Battle of Myriokephalon 1176 POD

Could Manuel I have won this battle by campaigning directly on the Anatolian Plateau or the Plain of Philomenion instead of the Meanander Valley? Was his decision to attack Konya directly simply too rash and doomed to failure in the first place? Are their any possible scenarios where the Romans win this battle and continue their "Reconquista" of Anatolia?

It seems that the founding of the Castles of Dorylaeum and Sublaeu, following the early creation of the Theme of Neokastra signaled that the Romans were going to use a policy of fortification to subdue the nomads. Could Manuel simply have settled on a less risky campaign by striking say, Amaysa or Ankara instead, or perhaps simply by building more forts on the plateau. I think that this policy, reminiscent of that of his father John Komnenos, combined with Manuel having a son earlier who could continue such camgaigning could well have led to an eventual (albeit long) re-assertion of Imperial authority throughout Anatolia.

I know that Elfwine used an excellent POD with Manuel accepting the Sultan's peace terms in 1176 rather than continuing his invasion as a means of "maintaining" Roman momentum in this reconquest. Can the Basileus be successful on this front with more achievable goals?

Happy weekend to all of the great folks here!
 
Could Manuel I have won this battle by campaigning directly on the Anatolian Plateau or the Plain of Philomenion instead of the Meanander Valley? Was his decision to attack Konya directly simply too rash and doomed to failure in the first place? Are their any possible scenarios where the Romans win this battle and continue their "Reconquista" of Anatolia?

I think it might even work with the Meander Valley. Better scouting would make a difference.

I don't know enough of the tactical specifics to go beyond that.

It seems that the founding of the Castles of Dorylaeum and Sublaeu, following the early creation of the Theme of Neokastra signaled that the Romans were going to use a policy of fortification to subdue the nomads. Could Manuel simply have settled on a less risky campaign by striking say, Amaysa or Ankara instead, or perhaps simply by building more forts on the plateau. I think that this policy, reminiscent of that of his father John Komnenos, combined with Manuel having a son earlier who could continue such camgaigning could well have led to an eventual (albeit long) re-assertion of Imperial authority throughout Anatolia.
He probably could have, but would he have? This is Manuel we're talking about, who generally favored bold - the reason for my POD that you note below is that Manuel was given advice contrary to what he chose OTL by senior officers, so him listening was at least an option.

I'm not sure Amaysa or Ankara would have been as desirable or any safer.

For your reading: https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showthread.php?t=95115
https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showthread.php?t=56551
https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showthread.php?t=103950

Not much detail, but there seems to be a consensus Manuel living a few years longer is probable and beneficial.
 
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Those were very interesting threads Elfwine, thank you for directing me to them. I tend to agree that timelines in which a radical personality change of a historical figure is a pivot are problematic. Manuel, being Manuel, lost this campaign due to his lack of caution not his armies' lack of capability (see the Battle of Hyelion and Leimocheir in 1177, in which the Romans inflicted the exact same type of defeat on a Turkish army). If only Manuel had a son who could have pursued a rational policy of reconquest in Anatolia that focused on Castles and re-settlement.

I particularly thought that your idea of having the Romans exploit the successes of the Third Crusade's crossing of Anatolia and capture of Ikonion was brilliant; if a son of Manuel had say, a 30-40 year reign as his father did, I can see Anatolia, including Cappadocia, Melitene and Antioch returning to Roman rule, albeit with a large Turkic presence. This, combined with the historical expansion of the Georgian Kingdom into Armenia and Azerbaijan could easily tilt the balance of power back into Constantinople's hands on this front.



A final POD proposal:



1. (diplomatic POD) Manuel allies with the Danishmend Emirs of Eastern Anatolia instead of the Rum Seljuks during the 1150s and 1160s, and thus the Turks are less united, Manuel fails to take advantage of this though due to his failure to focus on a single front and the disastrous expedition to Egypt.

2. (biological POD) Manuel's first wife, Bertha of Sulzbach, gives birth to a son (I will name him Theodore, after the warrior saints) in 1160 who, raised by his pious German mother, becomes John Komnenos redux and more pro-HRE than Manuel. He thus elects to focus upon Anatolia and crusading as his grandpa had done so successfully, perhaps in concert with the 3rd Crusade of Frederick Barbarossa?

3. (tactical POD) Manuel accepts the peace overtures of the Sultan in 1176, as was done in your TL. The Romans defeat the Turks in 1177, and build a third new fortress as Kastromon, continuing a slow advance in Anatolia into the 1180s.

These were the three simplified PODs I was working with for a powerful Komnenian Empire in the 13th century. I am indebted to your Eagle of the Bosporus, and would love to continue that concept into the era of the Mongol invasions and beyond!






