Beauty Beyond The Senses: Heston in the White House

[Gorrister]

Statement by Charlton Heston on the Joey Bishop Show - 6/19/1968 (OTL)

"This bill is no mystery. Let’s be clear about it. Its purpose is simple and direct. It is not to deprive the sportsman of his hunting gun, the marksman of his target rifle, nor would it deny to any responsible citizen his constitutional right to own a firearm. It is to prevent the murder of Americans."

Excerpt from Riding the Chariot by Charlton Heston - released 1996

1968 was a turbulent year for many American citizens. Leaving aside the riots at that year's Democratic convention, spurred by the anti-war movement - the assassinations of men like Martin Luther King Junior and Robert F. Kennedy showed just how damn fractured our country was becoming. Action was desired, not only by those in Hollywood and D.C., but also by those on the streets who simply wanted a return to calm. As for me, I was taking time to campaign with my colleagues Jimmy Stewart and Kirk Douglas for the passage of an essential Gun Control Act. In the process, I had become acquaintances with Tom Laughlin, chairman of the TTARGC (Ten Thousand Americans for Responsible Gun Control) group. He knew he could count on me as an ally, even as others let the issue fall by the wayside.

One day in particular I still remember vividly. I had been resting at home, when the phone rang. It was Laughlin. "Chuck, we've got a little TV spot for the bill coming up, and we'd love to have you there." I had to ponder the meaning of this for a short while. I have not been a stranger to activist causes by any means, but it was not in such a direct way. My consideration took a week before I got back to Laughlin. I suppose I did it out of a sense of obligation - I wanted to show that I had meant something through my words, and that I could contribute to the cause in some way. Laughlin was exceedingly happy to have me on board, and the filming would commence shortly. It wasn't very long - clocking in at a mere 60 seconds - and I would be reading from the same simple lines that I had read before, about how the bill was to prevent the murder of Americans on city streets. Nonetheless, the group had appreciated it. It was not to be my last foray into politics.

Entertainment Weekly Article - 3/3/2002

DID YOU KNOW?

A sequel to the famed 1968 Franklin Schafer production Planet of the Apes, starring Roddy McDowall and future president Charlton Heston, was mooted to arrive in the year 1970, having been in development following the release of the original under the working title Planet of the Apes Revisited. 20th Century Fox were more than willing to make another in order to cash in on the success of its predecessor, and numerous script treatments were tested during the short development period. One from Rod Serling had been submitted, which featured Heston's character George Taylor gunned down by a gorilla sniper at the Statue of Liberty's base. Another, from the author of the source novel Pierre Bouille, was rejected. Instead, Paul Dehn, the co-writer of the Bond flick Goldfinger, was brought onboard to write the script. Heston himself was still unwilling to reappear as Taylor.

February '69 would bring bad news that would eventually finish the film's prospects for good. An electrical fire broke out in Dehn's Manchester home, destroying the copy of the screenplay before it was handed out to Fox. Dehn's notes had also been wrecked in the fire, and as he was busy repairing his abode, he had little time to write another screenplay before executives got nervous, which they most certainly did. Chief Richard Zanuck, who was keen on the film, was fired in March as he presided over what was seen as a money sink by the board. With McDowell and Heston rejected calls for them to take roles in the film, with the former filming a drama in Scotland, and the latter simply being uninterested. The plug was pulled, and it would be years until Apes enthusiasts saw another entry in the franchise.

Interview with Former Senator George Murphy (R-CA) - Released 1988

MURPHY: "It was all rather odd. As far as I know, Chuck's acting career around that time had been...drying up. All the political folks were speaking, and they were speaking about how I was supposedly 'at-risk' - which is the term - around that time. The party wanted to get someone out of the blue to go up against me and to...win.
(TED) GUP: They turned to...Heston?
MURPHY: Well, there were always alternatives, it wasn't pure - *cough* solely him. They had this guy, John Tunney, sort of a JFK wannabe - you know, one of those sorts. There were others beyond him too, of course, but as I hope you can understand, I can't recall every candidate. Tunney was one they liked, nothing against him.
GUP: So, why Heston?
MURPHY: They wanted to mimic my own rise and that of Ronnie in 1966. I can't really think if it's any more complex than that. See in 1964 they went with Plucky Salinger - JFK's secretary - and he lost fairly badly. So this time, they thought they would take a risk. It - uhh - worked out, as you could probably tell. *laughter*

