Ahmed III was not very bellicose and his popularity declined toward the end of his reign over the excessive expense of his court (even though he was running a surplus I think). So the Ottomans were not necessarily inclined to participate in this war and the settlement that resulted from Pruth was highly favorable to them so they did not seek to change the status quo.
Baltic Blunder: Europe at war in 1727 (the 2nd Edition)
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Ahmed III was not very bellicose and his popularity declined toward the end of his reign over the excessive expense of his court (even though he was running a surplus I think). So the Ottomans were not necessarily inclined to participate in this war and the settlement that resulted from Pruth was highly favorable to them so they did not seek to change the status quo.
Actually, the Ottomans at that time could do very little in terms of getting the Russians busy by exactly the same reason it was at that time difficult for the Russians to keep the Ottomans busy, logistics. Both countries had been separated from each other by a sparsely populated buffer zone controlled by the Crimean Khanate. Specifics of the area had been making it very difficult for the Russians to cross it (in OTL the first success had been achieved only a decade later after serious military reforms of Fieldmarshal Munnich. The Ottomans did not have a significant force on the Northern coast of the Black Sea, just the garrisons of the coastal fortresses and bringing a major army across the sea and supplying it for the serious inland operations was quite difficult. The Crimeans could (and did) raid but were not effective against even limited numbers of the regulars and, anyway, the Ukrainian border was reasonably well defended. Of course, the Ottomans could in theory march across Moldavia and Walachia but there was the same supply problem plus, judging by the later OTL campaigns, a need to cross the PLC territory to get anywhere. Realistically (as was demonstrated by the next Russian-Ottoman war) the Ottoman positions vs. Russia had been very vulnerable because in the case of war the Russians would be able to chose, attack and take any of the isolated Ottoman fortresses on the Black and Azov seas well before the Ottomans would be able to reinforce them. Basically, the Ottomans had been quite happy with the conditions of the existing peace and did not see the reasons to make waves because they got everything they wanted and did not have plans of expansion in that direction.
Against the Austrians it was even more problematic because only decade earlier, in 1716-18 the Ottomans suffered a series of the crushing defeats from Prince Eugene who in 1727 still was around.
So basically, you are proposing the Ottomans to get suicidal just for the British sake and I don’t think that they were that stupid. 😜
By the time of Peter’s death Russian army on paper included 210,000 regular troops and approximately 110,000 irregulars. But a potential regular field army was approximately 100-110,000. In a war if 1735-39 approximately 80,000 had been engaged. However, it should be kept in mind that existing recruitment system was allowing a fast replacement of the losses and increase of field army’s size: all nobility had been serving and the serfs could be taken into the army in the numbers needed. Of course, the same applies to the irregulars (Cossacks, Kalmyks, etc.): only a fraction of the total could be used at any war but their destructing/looting potential should not be underestimated as was demonstrated during the GNW.
So the “hundreds of thousands” is a figure of speech. However, in the case of the invasion Prussia had a lot of reasons to be concerned: on the early stages of the GNW territory of Livonia was devastated by the Russian irregulars and on the late stages of that war Finland and even Sweden were severely hit as well because the Russian troops had been systematically destroying the coastal areas to force Swedish government to start the peace talks. Taking into an account that Prussia was not expecting to get anything from Russia and would face a very serious risk of having a part of the territory severely damaged, a proposed switch of the sides seems quite logical. Especially taking into an account a change to get Swedish Pomerania and perhaps something from Hanover and Brunswick.
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Yes I think Prussia siding with Austro-Russians makes perfect sense. The Soldier King while a general terrible private person and military fetishist was as a ruler a low risk taker and his relationship with the Habsburg hadn't soured yet. I don't think he expect to get a lot of stuff in this war, at most some minor conseccions from Hanover and if his side wins a great victory Swedish Pomerania. the real price he seek is Austria and Russia supporting him in gaining Jülich-Berg when its duke dies childless. In OTL the fact that Charles VI renege on his support for this was the major factor for the Habsburg-Hohenzollern relationship souring. Here I think that it's given that Charles VI do not renege on this deal, the Wittelsbachs may not be happy about this, but honestly I suspect that Bavarian branch will primarily see it as the Palatinate branch's problem.
Jülich-Berg would unite with Mark-Cleve to create a Hanover sized possession which would make Brandenburg the major power of the northern Rhineland, a fact that Charles VI was able to see which was why he reneged on his promises in OTL and lost Silesia as result (but honestly that could have happened anyway).
