Bahia de Todos los Santos: Spanish Colonization of the Mid-Atlantic
- Thread starter Malta
- Start date
By looking at the map, it appears that the claim boundary is a decent distance west. Is that boundary line along the Atlantic Seaboard fall line or along another boundary? From what I recall, there were discoveries of gold in some areas in the western part of OTL Virginia from the early 1800's on and the industry continued on until around World War II.
Similar to OTL it was just generally inland. Eventually once inland mountains are discovered it will extend to said mountains. So in the future "Carolina" will conform to North of Florida and east of the Appalachains. If it extends beyond those mountains...up in the air but that would be the extent of the Carolina grant and any other future grants.
There was even discovery of gold in the Potomac and Rapphannock.
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Part 2: To a new shore.
Part 2: To a new shore.
On his way back to Spain, de Ayllon had made several adjustments to the map proposed by de Quejo for the names and discoveries he reported. One adjustment was to move the parallel of discovery up to the 39th northern parallel so that his claim extended farther up the coastline than the mouth of the Bahia de Todos los Santos. He also made adjustments to several names proposed by de Quejo. It was de Ayllon’s intention to convey to the Emperor good feelings and support (especially so recently after the Revolt of the Communeros in Castile). Part of this was to make use of flattery and to put on a very religious front that de Ayllon’s grant would be a holy mission!
Towards this goal he changed the name of the land suggested by de Quejo from Senacoma to Carolina, Carlos’ Land, in name of the Emperor himself for the entire coast north of Florida at the 30th parallel. Senacoma would be referred as a small region next to the Bahia de Todos los Santos, [1] inhabited by some of the native heathens that de Quejo had encountered in his latest expedition. The Powhattaicans would be of no-consequence de Ayllon was sure. This was also likewise applied to “Mayao”, a land north of the Rio Santa Maria (Potomac). In truth the name was for the “King’s hut”, the name the Piscataway or Pazaticans had given to the villa of their supreme leader, the Tayac, for which every Pazatican chief or werowance was beholden to. Though the Pazaticans referred to it in reality as “Mayaone”. On his map de Ayllon did also not seem to mention Chesepioco, the natives living close to the mouth of the Bahia de Todos los Santos that de Quejo had met were the Chesepiooc. Perhaps de Ayllon had removed them by mistake or it was his intention to make the area seem more empty and ready for settlement.
He also would add some romanticism to his map, joining the mouth of the Bahia de Todos los Santos and all the way down to the Cabo de Trafalgar (Hatteras Island, Outer Banks) into one region he referred to as Costa de la Mareas or the Coast of Tides.
On his arrival in Spain his claim was submitted to the House of Trade. It requested that de Ayllon be granted the rights to claim the land for profit for himself and other investors and that he would set out to build a colony in the Bahia de Todos los Santos. The colony’s aim would be the search for gold, the Christianization of the natives, and also harvesting the region’s potential i.e. turning it from wilderness to an agricultural money maker-most importantly including the cultivation of West Indies Tobbaco. The listed price for investment of the expedition was 30,000 ducats.
Eventually his claim would be approved by the Audencia of the Indies and by the Emperor himself. For this de Ayllon rejoiced, but there were stipulations that did take him back. It was rooted in the lawsuit Oritz de Urrutia had brought forth for his own claim of the same region. It was declared that rather than act as the Emperor’s agent along in the colonization de Ayllon would work with de Urrutia and also Diego Cavallero, secretary of the Audencia, who had joined his support to de Ayllon earlier. The stated reasoning was that given the recent failed colonization attempts in the same region, the burden shared by three well-to-do judges, secretaries and merchants would see to the success of the mission. Though part of the reason may have also been that it would prevent the possibility of de Ayllon going rogue like Cortes had and it was predicted the cost would actually be much higher than 30,000 ducats. [2]
Included stipulations of the grant for Carolina was that no slaving of any kind would be permitted against the native Indians. The movement against the slavery of Indians in the Americas had become influential and more widespread. Spearheaded by Bartolome de las Casas the Protector of the Indians in the Spanish government. De las Casas would even in person bless the expedition on its departure from Cuba. [3] The expedition and colonists could obtain the use of the Indios labor but only for fair wages or compensation. De Ayllon’s expedition was also to report the discovery of any strait to the Pacific ocean, protect the land of the emperor, only one fort could be built to protect the settlers which de Ayllon had the right to name a son a warder to, he had to allow priests to spread the gospel to the Indians but de Ayllon could decide who could do so, and to report on any Portuguese activity in the region as the Treaty of Tordesillas was still controversial.
As consolation, de Ayllon was appointed the senior leader of the expedition and would share at least half the burdens and more than half of the profit. He tried to argue against this but eventually agreed to the terms and went to work with de Urrutia and Cavallero on the logistics of the expedition, obtaining the investors’ money as well as the peoples and ships to join. Eventually, it was decided that overall the expedition size would be 600 soldiers, farmers, laborers, craftsmen, slaves, and so forth who would join the colony in three waves of 200. Most those recruited would actually be many conquistadors or their relations-men who had participated in the conquest of the Caribbean, Mexico, and Central America in particular origination from Toledo and Badjoz in Spain.