 

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The Actor's Life; 1956-1970 - Entry for 12/8/1969

Received calls from party officials again. Practically begging for me to declare my candidacy against Murphy [Senator from 1964 - Ed]. It's a conflicting little business, politics. Many say that the 'scene' is full of rats and I wouldn't be one to disagree, but it also appears to me that mindsets such as that often cloud perception and encourage non-participation. A very tough decision awaits - do I jump in or do I stay out? This may be my first (and last) opportunity to do this sort of thing, so I've got to be firm. Even if I do go in, by no means will the red carpet be rolled out.

Must speak to Jack [Valenti] and Lydia [Clarke] in the morning. The party folks won't take kindly to a lengthy wait.

Excerpt from Life of Honor by Fraser Heston - released 2002

Unlike Ronald Reagan, my father's political activism was not explicitly partisan in nature. It's true that he supported candidates out forward by the Democrats - but that was in a different league from speaking at the convention and somesuch. He had marched with MLK, and lent his support to Gun Control causes over the course of the 1960's, both issues having great importance to him. Thus, when we were visited by individuals from the California Democrats who asked him to consider a candidacy for the senate seat up in 1970, my father was faced with a question of whether he should run. The incumbent at that time was George Murphy, someone with an acting history himself, and one with a strongly conservative voting record. My dad had his own conservative inclinations on a number of issues for sure, but the two men differed greatly, especially on the matter of gun regulation and the War in Vietnam. Amusingly enough, both men had served as President of the Screen Actors Guild, as had Governor Reagan in years prior. This did not stretch to personal matters, as my dad and Murphy got on well during the campaign.

He consulted both my mother and his very good friend Jack Valenti on the matter. I sat in on one meeting about two weeks before the Christmas of 1969. Dad was particularly auspicious on the matter of running, while Valenti was willing to support him whatever he did. However, he made no mistake in judgement and knew that it would be no easy ride no matter what movie dad was in. "Chuck," he said, "the voters might like you as Moses who parted the Red Sea or as George Taylor who fought the apes, but there's no guarantee that they'll like you when you're out on the stump. You gotta be careful." Dad took the words in, and they stuck with him, as it was a very valid point. But he wasn't willing to underestimate himself. In spite of Valenti's words, he knew that to many voters, he represented the on-screen masculinity as set out by Ben Hur. And, as others took to pointing out, he was much more successful in the acting field than Reagan had been. Dad wasn't fond of that line, having liked Reagan on a personal level and viewed it as 'boasting'.

A decision had to be reached while speculation was at its height, or else there was a risk of any prospective bid falling by the wayside.

Sacramento Bee Article - 1/10/1970

HESTON IN FOR SENATE, HOPES TO RUN POSITIVE CAMPAIGN

Hollywood Actor Charlton Heston announced his candidacy for the Democratic nomination for the United States Senate seat currently held by Republican George Murphy, in a surprising move. Heston has starred in such successful movies as Ben-Hur and most recently, Planet of the Apes. He has also served as President of the Screen Actors Guild, a position which he is to resign from within the coming days.

"Here, in California, the Republicans wish to speak of success on the domestic level, that we are facing brighter times ahead. Now, had they not whittled our services, that would be true. Had they not worn down federal help to those most in need, that would be true. But, alas, we find it not to be. However, do not fall under the impression that I wish to run my campaign based on the Republican party. I do not, and I only seek to prove to you the people what I can do as your senator," Heston said in his announcement speech. He said upon his election that he would work to pass comprehensive economic reform, adding: "If in Congress, I will undertake steps to address the vital planks of wages and housing." There was little mention of the issue of gun control within the announcement.