 
Those were very interesting threads Elfwine, thank you for directing me to them. I tend to agree that timelines in which a radical personality change of a historical figure is a pivot are problematic. Manuel, being Manuel, lost this campaign due to his lack of caution not his armies' lack of capability (see the Battle of Hyelion and Leimocheir in 1177, in which the Romans inflicted the exact same type of defeat on a Turkish army). If only Manuel had a son who could have pursued a rational policy of reconquest in Anatolia that focused on Castles and re-settlement.

Even without extensive fortification, just a gradual and measured pace based on what the state can support rather than what the mind of the Emperor can imagine as possibilities.

The Byzantines can fight Turcomen raiders the same way they fought Arabic raiders, but not without a firm base - both on the frontier and at heart.

And Manuel greatly strained that - even if he did have a capable son (like my timeline), said son will be busy.

I particularly thought that your idea of having the Romans exploit the successes of the Third Crusade's crossing of Anatolia and capture of Ikonion was brilliant; if a son of Manuel had say, a 30-40 year reign as his father did, I can see Anatolia, including Cappadocia, Melitene and Antioch returning to Roman rule, albeit with a large Turkic presence. This, combined with the historical expansion of the Georgian Kingdom into Armenia and Azerbaijan could easily tilt the balance of power back into Constantinople's hands on this front.

I think so. It would take a lot of hard work and patience of the sort John II showed more than half a century earlier, but the Turks aren't - yet - so deep rooted as to make it impossible. But it would not be easy or quick. The idea of the pre-Manzikert borders 1200 is going to be in little more than name - even if the empire can defeat Turcoman raiding bands, keeping them from being more than a nuisance will take decades of fortifying, settling, converting (as much as possible), and generally holding on.

But IF Alexius (to use the name I used for my timeline and Manuel used OTL) is able to take advantage of the opportunities, deal with Serbia and deal with Henry VI (Barbarossa's son), the Byzantines are not spent - just in desperate need of a breather after running every which way under Manuel.

A final POD proposal:

1. (diplomatic POD) Manuel allies with the Danishmend Emirs of Eastern Anatolia instead of the Rum Seljuks during the 1150s and 1160s, and thus the Turks are less united, Manuel fails to take advantage of this though due to his failure to focus on a single front and the disastrous expedition to Egypt.

2. (biological POD) Manuel's first wife, Bertha of Sulzbach, gives birth to a son (I will name him Theodore, after the warrior saints) in 1160 who, raised by his pious German mother, becomes John Komnenos redux and more pro-HRE than Manuel. He thus elects to focus upon Anatolia and crusading as his grandpa had done so successfully, perhaps in concert with the 3rd Crusade of Frederick Barbarossa?

3. (tactical POD) Manuel accepts the peace overtures of the Sultan in 1176, as was done in your TL. The Romans defeat the Turks in 1177, and build a third new fortress as Kastromon, continuing a slow advance in Anatolia into the 1180s.

These were the three simplified PODs I was working with for a powerful Komnenian Empire in the 13th century. I am indebted to your Eagle of the Bosporus, and would love to continue that concept into the era of the Mongol invasions and beyond!

The main problem with #3 and #2 is that it's almost inevitable that anyone in the 1180s and 1190s will be very, very busy with Western problems.

Henry VI is an ambitious son of a gun, Stefan is looking for an opportunity to rebel, and Bela wouldn't mind taking back some of the territory Manuel took either.

I'm not saying this makes them bad PODs - but one thing that constantly bothers me as a Byzantinophile is that we like to think of "if this had happened, then the Byzantines would be able to retake Anatolia".

But it's not that simple. It's not impossible, but even with a vigorous, intelligent, prudent successor to Manuel, the Byzantines at the end of the 12th century will are facing the same problem that Alexius I faced at the end of the 12th - there is a lot to do before progress can be made.

Example of that being ignored:
https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showthread.php?t=34282

Mind, it's not ASB, but . . .

The Emperor becomes more cautious in his old age – he turns 60 in 1178 – and seeks to preserve his gains for his son and raise him as a proper emperor. When Manuel dies peacefully in 1187, he leaves his son Alexius II a full treasury, a strong military, a popular regime and a strong position in Eastern Med politics.

Easier said than done doesn't even begin to do justice to it.

Still, it isn't doomed, and the few specific policies mentioned are probably sound.
 
Concerning difficulties: Georgia (at the height of its power) will have its hands full little more than a half century after Manuel's death, when the Mongols arrive on the scene (mid 13th Cent.). They are stripped of most of its expanded territories and reduced to vassalage. With this POD, the Sultanate of Rum is weaker (if it still exists), the Turks fragmented (like the Beyliks the Mongols set up). Byzantium still confronting myriad Western concerns. Constantinople may find the lack of a Turkish buffer brings the Mongols to their very gates. They might still be hungry...
 