The first wave would be lead by de Ayllon and would first found the first settlement, followed by Cavallero and last by de Urrutia. There was concern from de Urrutia that de Ayllon would cheat them of profits but de Ayllon promised to agree to the grant and that profit would be divided out of the whole. They had four settlement locations as advised by de Quejo:
1. Would be a site immediately within the confines of the Bahia de Santos de Todos. On a peninsula that was situated within a great harbor. [4]
2. Would be further along the Rio San Juan, sheltered in the river it promised good shelter. [5]
3. Would be on a point on the Rio San Leon. It was further into the bay and had a good position on the mouth of the river. It was also very close to the lands of the Powhattaicans. [6]
4. Would be very far up into the bay, it was however situated on a bluff on a peninsula that would provide good vantage. It would be deeded by the Tayaca of the Pazaticans. [7]
In the end the choice was made by de Ayllon who decided that the first settlement choice, close to the mouth of the bay would be the best place to make the first settlement of the colony. The position on the bay would allow better access to the deep water of the bay and of the Atlantic which would be advantageous for future shipping and shipping. The nearby Chesepioco would also be relied on for labor, especially mining once gold was discovered.
The preparations for the expedition were made over the course of three years, from 1523 to 1526. During that time as supplies and volunteers were gathered meticulously. One stipulation of the grant given to de Ayllon and his partners was that the grant would be reviewed after three years following the official start of the expedition. If the expedition failed the concession was revoked, but if it succeeded it would be granted to de Ayllon for a further time frame. Also during this matters of investments would be considered and paid forth to the patrons of the expedition. De Ayllon had wanted this to be extended to six years but a clause included any other Spaniard who attempted to work within the same region for several hundred miles would be forbidden to do so. Therefore de Ayllon, Cavallero and de Urrutia had cause for making sure they would succeed with as much preparation as possible.
The expedition was set to sail in May of 1525, de Ayllon would be in command of this portion of the expedition but events had unfortunately literally laid him down low. In the weeks leading up to the departure de Ayllon suffered a severe fall which fractured a bone in his leg and as a result became sick with an infection and was confined to his bed. Begrudgingly, with time against him de Ayllon agreed that Cavallero would take his stead. Diego Cavallero however would not go himself, instead he elected for him a man who would act in his own stead, this man was Luis Rivilla. Luis Rivilla hailed from Badjoz in Spain, in fact his name was for the Rio Rivilla a tributary of the Guadiana river.
With the blessings of Bartolomeo de las Casa, Rivilla lead two hundred men from Puerto Plata and sailed north with two hundred men and boys on two caravels, the San Nicholas and their flagship, the Capitana. The group was a mix of mostly soldiers and farmer-laborers but included a smattering of craftsmen who would help construct the settlement, at least twenty African slaves, and three Dominican priests. Sailing first to the Bahamas they sailed north along the coast of what was claimed to be the coast of Carolina, and reached the bay within several weeks. Arriving in the bay Luis Rivilla and the fleet sailed to the site of the proposed settlement and it was here that Luis deviated.
The site was filled with marshes and was flooded from the tide. Luis in council with his lieutenants and the captains of both ships decided to abandon the plan set by de Ayllon to settle at the first site and instead continue north to the fourth site that was picked as a possible place to found the settlement. The expedition sailed north to the Rio Santa Maria and with interpreters that de Quejo had ‘recruited’ from the Pazaticans he negotiated for the land.
Fortunately for the expedition the Tayac was still very, very much open to giving the land to the Spanish. The tribal confederation of the Piscataway extended far to the north along the bay from the Santa Maria and even across the bay to several tribes on the eastern shore. However, the Piscataway were as of late being pressured by two rival groups to the north and south. To the south was the Powhattan, though not yet a powerful confederacy they had in recent years extended their reach across the lower peninsulas of the bay. To the north was also the Susquehannock who came from north of the bay and whose raids had become more and more deadly forcing the Piscataway further south. The Tayac hoped to ally with the Spanish as a buffer against the Powhattan but also to gain their aid against the Susquehannock.
On June 4th Rivilla and the settlers disembarked from their ships and Rivilla, blessed by the Dominican priests, declared the settlement to be named the Santa Maria of the Bay.
---------------------
[1] Virginia
[2] In OTL de Ayllon was appointed the sole agent for his expedition.
[3] Actually happened in OTL.
[4] Approximate Hampton, VA.
[5] Jamestown, VA.
[6] Gloucester Point, VA.
[7] St Mary City, MD/
On his way back to Spain, de Ayllon had made several adjustments to the map proposed by de Quejo for the names and discoveries he reported. One adjustment was to move the parallel of discovery up to the 39th northern parallel so that his claim extended farther up the coastline than the mouth of the Bahia de Todos los Santos. He also made adjustments to several names proposed by de Quejo. It was de Ayllon’s intention to convey to the Emperor good feelings and support (especially so recently after the Revolt of the Communeros in Castile). Part of this was to make use of flattery and to put on a very religious front that de Ayllon’s grant would be a holy mission!