Heston enters the race for senate with a strong opponent in Congressman John V. Tunney, who welcomed the actor into the race shortly after getting news of his announcement. Tunney seeks to establish Heston as a relic of the conservative past and himself as a man for the present. Rep. George Brown of Monterey is also in the running...

John V. Tunney speaking about the 1970 senate race - circa 1994

"No, I was not at all a fan of that race. It was tough, certainly, and yeah, I'd do it all again differently. See, Heston was a heavyweight - not at all a pushover, and to his credit, I thought he was a lot smarter than Ronald Reagan was. You know, we saw what happened - he outflanked me. That was it. That guy Hahn didn't run and lent his support, that was a real hurdle. It really was a pain, and some of us didn't realize just how strong he was and thought that his position in the polls that they did - he lead them, and we thought that was just because people knew who he was. Big mistake on our part. The Washington Outsider image played well for him, I think. He got a lot of black voters out for him, which helped him to really win that thing. One thing that troubled us was that the primary seemed a lot like a resucitation of old troubles within the party, with Heston representing something new and fresh. He said he was against Vietnam, even against Cambodia, while the image of me was of someone who wavered on that, which was unfortunate."

Anti-Tunney Ad Aired by Valenti - Roughly February 1970

[FOOTAGE OF TUNNEY ON THE HOUSE FLOOR]

Voice/Over: "While serving in congress, John Tunney voiced his support for the military draft." [SHOTS OF NEWSPAPER HEADLINED BACKING THIS UP]
[CUT TO STILL GRAINY IMAGE OF TUNNEY ON CAMPAIGN TRAIL]
V/O: "Now he says that he's opposed to it. How convenient."
[CUT TO AIR RAIDS INTERCUT WITH MORE FOOTAGE OF TUNNEY]
V/O: Previously, Tunney said that he was in support of administration policy on the Vietnam war.
[CUT TO REPEAT OF AFOREMENTIONED IMAGE]
V/O: Guess what? He opposes it now.
[CUT TO FOOTAGE OF CHARLTON HESTON SPEAKING AT DEMOCRATIC PARTY EVENT]
HESTON: If California is to elect a Senator, it must be one whose convictions are firm and whose reasoning is sound.
[CUT TO FOOTAGE OF REP. GEORGE BROWN ON THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL]
BROWN: Y'know, I don't buy a single thing John Tunney says.
[CUT TO REPEAT OF AFOREMENTIONED IMAGE]
V/O: John Tunney, just what kind of man is he?

Excerpt from California Republicans: A History by Dr. Condoleeza Rice, PHD

The 1970 Senate race pitted two giants of the acting world against each other, meaning that it was certainly a fight for the ages. Senator George Murphy, the conservative stalwart who was nearing the age of sixty-nine, faced the stoic Charlton Heston for representation of the twenty million that lived in California at the time. It also represented a battle between two major industries of film; as Technicolor tactically supported Murphy (who they hired as a public relations officer following his election to the senate in 1964, resulting in a $24,000 salary and company travel card that would become issues on the campaign trail) and Jack Valenti's Motion Picture Organization of America threw their support behind Valenti's long time friend Heston. Heston was able to strike a populist tone against the entrenched Murphy, who could not deliver an eloquent response on account of the raspy tone on his voice (likely as a result of surgery on the throat). Heston, for his part, used his wife Lydia sparingly on the campaign, knowing that she had even less interest in the political scene than him (as well as holding a desire not to be known as merely Mrs. Heston).

Heston was openly in favour of equal rights for the minority communities, having previously participated on the March on Washington. The busing question was one he avoided speaking about. His conservative thoughts on the topic of affirmative action took years to come out in full, as well. His other political stance, which was that of gun control, was also 'hushed up' during the course of the campaign. Not due to a shift in political viewpoints, but simply due to Heston's team recognizing it as an issue not to put into the foreground. In private, Heston had expressed his willingness to pass a successor to the 1968 Gun Control bill.