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When making the decision and thinking that his opponent was George I, the focus definitely would have been a favorable ruling in Julich-Berg and concessions in Swedish Pomerania. However, the ascenscion of George II, who had a deep personal animosity with Frederick William, does add the option for Hanoverian demands.
Poland presumably wants to remain neutral. With Russia, Prussia, and Austria allied together, it has no reasonable chance of gaining territory from any of them and has no desire to gain territory from the Hanoverian Alliance. Additionally, Pavel Yaguzhinsky is currently in Poland managing Russo-Polish relations for the purpose of preventing Polish hostility to Russia.
Mountain
Banned
Will they have the option of being asked permission from Russia and allies to cross their land to support their allies or will they just be forced to watch the Russian and their allies armies violate their neutrality without being able to do anything
5: Viennese Alliance Mobilizes
5: Viennese Alliance Mobilizes
King Friedrich Wilhelm I
King Friedrich Wilhelm I
Among the members of the Viennese Alliance, the reaction to the war was generally more positive than it had been among the Hanoverian Alliance. In Spain, a larger war was exactly what the court had been wishing for since they had opened their siege of Gibraltar. In the midst of a more expansive and complicated conflict, Spain could expect to be overlooked and underestimated relative to other theatres and its allies. In that case, the military operations of diminished Spain would a greater chance of success. Already, the commander of the naval squadron protecting Gibraltar, Admiral Charles Wager, had been reassigned to command the British fleet the Baltic. Later, in Britain, King George II of Britain had pushed the government of Spencer Compton to focus on fighting a war in northern Europe rather than southern Europe. The consequence had been that the parliament had consented to raising and sending armies for campaigns in Brunswick-Luneburg and the Netherlands but had designed no additional allocations of soldiers to Gibraltar and Menorca. Instead, the British left just their naval squadrons of Gibraltar and Menorca and the garrison of the Earl of Portmore to avoid the loss of Gibraltar.
Britain's northern distractions would certainly serve to help Spain's war effort in Gibraltar, however, the expansion was war not entirely in Spain's favor. Even though the British did not make much of an effort to incite Spain's traditional rival of Portugal into attacking Spain, the entry of France into the war already produced a second front for Spain to fight on. Of course, France's border with Spain was also a second front for France and France's main focus like Britain would be in the north against the Hapsburgs in the Southern Netherlands and Germany. On top of these issues, France was also more reluctant to fight this war than Spain. However, even with these impediments, France could raise an army multiple times the size of Spain and had better equipment and funding to maintain that army. As a consequence, Spain raised 20,000 men to defend against a possible French attack on either Catalonia or Navarre. This army was already larger than the army originally sent to Gibraltar. Furthermore, whereas King Felipe V and Queen Isabel of Spain was willing to allow politics and emotion to play a role in his selection of the commander of the Thirteenth Siege of Gibraltar, no such antics were at play with the northern army. Instead, the clearly most capable general in Spain, Jose Carrillo de Albornoz, the Count de Montemar, was given the post without much discussion. Still, so long as France did not commit too heavily to defeating Spain and Britain remained distracted then Spain had a good opportunity to sneak out of the war with some victories and fresh conquests. If all went well, Some Spaniards even believed that Spain could push on into France and conquer Roussillon, Cerdagne, and Navarre [1].
In Vienna, the Hapsburgs like the British, French, and Dutch had hoped to avoid the war. In fact, they had been in negotiations with the British right up until they declared war against them. However, once the Hapsburgs had declared war, they, unlike the British, French, and Dutch, did not hold themselves back. Instead, the Hapsburgs quite willingly made all the necessary efforts and raised all the necessary arms to assure themselves of victory in the war. Part of this committed Hapsburg effort is derived from the fact that the Hapsburgs did have vague or unclear goals like the French and Dutch. Instead, Holy Roman Emperor Charles VI saw the war as an ideal opportunity to secure promises that would secure the succession of his eldest daughter, Maria Theresa, to the throne should he fail to conceive a male heir. By showing generosity to his allies and strength to his enemies, Emperor Charles VI was sure that he could convince the whole of Europe to comply with his Pragmatic Sanction to allow a woman to inherit the Hapsburg monarchy without hindrance.