Towards this goal he changed the name of the land suggested by de Quejo from Senacoma to Carolina, Carlos’ Land, in name of the Emperor himself for the entire coast north of Florida at the 30th parallel. Senacoma would be referred as a small region next to the Bahia de Todos los Santos, [1] inhabited by some of the native heathens that de Quejo had encountered in his latest expedition. The Powhattaicans would be of no-consequence de Ayllon was sure. This was also likewise applied to “Mayao”, a land north of the Rio Santa Maria (Potomac). In truth the name was for the “King’s hut”, the name the Piscataway or Pazaticans had given to the villa of their supreme leader, the Tayac, for which every Pazatican chief or werowance was beholden to. Though the Pazaticans referred to it in reality as “Mayaone”. On his map de Ayllon did also not seem to mention Chesepioco, the natives living close to the mouth of the Bahia de Todos los Santos that de Quejo had met were the Chesepiooc. Perhaps de Ayllon had removed them by mistake or it was his intention to make the area seem more empty and ready for settlement.
He also would add some romanticism to his map, joining the mouth of the Bahia de Todos los Santos and all the way down to the Cabo de Trafalgar (Hatteras Island, Outer Banks) into one region he referred to as Costa de la Mareas or the Coast of Tides.
On his arrival in Spain his claim was submitted to the House of Trade. It requested that de Ayllon be granted the rights to claim the land for profit for himself and other investors and that he would set out to build a colony in the Bahia de Todos los Santos. The colony’s aim would be the search for gold, the Christianization of the natives, and also harvesting the region’s potential i.e. turning it from wilderness to an agricultural money maker-most importantly including the cultivation of West Indies Tobbaco. The listed price for investment of the expedition was 30,000 ducats.
Eventually his claim would be approved by the Audencia of the Indies and by the Emperor himself. For this de Ayllon rejoiced, but there were stipulations that did take him back. It was rooted in the lawsuit Oritz de Urrutia had brought forth for his own claim of the same region. It was declared that rather than act as the Emperor’s agent along in the colonization de Ayllon would work with de Urrutia and also Diego Cavallero, secretary of the Audencia, who had joined his support to de Ayllon earlier. The stated reasoning was that given the recent failed colonization attempts in the same region, the burden shared by three well-to-do judges, secretaries and merchants would see to the success of the mission. Though part of the reason may have also been that it would prevent the possibility of de Ayllon going rogue like Cortes had and it was predicted the cost would actually be much higher than 30,000 ducats. [2]
Included stipulations of the grant for Carolina was that no slaving of any kind would be permitted against the native Indians. The movement against the slavery of Indians in the Americas had become influential and more widespread. Spearheaded by Bartolome de las Casas the Protector of the Indians in the Spanish government. De las Casas would even in person bless the expedition on its departure from Cuba. [3] The expedition and colonists could obtain the use of the Indios labor but only for fair wages or compensation. De Ayllon’s expedition was also to report the discovery of any strait to the Pacific ocean, protect the land of the emperor, only one fort could be built to protect the settlers which de Ayllon had the right to name a son a warder to, he had to allow priests to spread the gospel to the Indians but de Ayllon could decide who could do so, and to report on any Portuguese activity in the region as the Treaty of Tordesillas was still controversial.
As consolation, de Ayllon was appointed the senior leader of the expedition and would share at least half the burdens and more than half of the profit. He tried to argue against this but eventually agreed to the terms and went to work with de Urrutia and Cavallero on the logistics of the expedition, obtaining the investors’ money as well as the peoples and ships to join. Eventually, it was decided that overall the expedition size would be 600 soldiers, farmers, laborers, craftsmen, slaves, and so forth who would join the colony in three waves of 200. Most those recruited would actually be many conquistadors or their relations-men who had participated in the conquest of the Caribbean, Mexico, and Central America in particular origination from Toledo and Badjoz in Spain.
The first wave would be lead by de Ayllon and would first found the first settlement, followed by Cavallero and last by de Urrutia. There was concern from de Urrutia that de Ayllon would cheat them of profits but de Ayllon promised to agree to the grant and that profit would be divided out of the whole. They had four settlement locations as advised by de Quejo:
1. Would be a site immediately within the confines of the Bahia de Santos de Todos. On a peninsula that was situated within a great harbor. [4]
2. Would be further along the Rio San Juan, sheltered in the river it promised good shelter. [5]
3. Would be on a point on the Rio San Leon. It was further into the bay and had a good position on the mouth of the river. It was also very close to the lands of the Powhattaicans. [6]
4. Would be very far up into the bay, it was however situated on a bluff on a peninsula that would provide good vantage. It would be deeded by the Tayaca of the Pazaticans. [7]
In the end the choice was made by de Ayllon who decided that the first settlement choice, close to the mouth of the bay would be the best place to make the first settlement of the colony. The position on the bay would allow better access to the deep water of the bay and of the Atlantic which would be advantageous for future shipping and shipping. The nearby Chesepioco would also be relied on for labor, especially mining once gold was discovered.