***

Heston picked up a large lead towards the conclusion of the campaign, partially due to Murphy's declining campaigning skill, his own personal popularity, and his ability to outmatch Murphy on the matter of 'Law and Order', forever the bugbear of the Wallaces and Reagans of the world (no matter which way they squared it, Murphy's team had no way of painting Heston as an agent of the campus violence that had plagued the state). Heston had the advantage going in, especially when the Democratic edge in registration had been factored in (of course, the same had been true in 1966, the year of Ronald Reagan's triumph). Heston could also count on a small groundswell of support from traditional Republican voters, as seen when he carried 27% of voters who had previously supported Richard Nixon.

On election day, Heston romped home in a landslide, carrying 55.1% of the vote to Murphy's 42.3%. It was a blowout of terrible proportions for the GOP, who were hoping to salvage the seat. It was obvious in electoral analysis that some level of what was known as 'vote-splitting' occurred, as Governor Reagan won re-election by a seven point margin against the legendary Jesse Unruh. Indeed, Heston showed an usual amount of strength for a Democratic candidate in the more conservative southern California...

 

[Gorrister]

Los Angeles Times Article - 1/3/1971

HESTON SWORN IN; FINDS WAY AROUND D.C.

Charlton Heston (D-CA) was sworn in as California's Senator at 9:30 p.m. PT today by Vice President Spiro Agnew in a short ceremony to succeed George Murphy. Like Murphy, Heston is a prominent actor who has no prior experience in electoral politics. He was flanked by his wife Lydia, son Fraser, as well as his extended family in addition to a small contingent of acting friends who watched from the senate gallery.

Conversation between Senators Heston and Humphrey - 1/3/1971

HESTON: It's a pleasure to meet you, Hubert.
HUMPHREY: And I you, Mr. Heston. You aren't very familiar with this environment, I take it.
HESTON: I know the place, Hubert, I just haven't been here. I've been around, you know.
HUMPHREY: Yes, yes, of course. I saw that ad you did a couple years ago -
HESTON: The one by Laughlin?
HUMPHREY: That's the - uh - one I was thinking of.
HESTON: Hubert, I want you to know that I've been in a - heh - few productions as well.
HUMPHREY: How could I forget? I quite liked the one with the...apes, wasn't it?
HESTON: Many did.
HUMPHREY: ...
HUMPHREY: Shall I show you around the building?
HESTON: Certainly.
HUMPHREY: Well, you'll find the Candy Desk over there...

Excerpt from El-Cid: The Life of Charlton Heston by Emelie Raymond - Released 2004

Heston found himself in a body full of strangers when he had arrived to the senate. Initially, he intended to pass bills in relation to arts funding and tax breaks for the Motion Picture Industry, but this was more difficult than imagined as other bills came to the forefront of the congressional table. On this front, he would find a friend in senator and former vice president Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, who became one of his lasting friends in congress. They were not political opposites by any means, but the 'coalitions' that propelled them to victory in their respective states were markedly different. Humphrey could appreciate Heston's time as a de facto union boss during his premiership of the Screen Actors Guild, while Heston had nothing but respect for the longtime civil rights campaigner. Of course, Humphrey made no bones about his secret intentions to stand against Nixon in 1972, and Heston was aware of this.

One of Heston's first major pieces of legislation came in the form of the 'Javits bill', which was introduced by New York Senator Jacob Javits on the 25th. It reformed the private pension system in order to mandate employers to insure employees. It also would create a Pension and Employee Benefit Plan Commission which would establish coverage priorities. It went before the Senate Labor Committee, which Heston was a part of, in July of 1971. He telephoned Javits numerous times between January and July, as well as Labor Committee chairman Harrison Williams of New Jersey. Heston ensured that he would support the bill in exchange for Javits' support on a bill regarding funding of the arts that Heston had planned to author in the coming months. However, it faced trouble when Russell Long's Finance Committee took issue with the bill's blatant attempt to establish the Labor Committee's dominance on matters relating to pensions. Long was, to put it bluntly, 'pissed'. He wasn't willing to let things go by without a fight.

