we would not be dragged into a early war against the Russian Empire and the other reactionary powers because of it, as we were even with Russia still lacking behind in terms of industry and military modernization not yet ready and should avoid doing so because of it.
- Benito Mussolini, 21 January 1939
While we had given Ethiopia coastal provinces and modernization for them to join our PRIINT and CNSPR, the situation in Yugoslavia needed a completely different approach. A bigger multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-national state had to be broken up into it's individual parts for us to conquer and dominate them finally. The best way to do so was the shared Catholicism of the Italian and Spanish people and that of the Croatian Independence Movement, the Ustashe under the Croatian General Ante Pavelić gained for more autonomy and independence. They were closer to us then the Orthodox Serbs, even if I disliked using religion to archive this goal. But religion was like race, nationalism and class, a means to rally people behind a single banner to oppose people standing under a different one. Whenever it would please us National Syndicalists we would use this to split our opposition, while we themselves would burn all those flags and banners to unify all people under our very own one instead. Offering our support for the Croatian Independence Movement in the League of Nations and calling for a local vote so the Croatians could decide their fate for themselves, some in the League of Nations were open for such ideas as they upheld the very foundations the League was build on. Like so often it showed once more that Democracies were weak and could beaten with their own ideology from within. At the same time Yugoslavia would never give into such a vote, at least not without rigging it, as they knew the outcome of such a popular vote in Croatia. They tried to upheld a all-Yugoslavian vote fro remaining a unified multi-ethnic state instead, but then Hitler intervened, saying that if Serbia could decide for the Serbians even living in other non-Serbian dominated Yugoslav provinces in a Serbian Nation State that they had archived to unify after the Great War, the German people should be allowed to vote if they wished to return to Germany too. This meant clearly a aggressive stand against Poland and France mainly, were German minorities close to the border were very pro-German and wished to return into the greater German Nation. Clearly now Poland and France backed down, not wanting to create a incident in the League of Nations that could soon turn against their very own states.
All of this only gave us more hope that my proposal would be denied by the overall League of Nations, not only Yugoslavia and therefore allowed me and Pavelić to blame them to deny the self-determination of ethnic groups against a foreign oppressor, the very thing the League of Nations had been founded around. With Yugoslavia as the scapegoat now Hitler and I secretly armed the Ustashe for a military uprising, to further increase the flames of the situation. In Hungary Miklós Horthy quickly got the idea and did the same for Hungarian minority regions inside Romania, supporting them with propaganda and smuggled weapons. The destabilization of these Balkan States however was a dangerous game too, as the reactionary Russian Empire would clearly try to rise it's pan-Slavic rhetoric in such a chase once again. In Austria Kurt Schuschnigg supported by Hitler and Horthy had before done the same to German and Hungarian minorities in Czechoslovakia with a similar attempt. All three of our remaining enemies in the Balkan Peninsula Yugoslavia and Romania could be massively weakened, like seen in Czechoslovakia before, by this armed uprisings, even if they did not break out into full civil wars in the area. It was also most likely that the reactionary powers of Britain and France would not intervene in such internal struggles in these countries. However we could not be sure about the same for the Russian Empire, lead by the reactionary White Russian Military Junta. Especially in the situation of Romania the danger of a direct Russian military intervention was imminent and therefore we had to play it more saver in this areas, so that we would not be dragged into a early war against the Russian Empire and the other reactionary powers because of it, as we were even with Russia still lacking behind in terms of industry and military modernization not yet ready and should avoid doing so because of it.
- Benito Mussolini, 21 January 1939
Chapter Twenty: The Balkan in Flames
Chapter Twenty: The Balkan in Flames
coming soon...
- Benito Mussolini, 18 February 1939
coming soon...
- Benito Mussolini, 18 February 1939
Chapter Twenty: The Balkan in Flames
Chapter Twenty: The Balkan in Flames
Resentment turned into protests, protest turned into riots and riots turned into open uprisings. The Balkans were once again a powder keg, maybe once again ignite all of Europe with them, if we did not play it safely. The uprisings in Yugoslavia and Romania clearly became like regional civil wars, but those in Yugoslavia were easily to supply from Italy, Austria and Hungary, while the uprising in Romania was mostly supported by Hungary and Bulgaria, meaning that they were less easier to supply and much more badly equipped in comparison to those in Yugoslavia overall. At the same time I reassured the Romanian government that they would support them against any form of foreign and internal aggression and threat, while secretly supporting the Hungarian rebels inside their state. This and the Romanians own denial of any Russian forces to march trough their territory in fear of annexing Romanian border regions once again, or even integrate the whole country into the Russian Empire therefore played into our hands massively. Thanks to that the Romanians were on their own with their internal uprising with the Russians not allowed to intervene and the British or French even if they changed their minds not able to as they had to either pass trough PRIINT and CNSPR territory, or bypass the Bosporos, needing Turkish allowance to do so. Overall it was a diplomatic and negotiation mess playing right into out hands, mainly because the reactionary fools played by their own stupid rules and laws while we did not. Their own foolish, nearly religious fanaticism to obey to their outdated structures and aristocratic hierarchies would in the End be their very own downfall. The supply of these rebellious groups would become our first test, a very first lesson teaching us what we would later implement all across the world against the reactionary powers and their colonial holdings. Yugoslavia quickly mobilized his armed forces and formed a Serbian militia to protect it's ethnic Serbian people from the raids and massacres of the Ustashe, who sadly showed to much aggression and brutality, quickly turning public opinion in Europe against their just cause.