The preparations for the expedition were made over the course of three years, from 1523 to 1526. During that time as supplies and volunteers were gathered meticulously. One stipulation of the grant given to de Ayllon and his partners was that the grant would be reviewed after three years following the official start of the expedition. If the expedition failed the concession was revoked, but if it succeeded it would be granted to de Ayllon for a further time frame. Also during this matters of investments would be considered and paid forth to the patrons of the expedition. De Ayllon had wanted this to be extended to six years but a clause included any other Spaniard who attempted to work within the same region for several hundred miles would be forbidden to do so. Therefore de Ayllon, Cavallero and de Urrutia had cause for making sure they would succeed with as much preparation as possible.
The expedition was set to sail in May of 1525, de Ayllon would be in command of this portion of the expedition but events had unfortunately literally laid him down low. In the weeks leading up to the departure de Ayllon suffered a severe fall which fractured a bone in his leg and as a result became sick with an infection and was confined to his bed. Begrudgingly, with time against him de Ayllon agreed that Cavallero would take his stead. Diego Cavallero however would not go himself, instead he elected for him a man who would act in his own stead, this man was Luis Rivilla. Luis Rivilla hailed from Badjoz in Spain, in fact his name was for the Rio Rivilla a tributary of the Guadiana river.
With the blessings of Bartolomeo de las Casa, Rivilla lead two hundred men from Puerto Plata and sailed north with two hundred men and boys on two caravels, the San Nicholas and their flagship, the Capitana. The group was a mix of mostly soldiers and farmer-laborers but included a smattering of craftsmen who would help construct the settlement, at least twenty African slaves, and three Dominican priests. Sailing first to the Bahamas they sailed north along the coast of what was claimed to be the coast of Carolina, and reached the bay within several weeks. Arriving in the bay Luis Rivilla and the fleet sailed to the site of the proposed settlement and it was here that Luis deviated.
The site was filled with marshes and was flooded from the tide. Luis in council with his lieutenants and the captains of both ships decided to abandon the plan set by de Ayllon to settle at the first site and instead continue north to the fourth site that was picked as a possible place to found the settlement. The expedition sailed north to the Rio Santa Maria and with interpreters that de Quejo had ‘recruited’ from the Pazaticans he negotiated for the land.
Fortunately for the expedition the Tayac was still very, very much open to giving the land to the Spanish. The tribal confederation of the Piscataway extended far to the north along the bay from the Santa Maria and even across the bay to several tribes on the eastern shore. However, the Piscataway were as of late being pressured by two rival groups to the north and south. To the south was the Powhattan, though not yet a powerful confederacy they had in recent years extended their reach across the lower peninsulas of the bay. To the north was also the Susquehannock who came from north of the bay and whose raids had become more and more deadly forcing the Piscataway further south. The Tayac hoped to ally with the Spanish as a buffer against the Powhattan but also to gain their aid against the Susquehannock.
On June 4th Rivilla and the settlers disembarked from their ships and Rivilla, blessed by the Dominican priests, declared the settlement to be named the Santa Maria of the Bay.
---------------------
[1] Virginia
[2] In OTL de Ayllon was appointed the sole agent for his expedition.
[3] Actually happened in OTL.
[4] Approximate Hampton, VA.
[5] Jamestown, VA.
[6] Gloucester Point, VA.
[7] St Mary City, MD/
This makes me wonder what the story of Pocahontas would look like in this TL>
Haha. Well she isn't quite born yet by this point. Perhaps though she will be still.
AFAIK, mestizos (mixed-blood) were a common ocurrence in Spanish america early on, so I think it'd go almost unnoticed.
AFAIK, mestizos (mixed-blood) were a common ocurrence in Spanish america early on, so I think it'd go almost unnoticed.
It is funny because while planning my next post one of the blurbs I was very specific about including was along the lines of "and within the first year the first mestizos of Carolina are born".
Essentially this first group of settlers consists of men and young men. There are those like Luis Rivilla who have family waiting for them on the next wave, but many of the men are single. So it isn't going to be long before the men start trading and interacting with the natives.
One of the OTL stipulations of the grant given to de Ayllon was that he could not make slaves of the locals but he certainly could trade for slaves FROM the locals. If they were taken justly. So how many of these settlers who are going to get wives or mistresses is going to be through trade. Making deals for the daughters of their trade partners and slaves taken from other tribes.
Interesting TL's beginning that have got caught, my attention.
Therefore, all aforementioned possibilities, I think/guess that will include for the natives (individuals or tribes) who had willed converted to Christianity... that there will have a real opportunity for their political / social integration, (of course in the case of those who wished).
Maybe I'm extrapolating or being too enthusiastic, but I think/guess that there would be plenty of opportunities in this TL for at least some of the tribes close or near to the colony to maybe follow the model that was followed in OTL by the so-called 'five civilized tribes'...