This is where Heston came in. Long, who planned to refer the bill to Finance, met with him to have a 'brisk' conversation. Heston intended to see through the passage of Javits' bill, regardless of his own small seniority in the senate. The meeting was frank, and both men came out of it only slightly more sure than before. Heston sought to address Long's problems by consulting Williams and requesting that the provisions which enhanced the Labor Committee's power on funding and portability (the transferring of pension funds being altered). Williams then spoke to Javits, who reluctantly agreed to withdraw those specific motions. Long backed down, and permitted the bill to go to the senate in time for the summer of 1972, where it would pass with 60 votes in favor and 39 in opposition (with one absence). Heston had made his mark, and Humphrey was very impressed.

In mid-to-late 1971, Heston, along with Republican Senator Charles 'Mac' Mathias of Maryland, would author the Heston-Mathias Art Protection Act of 1971. The bill, in spite of Mathias' involvement, was essentially Heston's baby. Many of the provisions were holdovers from the SAG period, including a 20% tax break on income made via the American Motion Picture Industry and investment tax credits for studios, plus a $2,000,000 increase in funding for the National Endowment of the Arts. While it would not make it pass Long's Finance Committee, many of the sections made it into the Revenue Act of 1971 and other tax-related bills of that year...

Moving House; Diaries 1970-1976 by Charlton Heston - Entry for 11/1/1971

Further success on the Javits bill. It's incredibly odd to find myself speaking the language of congresspeople, as it is a strange and complex language not used on the streets of Los Angeles. It has been a year since I won the race against Murphy, and yet I still perform what the comedians refer to as a double-take whenever someone refers to me as 'Senator'. Progress has been made, but I suspect it will be some time before I accustom myself to this bloody chamber...

Saw Ted [Kennedy] on the floor today. Still a deeply unpleasant man who I doubt I will ever come to like. I voted for his brother, but something about him rubs me the wrong way. I must express relief that he is not in the fray for 1972, as I'm unsure on whether I could bring myself to support him out of any sense other than the mysterious beast known as 'party unity'.

 

[Gorrister]

Excerpt from Simply the Best: Heston's Road to Pennsylvania Avenue by Jeff Shields - released 2002

The 1972 Democratic field was a particularly wide one, especially when seen in comparison to those from 1960 or 1968. The introduction of a primary system was revolutionary, and one that led to its architect, Senator George McGovern, losing vital support from union bosses who had made up a large chunk of the donor base. It transformed the traditional nominating system beyond recognition, and in part contributed to the aforementioned crowded field. Heston consented to the new system, acknowledging that perceived unfair processes led to record violence among the New Left supporters of Gene McCarthy, who was seeking a comeback this year too. He was no fan of McGovern, however, and thought that delegate reforms meant that the new slates would be almost entirely dominated by untested New Left activists. Admitting in a post-presidential interview that he wasn't ideologically different from his friend and mentor Hubert Humphrey (also in the race), Heston said "Yes, I knew that McGovern was, at his core, someone who shared the same beliefs as Hubert. But, I don't think he had his head in the right place when it came to looking abroad. He wanted an immediate withdrawal from Vietnam. Cut-and-run, that sort of nonsense."

Heston's support for the Vietnam war was steadfast, but he was not on the level of others who advocated harsher policies, like General William Westmoreland. Heston lent support to Humphrey's own position on the matter of halting the bombing, but not halting the war. It was a position that set him apart from many other actors, and one that drew ire from anti-war protesters, some of whom labeled him 'El-Cid the Charlie Killer'.