The second reason behind the Hapsburgs' resolve and dedication toward the war was the active involvement of military leaders in its government, which the British, French, and Dutch all lacked at the time. Most important among these leaders was the hero of the Hapsburg dynasty, Prince Eugene of Savoy, who had led the Hapsburgs to victory over the Ottomans at Zenta and the French at Blenheim. Given Prince Eugene's venerated status and his willingness to personally command the war effort, any opposition to the war among the other ministers of the Hapsburg realm receded in the wake of his support for it. Powered by the energetic enthusiasm of Prince Eugene and the focused intent of Charles VI, the Hapsburg council decided to muster 100,000 men for war, which for the Hapsburg realm was a significant number. These soldiers would come from the various domains of the Southern Netherlands, Milan, Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary as well as the mercenaries stocks of the princes of Germany and the dukes of Italy and would be put to use by Prince Eugene across western Europe, from as far north as the Rhineland to as far south as Italy. Altogether, after the Hapsburgs earlier hesitations, the Hapsburgs had put together a rather impressive war effort.
In Munich, Dresden, and Cologne, a similarly resolved stance was taken by Elector Charles Albert of Bavaria, Elector Friedrich Augustus the Strong of Saxony, and Archbishop Elector Clemens August of Cologne. Both the Wittelsbach and Wettin families of Bavaria and Saxony, respectively, had recently secured important marriages with the two daughters of Charles VI's predecessor, Holy Roman Emperor Joseph I. Charles VI, of course, had forced both the Bavarian-wed Maria Amalia and the Saxon-wed Maria Josepha to renounce their places in the line of succession to the Hapsburg monarchy before these marriages, which damaged the claims that the Wittelsbach and Wettin families hoped to have upon the death of Charles VI. Rather than oppose Charles VI to reestablish those claims, Charles Albert and Augustus the Strong thought their interests would be served better by demonstrating their loyalty and goodwill toward Charles VI. In return, the two men expected to receive some form of compensation for their claims. This act of loyalty involved Bavaria and Cologne raised an army of 28,000 men and Saxony raising an army of 26,000 men to support the interests and campaigns of the Holy Roman Emperor. Although these armies were not exceedingly large in the general contest of European warfare, they constituted serious commitments for the Wittelsbachs and Wettins.
King Friedrich Wilhelm I had been motivated by a mix of fear of Russia and loyalty to the Holy Roman Emperor into turning coat and joining the Viennese Alliance. In spite of these not entirely pure motivations for kneeling before the Holy Roman Emperor and the Empress and Autocrat of All Russia, Friedrich Wilhelm had every intention of prosecuting his war effort without reserve or delay. Whereas the other Germans rulers had tempered their expectations in this war, Friedrich Wilhelm saw a perfect opportunity to massively increase the power and prestige of Prussia with a triumph over the Hanoverian Alliance. Through his loyalty to Emperor Charles VI, Friedrich Wilhelm expected that his claims and rights to Julich and Berg would be recognized over those of other Imperial princes. Through his alliance with Russia, Friedrich Wilhelm expected to finish the work that Prussia and Russia had begun in the Great Northern War of ejecting the Swedes from Germany and gaining those Swedish-held German lands for Prussia. Finally, through his war against Britain, Friedrich Wilhelm could settle his decades-long rivalry with the incompetent fool, King George II of Britain.
In light of these opportunities, Friedrich Wilhelm chose to mobilize the full extent of the Prussian military, which numbered more than 60,000 men. Once the first of these men were mobilized in significant numbers, Friedrich Wilhelm did not dawdle. Instead, just six weeks into the war while most of Europe was still in the process of putting together its armies or designing its war plans, Friedrich Wilhelm launched an invasion of Swedish Pomerania. This opening strike of 26,000 soldiers easily overwhelmed much of the underdefended Swedish province in only a few weeks. A contingent of Prussian soldiers even managed to cross over the Strelasund and take the island of Rugen before either the Swedish or British fleets could move to stop them. Finally, at the town of Stralsund, the rapid advance of the Prussian army came to a halt and a slow siege of the last remaining holdout of Swedish Pomerania began.
As Friedrich Wilhelm stormed through Pomerania, he left Prince Leopold of Anhalt-Dessau to conduct a much more muted campaign in Brunswick-Luneburg. With most of Prussia's supplies be dedicated to the Pomeranian effort, Prince Leopold from the very beginning had to constrain himself and his 29,000 troops. Otherwise, Prince Leopold might to exceed Prussia's limitations and put his army at risk. Additionally, the speedy preparations of Prince-Bishop Ernest Augustus and Prince Frederick and the swift arrival of the mercenaries from Hesse-Cassel meant that Leopold was faced with far more consequential opposition than that seen in Pomerania. Overall, by the time Friedrich Wilhelm was starting the Second Siege of Stralsund, Prince Leopold was barely dancing within the borders of Brunswick-Luneburg. For the next few weeks, this deliberate and cautious effort against Brunswick-Luneburg would continue until eventually new forces arrived in the region and the military conditions of the situation changed.