Agreeing and adding that under the Spanish colonial system mestizos were common because there were no religious / social prejudices against mixed marriage so that they had the potential to become an integral part of the society of the new colony.AFAIK, mestizos (mixed-blood) were a common ocurrence in Spanish america early on, so I think it'd go almost unnoticed.
Therefore, all aforementioned possibilities, I think/guess that will include for the natives (individuals or tribes) who had willed converted to Christianity... that there will have a real opportunity for their political / social integration, (of course in the case of those who wished).
Maybe I'm extrapolating or being too enthusiastic, but I think/guess that there would be plenty of opportunities in this TL for at least some of the tribes close or near to the colony to maybe follow the model that was followed in OTL by the so-called 'five civilized tribes'...
I have seen the argument that this escape clause for moving up in Spanish society especially the ones in Mexico actually lead to the more thorough depletion of full blooded native groups and faster assimilation. There is likely to be no reservation policy for Carolina.
Also was thinking. Is the pronounciation more like "CAR-Low-line-ah" as opposed to "CARE-Oh-line-ah"?
It comes from the Latin like the English word, so I would imagine that its the same. Not that that is necissarily right.
But, the thing about Spanish colonies in Mexico vs Spanish colonies in the Chesapeake is that the Chesapeake is so much less populated and less dense. Its a lot easier to avoid contact with natives, especially seeing as many weren't sedentary. That's always why I've thought that intermixing didn't happen in the British colonies like it did in Mexico, not that there was necissarily a cultural difference (though I guess there could have been). My OTL example for this would be Argentina, which is more similarly populated to North America than Mexico is, but is still Spanish. Argentina is much "whiter" than Mexico or really anywhere else in the Spanish colonies, and I would think that this would be more like what Carolina would look like.
In regards to the Chesapeake it kind of had both. Most of the biggest groups were at least Semi-agrarian. Though looking at the list of different tribes in the Chesapeake Bay most of them seemed to have moved out of the state eventually during the late 17th and 18th centuries.
I look forward to seeing how this develops. Spanish timelines are always of interest to me.
Agree, same etymological origin but seems me, that it's more where both language stressed the vowel or not do for pronounced the same word.
Although obviously the colonization process itself and the Spaniard in specific was very far from being a social Utopia (in reality was more an dystopia)...
The main difference was that apart from the density of European or indigenous population or therefore whether it was 'easy' or 'hard' 'avoid contact' with the Indians, the key factor it the people's will to intermarry/had relations that it's a natural human trend/characteristic.
Also the reaction of their respective societies and / or political / religious leaders to this human tendency/characteristic.
Therefore, we must analyzing if the intermarry it's encouraging,allowed / officially ignored or how historically and generally happened in the first settled English colonies in America, that was religiously proscribed or sociality repressed the 'racial mixing' because was perceived as a challenge to the social order.
Either by the state/colonial authorities or by the same community that socially sanctions those who are perceived as 'transgressors' of their 'social' norms and also from the juridical ones that generally were written later but at same time if these leader felt that they must did this kind of laws.
Besides the racist arguments, the key factor, it's, in my opinion, because existed and were more or less habitual the interracial relations and for that reason, these leaders had to make laws to prohibit / penalize them.
Because in these colonies (English ones) were social and legal pressure (that were/had being theological legitimized or selves-justify their policies and laws) against anyone who crossed the 'racial line' and intermarry or that took a 'bedmate' Native or African.
In contrast to the above situation the Spaniards colonial authorities must help and support the church's efforts to preach and all 'activities' amongst them that help for their conversion.
For the natives (at least for which that will assimilate) the main difference was that they will be Spain's subjects, protected by the Indians Laws, at least juridically, but it's far 'better' than they would get under the English colonizers rule for which were foreigners not only in the political sense but also were aliens in the sociological.
For the natives (at least for which that will assimilate) the main difference was that they will be Spain's subjects, protected by the Indians Laws, at least juridically, but it's far better than they would get under the English colonizers rule for which were foreigners not only in the political sense but also were aliens in the sociological.
Another key difference within the respect colonization systems was the Spanish crown had the 'patronato real' (royal patronage) over ecclesiastical affairs (granted to the Spanish crown by the Pope) and the will for use it for protect their native subjects and for converts them.
''...As patrons the State authorities made the final determination as to where and when missions would be founded or closed, what administrative policies would be observed, who could be missionaries, how many missionaries could be assigned to each mission, and how many soldiers if any would be stationed at a mission. In turn, the state paid for the missionaries' overseas travel, the founding costs of a mission, and the missionaries' annual salary. The State also usually provided military protection and enforcement...''
Notwithstanding in this TL situation where for long time the Spaniard will be relatively few and were settled at the border of a continent and semi isolated from other spaniards colonies and with their only contact/communication way it's through the ocean therefore the reduction system, in this colony, only could be applied voluntarily but it's more probably that will be a mix within the missional system of 'religious outpost' and the Jesuit variant.