**
Briefly, during the 1972 cycle, arose questions about whether Heston would throw his own hat into the proverbial ring. He was not at all interested in doing so, having just been elected senator and already having a satisfactory candidate in Senator Humphrey, and not wanting to strain relations with his apolitical wife Lydia more than they already had been. So no, Heston '72 was little more than a dream from friends like Jolly West. Instead, he lobbied for Humphrey, whose campaign would linger in the doldrums until front runner Ed Muskie's public meltdown prior to the New Hampshire primary (in reaction to letters published in the New Hampshire Union Leader alleging that his wife hated those of Quebecois heritage) and ensuing unraveling. McGovern was the real victor of Muskie's downfall, having secured a far stronger than expected showing in the Granite State, followed up by a crushing victory in Wisconsin. Humphrey snatched up momentum when he claimed victory in the Pennsylvania primary. It appeared that Heston stood alone in Hollywood opposition to 'Acid, Amnesty, and Abortion' McGovern, as others, including Shirley MacLane, furiously campaigned for the South Dakota senator. His wavering on the eventual nominee would lead to him garnering the nickname of 'Nixon's favorite Democrat', a slogan used by his primary challenger Tom Hayden in 1976.
**
George Wallace's populist campaign also took the primaries by storm. He had taken Florida and was well on his way to sweeping the southern states. Heston did not like George Wallace, to put it simply. He considered him brash and uncouth, especially in his political opportunism in relation to minority rights. On the campaign trail, however, he felt no need to go after him. This changed when Wallace attacked him personally at a campaign event in his native Alabama, in which he said "We look out there at Ol' Hubert Humphrey, out there campaignin'. Y'gotta look at who he's campaignin' with this guy - you all know 'im - that fella, Chuck Heston. Big ol' Hollywood liberal, a richie, out there tellin' us what we can an' can't do." Heston caught the remarks, having seen them on CBS, and sought to respond. At a Humphrey campaign event, Heston, after getting agreement from Humphrey supporter John Loeb, spoke about Governor Wallace. "I've heard some remarks made about me by a man we are all too familiar with," he said over cheers and boos, "and I thought about them, and a conclusion has been reached. Let it be said that aspersions such as these should not be tolerated on any level. I did not grow up in a mansion, or any form of well-off environment. It was a simple abode, a fine place to live, but not one for those living in extravagance. I spent my childhood exploring the forest, hunting, fishing. I wasn't a resident of a high-flung Ivory Tower, surrounded by jewels and riches. And if George Wallace is willing to label me a Hollywood liberal, I don't think he would mind me labeling him an Alabama jackass." The remarks stung Wallace and genuinely surprised colleagues, who had never heard Heston use strong language such as this. Heston himself regretted the remarks, personally considering it an exercise in 'opportunity Olympics', but never apologized to Wallace over them. However, others, including future president Marion Berry, considered the remarks entirely appropriate.

The Wallace campaign would be granted a shot in the arm, literally, when the Governor was shot by Arthur Bremer on a cool day in Maryland on the 15th of May. Despite concerns from doctors, Wallace escaped un-scatched except on his left arm. Heston issued a statement condemning Bremer's actions and reiterating his opposition to political violence of all stripes. Wallace would go on to carry the next few primaries in Maryland and Michigan, and later on, New Mexico. The 1972 convention would see a great amount of division between Wallace, Humphrey, and McGovern factions.
--
Excerpt from Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail '72 by Hunter S. Thompson - released 1973

...so in the California mess, McGovern just about carried the state, meaning that good old Nixon lover Charlton Heston's campaigning for the Hump didn't pay off...
--
Excerpt from an interview with Fraser Heston - released 2006

INTERVIEWER: Your father was invested in 72. The convention - how did that play out?
HESTON: We didn't attend it.
INTERVIEWER: Why?
HESTON: No, he was very willing to attend the convention. There was a three way deadlock between McGovern, Humphrey, and Wallace. It looked though that dad's friend Humphrey wouldn't make it, because of McGovern's win in California. The delegates -
INTERVIEWER: How were they proportioned?
HESTON: That was the thing - they weren't. They were all given to McGovern, even though he won the primary by a tiny tiny margin. That annoyed dad to no end. And in fact they were planning to rule on whether or not to give some delegates to Humphrey - there was a big movement in support of that. Dad supported that.
INTERVIEWER: So how did it not work out?
HESTON: Well, dad wanted to go there and appeal in favor of Humphrey. He had all the arguments ready and done. Then, something nasty came down - a week before the convention, I believe. He was out walking and he got hit by a car. It wasn't a serious injury, only really cracked his knee. Still bad enough that he couldn't go, doctor's orders - and there they ruled in favor of McGovern - gave him the all clear.
INTERVIEW: If - say, your father hadn't been hit - would he have gotten Humphrey the nomination?
HESTON: In all certainty, yes.
--
Excerpt from Riding the Chariot by Charlton Heston - released 1996