Concerning difficulties: Georgia (at the height of its power) will have its hands full little more than a half century after Manuel's death, when the Mongols arrive on the scene (mid 13th Cent.). They are stripped of most of its expanded territories and reduced to vassalage. With this POD, the Sultanate of Rum is weaker (if it still exists), the Turks fragmented (like the Beyliks the Mongols set up). Byzantium still confronting myriad Western concerns. Constantinople may find the lack of a Turkish buffer brings the Mongols to their very gates. They might still be hungry...

Good luck breaking into Constantinople though.

Even for the Mongols, those are tough walls.
 
Good luck breaking into Constantinople though.

Even for the Mongols, those are tough walls.

Agreed. But the Byzantines weren't very happy when the Turks began residing close by the City, either. We all saw what that led to.;) Thing is, I'd see Byzantium agreeing to vassalage. The Mongols wouldn't have seen themselves as Roman emperors a la Ottomans.
 
Agreed. But the Byzantines weren't very happy when the Turks began residing close by the City, either. We all saw what that led to.;) Thing is, I'd see Byzantium agreeing to vassalage. The Mongols wouldn't have seen themselves as Roman emperors a la Ottomans.

Yeah. Byzantium has accepted paying tribute to far less formidable foes than the Mongols.

I think an individual Emperor not doing so might happen, if he thinks he can do something about it - but that's going to take some doing.

Tongera: Depends on what he does in that period. Manuel is getting older, he might want to secure his son's future and leave it to him to finish things up.
 
Yeah. Byzantium has accepted paying tribute to far less formidable foes than the Mongols.

I think an individual Emperor not doing so might happen, if he thinks he can do something about it - but that's going to take some doing.

Tongera: Depends on what he does in that period. Manuel is getting older, he might want to secure his son's future and leave it to him to finish things up.

Just curious, as i thought you said it was improbable he would leave it in such a state.

Also, you haven't mentioned my TL yet? :p
 
Just curious, as i thought you said it was improbable he would leave it in such a state.

Also, you haven't mentioned my TL yet? :p

I think the main thing is that even if Manuel is responsible for his last few years, the state is in desperate need of a breather by 1180, so whether he does well or poorly, Manuel will not be able to leave a full treasury or a fully secure position.

I figured it didn't need to be mentioned as the most recent (and complete) one.
 
Again I agree with you Elfwine in terms of Roman relations with the west, Dalmatia, Croatia and Bosnia (Manuel's conquests) will not remain in imperial hands in my TL under Theodore/Alexios II. Manuel's heir would have to launch some expeditions against the Serbs to be sure, and will play a smaller role in Italian affairs than his father had. Does that sound more realistic if he were to spend the 1180s and 1190s fighting the Turks in Anatolia in concert with the 3rd Crusade?

Obviously I wasn't planning on having a 4th Komnenian emperor marching all the way to Cairo (or even Aleppo), but I did think that the Empire still was extremely powerful in 1180 AD; powerful enough to still push the Turks back to the Euphrates with multiple decades of work. The cost of this, however, would indeed be giving up on dreams of reconquest in Italy, surrendering Dalmatia to Venice and coming to terms with the HRE. The most the Romans would do in the west at this juncture would be maintaining their hold over the Balkan Peninsula.

Would it be unrealistic for me to have my Theodore I Komnenos capture Cappadocian Caesarea in 1204? Perhaps followed by a resumption of Roman authority over Antioch?
 
Again I agree with you Elfwine in terms of Roman relations with the west, Dalmatia, Croatia and Bosnia (Manuel's conquests) will not remain in imperial hands in my TL under Theodore/Alexios II. Manuel's heir would have to launch some expeditions against the Serbs to be sure, and will play a smaller role in Italian affairs than his father had. Does that sound more realistic if he were to spend the 1180s and 1190s fighting the Turks in Anatolia in concert with the 3rd Crusade?

I think so. My inclination is that Alexius has to spend most of 1180s trying to keep things in order, and and Barbarossa coming overland is spontaneously a source of frustration (for obvious reasons) and "Hey, if this means he gets in a fight with the Seljuks . . . hey, Fred, you don't care what happens in Anatolia as long as I leave you alone in Italy, amirite?"

But Alexius pretty much writes off Italy except to make it clear to Henry VI that his (Alexius's) position at home is more secure than Henry's position in Sicily is.

Someone less cautious and more secure - Alexius is only sixteen when he takes the throne, whereas Theodore in POD #2 is at least twenty - might have a more aggressive policy. Same confines, but more eager to take advantage of the fact Henry's position in Sicily is weak offensively rather than just using it to avoid war.