''...The ideal of the missionaries themselves, supported by royal decrees, was to establish autonomous Christian towns with communal property, labor, worship, political life, and social relations all supervised by the missionaries and insulated from the possible negative influences of other Indian groups and Spaniards themselves... the Indians were expected to 'mature' in Christianity and Spanish political and economic practices until they would no longer require special mission status. Then their communities could be incorporated as such into ordinary colonial society, albeit with all its racial and class distinctions. This transition from official mission status to ordinary Spanish society, when it occurred in an official manner, was called 'secularization'..."
Apologies for the next off topic but I must strongly disagree with the Argentinian example... first because there isn't adequate to took the Río de la Plata (in general or in the Argentine specifically) colonial historical time period (ethnographic situation) how a valid base for extrapolating to present day and/or for compare with other country.
Because there were some region with no european presence, the lack of interest from colonial authorities or with a nominal control about the local tribes: how almost of the Pampean region, the Patagonia or the Chaco, that were for their distance, geography or climate very hard.
Second because the 'Indian wars' that generally was fought by the new Nation government against the native's communities inside the former colonial settle borders or the independent tribes beyond the european settle lands.
Mainly for the european immigration waves but also from Middle Orient and in the s. XX from East Asia and from in great numbers from the Argentina's neighbouring countries and was registered almost one hundred thousand from cabo verde.
Finally there is a Myth about that the Río de la Plata countries and in specific Argentina was a ''White ('only') country'' that was 'built and lifted to the category of Argentine national identity 'mytho' because the political leader winners from the civil wars and the intellectuals that came later to legitimate their politics.
Identified and believed that mixed origin from the 'gauchos' and the leaders/supporters ideology and costumes with the 'social anarchy' beside that they were or felt 'ashamed' (not only the argentines but also some South American, nineteenth and twentieth leaders/intellectuals, in more or lesser measure) from their historical and social past and begin for elaborate the myth about the argentina 'whiteness'.
Because mostly of non white or with 'mixed' ancestry were habitant from the central and in specific from the northern argentine provinces and those that were in the rest of the country or were 'expelled' and forced to move to the north for political or socio economics reasons.
The remnants fraction was submerged /assimilated within the newcomers (european mainly) immigrants.
Notwithstanding it's true that a great percentage from the Argentine population it's from european ascendancy but this fact not invalid or must be make us to forget that there was/are millions of argentines that are from Indian, African origin and others with mixed origin, from Middle Orient or from East Asia (mostly Koreans and Japanese) origin.
Finally, in spite of appearances for all the above factors the 'white only' o 'majority' it's a myth.
For further readings: two Classics
Manifest Destiny by Albert K. Weinberg and A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America by Ronald Takaki.
Argentina immigration useful links: Immigration in Argentina and The Afro-Argentines.
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This toponymic exists in Spanish, so I can tell you its pronounciaton is car-oh-LEAN-ah [karo'lina]
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Carolina
https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islas_Carolinas
Part 3: The Dilemma of Antonio de Montesinos and the First Year
Part 3: The Dilemma of Antonio de Montesinos and the First Year
With the land bought by the Spanish, Luis Rivilla quickly organizes the expedition in the construction on a settlement of the chosen site on top of the bluffs at the mouth of the Rio Santa Maria. Construction of the settlement includes walls for defense, barracks for most of the inhabitants of the expedition to sleep in, storage depots for their equipment, and a small church for the three Dominican priests to give their services to the expedition. Antonio de Montesinos the leader of the Dominicans, otherwise known as the Preaching Friars, closely observes the actions of Luis Rivilla and other men of the expedition. In particular, as Luis Rivilla begins to deal with the Pazaticans a few days after building begins.
De Montesinos was a member of the first band of Dominicans to travel to the New World in 1510, since doing so he has been an impassioned defender of the rights of the native peoples on Hispaniola and other parts of what would become New Spain. On December 21st in 1511 he made a public speech against the encomienda system, the labor system by which the Spanish exploited many of the natives through what was more than less slavery.
“Tell me by what right of justice do you hold these Indians in such a cruel and horrible servitude? On what authority have you waged such detestable wars against these people who dealt quietly and peacefully on their own lands? Wars in which you have destroyed such an infinite number of them by homicides and slaughters never heard of before. Why do you keep them so oppressed and exhausted, without giving them enough to eat or curing them of the sicknesses they incur from the excessive labor you give them, and they die, or rather you kill them, in order to extract and acquire gold every day.”
Bartolomeo de la Casas who had been attendance at the speech had afterward joined the Dominican order and become an even more notable critic of the Spanish treatment of the natives. His speech had outraged Diego Colon and de Montesinos had been called back to Spain which he took the opportunity to help efforts to eventually convince then King Ferdinand to enact new laws protecting the rights of the natives. Unfortunately, the majority of these laws were not followed by authorities in the West Indies, chief among them being de Ayllon and many of his business partners.