1972 was a race that I would rather leave in the annals of history where it belongs. Not only had my absence at the convention in Miami Beach aided Senator McGovern's rise to the nomination, his campaign did not co-operate with me. Of course, I had to vote for McGovern in the end - party loyalty was a harsh burden to shoulder - but I didn't relish such a decision. Mis-step after mis-step followed on the campaign trail with regards to reaching out to voters, but the bugging of the Watergate complex played a part in the election and signaled to me that perhaps Dick Nixon was not as saintly a figure as I had once imagined. The story bubbled over until the election, but it was clear that something was going on. I still couldn't forgive the mistakes of the McGovern/Ribicoff campaign. Had Humphrey pulled through, no doubt would there have been a closely contested race with Nixon in deep trouble. Instead, we got a Democratic ticket that lost by seventeen points and carried only four states. Congressional results differed - but that didn't matter a trifle if 'we' didn't have someone on 'our' side in the White House. While it would be far flung to say that I had a winning blueprint in California, I thought that Democrats could learn something from my campaign.

 

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Excerpt from Abe Weiler's review of Soylent Green - 4/20/73

We won't reveal that ingredient but it must be noted that Richard Fleischer's direction stresses action, not nuances of meaning or characterization. Mr. Robinson is pitiably natural as the realistic, sensitive oldster facing the futility of living in dying surroundings. Mr. Finch, too, lends some resemblance of natural depth to the production but in the end is simply a cop chasing the sorts of bad guys we've seen before...

Excerpt from Roger Ebert's review of the Omega Man - 1/1/71

I shall start with a question. If we must have a notable Hollywood actor to serve in the role of Last Man on Earth, why not Paul Newman? He keenly outmaneuvered prison guards in "Cool Hand Luke" (1967), so there appears to be no downside in squaring him up against the ghouls in "The Omega Man". They are in no way smarter. Plus, who better to survive in this veritable wasteland than Butch Cassidy?

Excerpt from El-Cid: The Life of Charlton Heston by Emelie Raymond - Released 2004

Over the course of the Watergate trials and hearings, mostly chaired by Senator Sam Ervin, Heston would see his support for President Nixon evaporate. Prior to the revelations, Heston had been a proud 'Nixon Democrat' in private (he dared not to use the label in public on the advice of Vallenti) who consented to the majority of what he saw as necessary moderate reforms, such as price controls. To an extent, he was calmly welcoming the end of the Vietnam War, though he was also hoping to help the veterans of the conflict through social welfare programs (as reflected later in his career). Nixon's attempt at creating a New Republican Majority through outreach to African-American and Hispanic voters was something that Heston became skeptical of, as he was no fan of what he saw as turning America into different divisions of ethnic strife. As the 'stagflation' continued as a result of Nixon's moderate policies, Heston began to think that more radical solutions were required. In later diaries, Heston noted that he would have reluctantly cast a vote in favor of impeaching the president - a vote that was never required as Nixon resigned before it became necessary, seeing former House Minority Leader Gerald Ford arise to the office. Ford was nothing but well-meaning at first, and was desperately hoping to heal the burgeoning national divide that Heston was also concerned about.

Watergate would produce fantastic dividends for the Democratic party, as the 1974 midterms would result in the greatest amount of Democrats in Congress for years. Four more Democrats were returned in California, and the party would retake the gubernatorial mansion with Edmund 'Jerry' Brown, son of the governor prior to Reagan. Heston's attitude to Brown was mixed; the two had first met at a campaign fundraiser in June of 1974, and while Heston was not mindful of the youngster, he also considered Brown's practices (which included transcendental meditation) little more than fruity. Brown, in Heston's eyes, was a 'peacenik', and not the sort Heston willed to represent the Democratic party, but he knew that while Brown was residing in the Governor's Mansion, he would have to deal with him. Heston was more welcoming of California's other political novice, L.A. Councilman George Takei, himself mooted for a role in Brown's administration.