It was then that we used our previous agreement of some German fighters and bombers shipped to the Yugoslavian army as our means to further escalate the conflict and intervene directly. Hitler and his German military leaders had come up with the idea to simply repaint some of their remaining fighters and bombers of the same type in the Yugoslavian force colors, sometimes adding symbols and insignia's of the uprisings Ustashe to pretend these fighters and bombers had been overtaken by the Croatian rebels. It allowed us to massively bomb and weaken Yugoslav Serbian counter-operations against these rebels, while at the same time denying any involvement as these forces clearly showed that they had been captured and used by the Ustashe. The Bosnian Legion as it was called was then formed out of Italians, German, Hungarian, Bulgarian and Albanian professional soldiers, all in civil acting as if they had come from one of this ethnic groups living within the Yugoslavian border. Parts of them, like our fighters and bombers directly supported the Ustashe in fighting operations, others tried to start their own ethnic, anti-Yugoslav and anti-Serbian uprising in the respected other border regions and provinces of Serbia, causing further trouble as some of these ethnic German, Hungarian, Bulgarian, Italian or Albanian cities and towns there joined their cause and formed more ethnic uprisings then just that of the Croatian rebellion. Yugoslavia it looked like was splitting apart in a civil war and the Serbs felt surrounded once again by all sides. Caught in the middle of all this chaos and destruction of the Yugoslavian Civil War were the Mohammedans in Bosnia, who depending on the promises given to them by either side fought for all factions in various shifting alliances, sometimes even against one another. The situation in Romania meanwhile was not as simply as that in Yugoslavia. While Hungarian, Bulgarian, Ruthenians (Ukrainians, Poles and White Russians) along German minorities started to riot, they were soon not alone in their anti-Romanian uprisings, as other rebellious groups were supported and supplied by Russia, mainly the Russian and Serbian ones, while Turkish minorities fought mostly on their own, even if the Turkish Republic supported them from time to time.
- Benito Mussolini, 18 February 1939
Resentment turned into protests, protest turned into riots and riots turned into open uprisings. The Balkans were once again a powder keg, maybe once again ignite all of Europe with them, if we did not play it safely. The uprisings in Yugoslavia and Romania clearly became like regional civil wars, but those in Yugoslavia were easily to supply from Italy, Austria and Hungary, while the uprising in Romania was mostly supported by Hungary and Bulgaria, meaning that they were less easier to supply and much more badly equipped in comparison to those in Yugoslavia overall. At the same time I reassured the Romanian government that they would support them against any form of foreign and internal aggression and threat, while secretly supporting the Hungarian rebels inside their state. This and the Romanians own denial of any Russian forces to march trough their territory in fear of annexing Romanian border regions once again, or even integrate the whole country into the Russian Empire therefore played into our hands massively. Thanks to that the Romanians were on their own with their internal uprising with the Russians not allowed to intervene and the British or French even if they changed their minds not able to as they had to either pass trough PRIINT and CNSPR territory, or bypass the Bosporos, needing Turkish allowance to do so. Overall it was a diplomatic and negotiation mess playing right into out hands, mainly because the reactionary fools played by their own stupid rules and laws while we did not. Their own foolish, nearly religious fanaticism to obey to their outdated structures and aristocratic hierarchies would in the End be their very own downfall. The supply of these rebellious groups would become our first test, a very first lesson teaching us what we would later implement all across the world against the reactionary powers and their colonial holdings. Yugoslavia quickly mobilized his armed forces and formed a Serbian militia to protect it's ethnic Serbian people from the raids and massacres of the Ustashe, who sadly showed to much aggression and brutality, quickly turning public opinion in Europe against their just cause.
It was then that we used our previous agreement of some German fighters and bombers shipped to the Yugoslavian army as our means to further escalate the conflict and intervene directly. Hitler and his German military leaders had come up with the idea to simply repaint some of their remaining fighters and bombers of the same type in the Yugoslavian force colors, sometimes adding symbols and insignia's of the uprisings Ustashe to pretend these fighters and bombers had been overtaken by the Croatian rebels. It allowed us to massively bomb and weaken Yugoslav Serbian counter-operations against these rebels, while at the same time denying any involvement as these forces clearly showed that they had been captured and used by the Ustashe. The Bosnian Legion as it was called was then formed out of Italians, German, Hungarian, Bulgarian and Albanian professional soldiers, all in civil acting as if they had come from one of this ethnic groups living within the Yugoslavian border. Parts of them, like our fighters and bombers directly supported the Ustashe in fighting operations, others tried to start their own ethnic, anti-Yugoslav and anti-Serbian uprising in the respected other border regions and provinces of Serbia, causing further trouble as some of these ethnic German, Hungarian, Bulgarian, Italian or Albanian cities and towns there joined their cause and formed more ethnic uprisings then just that of the Croatian rebellion. Yugoslavia it looked like was splitting apart in a civil war and the Serbs felt surrounded once again by all sides. Caught in the middle of all this chaos and destruction of the Yugoslavian Civil War were the Mohammedans in Bosnia, who depending on the promises given to them by either side fought for all factions in various shifting alliances, sometimes even against one another. The situation in Romania meanwhile was not as simply as that in Yugoslavia. While Hungarian, Bulgarian, Ruthenians (Ukrainians, Poles and White Russians) along German minorities started to riot, they were soon not alone in their anti-Romanian uprisings, as other rebellious groups were supported and supplied by Russia, mainly the Russian and Serbian ones, while Turkish minorities fought mostly on their own, even if the Turkish Republic supported them from time to time.
- Benito Mussolini, 18 February 1939