De Montesinos had been invited to join the expedition by de Ayllon himself, to oversee the actions of the company’s expedition and to also convert the natives to the true faith. However, de Montesinos knew his invitation had also been for much more profitable reasons. In the laws forbidding the slave taking of the natives there were two exceptions: 1. The Spanish could trade for slaves taken by the natives, as it was deemed fair to respect the practice if it was accepted by the natives among their own kind. 2. If a priest of the Catholic Church was to bear witness to a tribe of natives whose culture and actions were that of cannibals and the utter rejection of the Faith that tribe would be fair game toward slave taking. Toward this de Montesinos feared that he and his fellow Dominicans were invited only so that they could sanction the slave taking of the local natives by de Ayllon and his men.
Through the first year of settlement this fear for de Montesinos would be undertaken numerous times as the Spanish met with the local natives. The first interactions of course being with the Pazaticans as Luis Rivilla and other men sought to trade with them particularly for food while the crops were planted to supplement the supplies they had brought. Fortunately, it seemed at least Rivilla was knowledgeable enough to not willingly antagonize their closest neighbors and trade partners for as the Dominicans learned the language of the Pazaticans and began to preach to them he did not ask that de Montesinos denounce them. The first ‘converts’ would be among the women that many of the single members of the expedition (the vast majority of them) either bargained for their hands with the Pazaticans or were slaves taken from other tribes. Within the first year the first Mestizco born was baptized as “Sebastian” by de Montesinos himself.
In August of 1526 however the Spanish expedition was attacked. Luis Rivilla and the crew of the San Nicholas traveled north in La Bahia searching for signs of gold being used by the natives, so far they had been disappointed to not spot any use of gold among the Pazaticans or their confederated allies such as among the Nanticoke on the eastern shore of La Bahia. They also took the opportunity to name and map more rivers of La Bahia and to see if there was a way to the Pacific ocean. In the northern section of La Bahia the Spanish sent out a landing party with Pazatican guides and they were attacked by several natives, in the fight three members of the Spanish were killed but for twice that number of the native attackers were killed or taken captive.
The captives were taken back to Santa Maria and then to the Pazaticans for confirmation of their identity. The Tayac confirmed their identity as being of the Susquehannock, an enemy of the Pazaticans that frequently attacked their villages for many years. Antonio de Montesinos went among the captives with a Pazatican translator and tried to preach to them the Bible and determine if they were cannibals. While the Susquehannock seemed to reject his words he tried to determine from the Pazaticans if they ate the flesh of men. The answers de Montesinos received, that they did terrible things to their captives, was circumspect by the priest. In the end in face of their actions against the landing party he was forced to concede and denounce Susquehannock until such a time they accepted the word of the Lord. The captives were then treated as slaves and forced to work alongside the few African slaves that had been brought with the expedition.
During the course of the first year the Spanish had a good time clearing the area around Santa Maria, the Pazaticans were agriculturalists so the area was not completely undergrown in several places. The Spanish planted food worth an estimate for themselves for the winter and to see through the colonists in the upcoming year. Rivilla and the Spanish were confident they had planted enough so turned to other pursuits such as looking for gold and trading with the natives, but when winter came they were unprepared.
The Spanish were taken by surprise at how early and how long winter in La Bahia was. As well as the heavy snowfalls and when the bay at times turned to ice. The latitude of La Bahia put them on par with Spain but the weather here was nothing like their home. In the fierce months of their first winter by the time that spring came they had eaten through the majority of their prepared supplies and had to trade with the Pazaticans even more for food to supplement them. They had to slaughter their animals they had brought with them and with strict rationing. A sickness did develop in February which claimed the lives of several dozens of the Spanish members along with hypothermia. It was a clear kick in the face for Rivilla and the Spanish along with other factors such as finding no gold so far and remoteness.
When Spring came there was a greater tension among the members of the expedition, a faction developing among them that they should return to Hispaniola. Rivilla was quick to stamp on any such thoughts and did what he could to keep the members of the expedition busy for the next year. He knew that clearly he, de Ayllon and the other investors of the expedition had underestimated their new environment and that adding two hundred or more souls would dance with disaster before any of them had truly gained any wealth! To that he worked on expanding the Spanish settlement in La Bahia.
He had members of the expedition work more on clearing land on the peninsula Santa Maria sat on but he also looked farther afield. With San Nicholas and Capitania he spread out many of the expedition members, particularly the rebellious ones, elsewhere in La Bahia. They began work on setting aside land on the opposite side of Rio Santa Maria. They set up fishing posts on several of the islands in the middle region of La Bahia as well as bird catching operations. He had several small forts, not true forts but also not true settlements as they consisted of two or three buildings surrounded by palisades. These were constructed on the mouths of the Rio San Leon, Rio San Martin, and Rio San Juan for the purpose of trading with the native tribes of the Powhattaicans, Nanticoke, Rhappahannock, and the Chesepioco as well as for smaller farms. The Powhattaicans in particular would look at this with growing disgruntlement in good time.