In Saint Petersburg, the word of the Battle of Osel, as mentioned caused an outburst of righteous rage in Empress Catherine I and led her to demand vengeance against the scoundrel Britain. However, Catherine unlike her let husband, Emperor Peter I, did not rule Russia with an iron fist and almost unrestricted power. In fact, Catherine barely ruled Russia at all. Instead, for the most part, the governance of Russia was performed by her small Supreme Privy Council. This Supreme Privy Council was made up of six members, Aleksander Menshikov, Fyodor Apraksin, Gavriil Golovkin, Andrey Osterman, Pyotr Tolstoy, and Dmitry Mikhaylovich Golitsyn. Of course, Catherine was not a completely powerless figurehead on the top of Russian society. As a former wife of Peter I and mother of some of his children, Catherine did have influence over Russia's government. However, to exercise power and accomplish policies that she favored, Catherine had to work through the Supreme Privy Council or some of its members.
Among the Supreme Privy Council, Andrey Osterman was the man who had turned Catherine's personal interest in promoting the Holstein-Gottorps, the family of the partners of her two daughters, into tangible foreign policy. As a sign of Catherine's lack of domination, Osterman had not carried out these efforts simply to curry the favor of Catherine. The favor of Catherine was merely an added bonus for Osterman. The main motive behind Osterman's pro-Holstein-Gottorp diplomacy was his desire to continue Peter I's project of developing Russia's relations with German princes. Through alliances with princes like the Holstein-Gottorps, Osterman could solidify Russia's influence and augment its power in the Baltic. Throughout this program, Russia and Osterman had been opposed by Britain at every step. In spite of diplomatic efforts to resolve issues between Britain and Russia, no progress had been made. As a consequence, Osterman was led to believe that perhaps war was necessary to force Britain to back down and give Russia the freedom to pursue its dreams of Baltic supremacy. In the wake of the Battle of Osel, Osterman finally had the necessary capital to push for that war against Britain and also a war against Denmark to aid the pro-Russian Holstein-Gottorps. However, Osterman was just one of six privy council members and he could not start a war all by himself.
At this point in time, the informal head of the Supreme Privy Council, Catherine's favorite, and the main man in Russia was Peter I's disciple Aleksander Menshikov. Thus far Menshikov had allowed Osterman a surprising degree of autonomy in running Russia's foreign policy. To declare war, however, Osterman needed Menshikov's full approval. Fortunately, Menshikov had just the right type and amount of ambition for Osterman to gain that approval. As one of Peter I's disciples and generals, Menshikov viewed himself as a vital piece of the rise of Russia from a simple backward Tsardom to a formidable European empire. Yet Menshikov had spent much of the Great Northern War in the shadows of Peter I and Boris Sheremetev, which left him deprived of the renown that he felt due to him. Only in a war without either of those two giants would Menshikov be able to establish himself as one of the true icons of Russia's ascendance and military might. A war against the established power of Britain fought in Germany proposed by Osterman presented Menshikov with a greater opportunity than he had ever dreamed of. As a result, Menshikov was quick to accept Osterman's call and initiate the series of diplomatic events that escalated an Anglo-Spanish war and a Baltic battle into a new continental conflagration. Between Menshikov's ambition, Osterman's strategy, and Catherine's fury peace stood no stood and maybe Europe did not either.
Once at war, Menshikov, already the most powerful man in Russia, took undisputed control over Russia's war effort. Like Prince Eugene, Menshikov was an experienced general who still had the energy and mental edge to whip a government into action and mobilize a country for war. Under Menshikov's leadership, the Supreme Privy Council decided on the first set of actions for Russia's war. At sea, General Admiral Fyodor Apraksin was to continue to defend Russia's coasts and in particular the ports of Reval and Riga. Along the northern border of Russia, Field Marshal Mikhail Mikhailovich Golitsyn, who had led the Russian invasion of Finland during the Great Northern War, and Christoph von Münnich, Russia's newest General-in-Chief, were to organize the defense of Saint Petersburg and prepare a new invasion of Finland. To the west, Lieutenant General Peter Lacy and his army of 30,000 Russian soldiers was finally allowed to stop its languishing in Livland and ordered to promptly march on Brunswick-Luneburg to deliver the first blow of Catherine's fury.