Obviously I wasn't planning on having a 4th Komnenian emperor marching all the way to Cairo (or even Aleppo), but I did think that the Empire still was extremely powerful in 1180 AD; powerful enough to still push the Turks back to the Euphrates with multiple decades of work. The cost of this, however, would indeed be giving up on dreams of reconquest in Italy, surrendering Dalmatia to Venice and coming to terms with the HRE. The most the Romans would do in the west at this juncture would be maintaining their hold over the Balkan Peninsula.
Agreed. Those may or may not turn permament, but the Empire cannot take Anatolia while spending a lot of effort in Italy or vice-versa.

And Dalmatia is not worth reaching that far.

Would it be unrealistic for me to have my Theodore I Komnenos capture Cappadocian Caesarea in 1204? Perhaps followed by a resumption of Roman authority over Antioch?
Theodore managing Caesarea in 1204 doesn't seem out of the reach of possibility, if things go relatively smoothly in the West.

As for Antioch, definitely. The main thing there is that the Antiochean princes don't like being Roman vassals, so the problem is less being able to make them acknowledge that as being able to make it stay acknowledged.

An Emperor busy elsewhere is going to be ignored more than he'd like.
 
I think so. My inclination is that Alexius has to spend most of 1180s trying to keep things in order, and and Barbarossa coming overland is spontaneously a source of frustration (for obvious reasons) and "Hey, if this means he gets in a fight with the Seljuks . . . hey, Fred, you don't care what happens in Anatolia as long as I leave you alone in Italy, amirite?"


Awesome, my plan was have Theodore spend the first 5 years of his reign making Serbia a formal Doukate in the Empire while pacifying Hungary and Venice by granting back his father's conquests. In the East his father's gain's in Anatolia will hold due to the chaos in the Sultanate and the treaty in 1176 that Manuel left the table very pleased about. By the time the Third Crusade and Barbarossa arrive, Theodore will be ready to make overtures of peace to the HRE and offer his full assistance to the crusader's march across Anatolia. The fact that Theo if half-German in this TL means that he is less inclined to bother the HRE as Manuel was, but will have a sense of unfinished business in Anatolia...business with Ikonion that Fred's armies will share on their long march.
 
One thing OTL that almost happened that could have some relevance to your TL, should you wish to explore it, would be if Manuel does not have a son and he goes through having the future Béla III marry his daughter and become his successor, creating a dynastic merger of Byzantium and Hungary. That would have some most interesting butterflies indeed.
 
Awesome, my plan was have Theodore spend the first 5 years of his reign making Serbia a formal Doukate in the Empire while pacifying Hungary and Venice by granting back his father's conquests. In the East his father's gain's in Anatolia will hold due to the chaos in the Sultanate and the treaty in 1176 that Manuel left the table very pleased about. By the time the Third Crusade and Barbarossa arrive, Theodore will be ready to make overtures of peace to the HRE and offer his full assistance to the crusader's march across Anatolia. The fact that Theo if half-German in this TL means that he is less inclined to bother the HRE as Manuel was, but will have a sense of unfinished business in Anatolia...business with Ikonion that Fred's armies will share on their long march.

Seems sensible to me.

The part about making Serbia a formal Doukate might be easier said than done, but five years of consistent campaigning ought to bear fruit.

And unlike Alexius in my timeline, Theodore doesn't have to deal with people thinking a sixteen year old is a handy puppet and trying to manipulate him, although there's still internal rot to deal with.

Still, none of it is at such a level as to demand immediate attention or else - Alexius focusing on it is because he's that sort of emperor, rather than a conqueror, Theodore focusing on the other problems first as long as he keeps this from getting out of hand is good enough.

And I agree with Herzen's Love Child on that - I don't know if it would be a good thing, but it's definitely a fourth possible POD in this period. A Hungary-Rhomania personal union might draw attention away from Anatolia (as that's unimportant to Hungary), that's my main concern.

But it might well reap rewards.
 
I think Serbia ( the actual polity had a different name, I believe, at this time) is a challenge easier said than done. 5 years of campaigning? Maybe. It could also be a distraction to Anatolia.
 
I think Serbia ( the actual polity had a different name, I believe, at this time) is a challenge easier said than done. 5 years of campaigning? Maybe. It could also be a distraction to Anatolia.

There are several Serbian princedoms, I think the strongest is Rascia at this point.

The main thing is that it already is a Roman vassal, Theodore "just" has to make the prince remember that.
 
There are several Serbian princedoms, I think the strongest is Rascia at this point.

The main thing is that it already is a Roman vassal, Theodore "just" has to make the prince remember that.

Yeah, Rascia. It seemed to be a tentative and temporary vassalage, from the sources I can can glean, sure it would be "just" a reminder?
 
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