The Duke of Holstein-Gottorp and husband of Catherine I's eldest daughter Anna, Charles Frederick, was added to the Supreme Privy Council around this time and requested that he be given command of Lacy's army. However, Charles Frederick's familiarity with Germany, high-status, and personal connection with the campaign did not overcome Menshikov's suspicion of him as a foreigner and political rival or Menshikov's misgivings about his lack of experience in war. Still, out of respect, Menshikov did allow Charles Frederick to join Lacy's army but as a clear subordinate to Lacy. Additionally, the new husband of Catherine's second daughter Elizabeth, Charles Augustus, was also allowed to join Lacy's army [2]. Finally, Menshikov reserved for himself the prodigious task of assembly and then commanding another, field army destined for Germany, which was to be twice the size of Lacy's. With these plans settled, the stage for Russia's war was set.
Altogether, the opening war effort of the Viennese Alliance was much more organized, significant, and formidable than that of the Hanoverian Alliance. The main reason behind this superior war effort does not have to do with the organization of the Viennese Alliance as it was just as if not weaker than the Hanoverian Alliance's organization. In fact, before the war, one of the principal members of the Viennese Alliance, the Hapsburgs, were negotiated to quite the alliance entirely. Nor did the Prussian defection to the Viennese Alliance contribute to a major shift in the opinions and resolve of the members of the Viennese Alliance. Although the Viennese Alliance was certainly happy to welcome Prussia into its arms and lay aside war plans against Prussia, none of the Viennese Alliance's members would have abstained from the war had Prussia remained on the other side. The simple reason behind the Viennese Alliance's superior war effort lays in the individual attributes of its members and their leaders. Across each of the alliance, the states and their leaders were simply more willing to throw themselves into a war than several members of the Hanoverian Alliance. The Viennese Alliance's members had clear motivations, confidence, and the will to fight. Altogether, the Viennese Alliance was much more willing to commit itself to Empress Catherine's War even if some of them originally had concerns. This general commitment and overall enthusiasm contributed to a much more organized and significant opening war effort by the Viennese Alliance relative to the Hanoverian Alliance. Across the board, members of the Viennese
[1] This was an actual suggestion in Spain at the time despite the obvious disparity between France and Spain.
[2] Charles Augustus (love of Empress Elisabeth's life and her fiancee in 1727) lives. In the immediate aftermath of the Battle of Osel, there is a whole lot of movement and politics and so on. As a result, Charles talks to different people, does different things, and avoids contracting smallpox.
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I would say that most likely prices would be Osnabrück, Lauenburg an Bremen-Verden, as it were the principalities which the Hanoverians had the least claim over. But because of the importance of Bremen-Verden to UK, they would of course trade that for territories they have better claim to but have smaller importance, like Dannenberg, Göttingen and Grübenhagen.
But I also think we need to discuss the war goal of the other side. Denmark most obvious war goal is the Duchy of Holstein-Gottorp and the Bishopric of Lübeck, but beside that there’s few realistic gain in Europe except Holstein being formally annexed by the kingdom of Denmark instead of being in personal union, maybe they could expand Oldenburg by including East Friesland and/or expanding into northern Münsterland. Beside that the most likely reward is a few smaller Spanish islands in the Caribbean or a single major one like Puerto Rico.
Sweden’s goals are obvious.
In case of Hanoverian victory I think that the most likely gain is that Osnabrück is official annexed, maybe George II will push for Prussia being punished by losing their minor neighboring territories.
During the 7YW they were asked (see protocol of the Russian “Conference”). Not that they could answer “no”. But, IIRC, the Russian troops were buying supplies on PLC territory. Not sure if they were buying all of them. Anyway, the PLC at that time was not a noticeable military factor and reputation of its troops during and after the GNW was close to the bottom level so as an ally it would be rather burden than an asset.
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I wonder if the Caribbean may have one last hurrah of piracy, especially with the British failure to properly blockade the Spanish. The decline was occurring during this period originally, but with renewed war a few more Letters of Marque could be issued, plus pardons for remaining pirates.
What about during the War of the Polish Succession when they sent that army to the Rhineland? I think during the war of the Austrian Succession they may ahve also asked for permission. I remember reading something to that effect. Yeah, the Russians definitely did try to play nice with the Poles.
Taking into an account that during the WoPS they just put their candidate on the Polish throne (and took Danzig by storm) and that their troops already had been in the PLC, asking permission (if they did) was really nice. 😜
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Given what this war will likely do to Britain's economy, could we see an early patriot movement in the colonies? Obviously they're not likely to be gaining a lot of native land for settlers to want to expand into, but the taxes will be tremendous if Britain loses and likely if they win