De Ayllon along with Diego Cavallero and two hundred more settlers arrived in late May in two more Caravels. Upon discovering at the mouth of the Rio San Juan was not the settlement he had decided upon but a small fort manned by two dozen members of the expedition he was not happy that his orders had not been obeyed. Upon landing in Santa Maria he criticized Luis Rivilla for not following his orders for the expedition and threatened to put him in stockades. Fortunately, for Rivilla he was backed up by his patron Cavallero, by de Montesinos along with other members of the small informal council that had formed to govern Santa Maria. In truth as Rivilla explained his actions de Ayllon inwardly calmed down and agreed with some of Rivilla’s actions but on the outside, he appeared still cross with them-this was part of his power play to marginalize Rivilla and re-assume command of the expedition by having Rivilla concede publicly to his authority. In truth in the upcoming year the two men would begin to work well together.
De Ayllon assigns to Rivilla the task of organizing the settlement of the peninsula north of Santa Maria across what is called the Rio San Florian, close to in what would in time become known as Cavallero Cliffs [1] while he moves to govern from Santa Maria. One of his first actions is to organize the construction of a fort at the point of his original ideal settlement, what will be known as Castillo de San Juan. He also organizes the expedition to better put it on track with becoming the profit it is supposed to be organizing increased searches for gold and the planting of more tracts of land for West Indes tobacco, and selling Susquehannock and timber back to Hispaniola.
These actions do begin to make some profit but as the second winter rolls around there are consequences. Similar to the first winter the dramatic climate differences hits the colony hard, especially as de Ayllon had only enacted some of Rivilla’s advice for preparing for the winter. The death toll among the colonists is much higher than the first winter reaches almost a hundred. It does shake de Ayllon’s confidence in the expedition as again another mutiny begins to rise among the dissatisfied settlers but once more Rivilla is able to disband it through strict new laws for the colonists and de Ayllon also begins to bribe the settlers with giving them some of his own money as well as larger tracts of land. De Ayllon does become instrumental that winter in bargaining with the Chesepioco and Nanticoke for supplies that sees the settlers through to 1528.
In the new year the expedition will have to deal with conflict with the Powhattaican, the last group of settlers to arrive, as well as renewing the grant with Emperor Charles V.
--------------
[1] Calvert Cliffs
With the land bought by the Spanish, Luis Rivilla quickly organizes the expedition in the construction on a settlement of the chosen site on top of the bluffs at the mouth of the Rio Santa Maria. Construction of the settlement includes walls for defense, barracks for most of the inhabitants of the expedition to sleep in, storage depots for their equipment, and a small church for the three Dominican priests to give their services to the expedition. Antonio de Montesinos the leader of the Dominicans, otherwise known as the Preaching Friars, closely observes the actions of Luis Rivilla and other men of the expedition. In particular, as Luis Rivilla begins to deal with the Pazaticans a few days after building begins.
De Montesinos was a member of the first band of Dominicans to travel to the New World in 1510, since doing so he has been an impassioned defender of the rights of the native peoples on Hispaniola and other parts of what would become New Spain. On December 21st in 1511 he made a public speech against the encomienda system, the labor system by which the Spanish exploited many of the natives through what was more than less slavery.
“Tell me by what right of justice do you hold these Indians in such a cruel and horrible servitude? On what authority have you waged such detestable wars against these people who dealt quietly and peacefully on their own lands? Wars in which you have destroyed such an infinite number of them by homicides and slaughters never heard of before. Why do you keep them so oppressed and exhausted, without giving them enough to eat or curing them of the sicknesses they incur from the excessive labor you give them, and they die, or rather you kill them, in order to extract and acquire gold every day.”
Bartolomeo de la Casas who had been attendance at the speech had afterward joined the Dominican order and become an even more notable critic of the Spanish treatment of the natives. His speech had outraged Diego Colon and de Montesinos had been called back to Spain which he took the opportunity to help efforts to eventually convince then King Ferdinand to enact new laws protecting the rights of the natives. Unfortunately, the majority of these laws were not followed by authorities in the West Indies, chief among them being de Ayllon and many of his business partners.
De Montesinos had been invited to join the expedition by de Ayllon himself, to oversee the actions of the company’s expedition and to also convert the natives to the true faith. However, de Montesinos knew his invitation had also been for much more profitable reasons. In the laws forbidding the slave taking of the natives there were two exceptions: 1. The Spanish could trade for slaves taken by the natives, as it was deemed fair to respect the practice if it was accepted by the natives among their own kind. 2. If a priest of the Catholic Church was to bear witness to a tribe of natives whose culture and actions were that of cannibals and the utter rejection of the Faith that tribe would be fair game toward slave taking. Toward this de Montesinos feared that he and his fellow Dominicans were invited only so that they could sanction the slave taking of the local natives by de Ayllon and his men.
Through the first year of settlement this fear for de Montesinos would be undertaken numerous times as the Spanish met with the local natives. The first interactions of course being with the Pazaticans as Luis Rivilla and other men sought to trade with them particularly for food while the crops were planted to supplement the supplies they had brought. Fortunately, it seemed at least Rivilla was knowledgeable enough to not willingly antagonize their closest neighbors and trade partners for as the Dominicans learned the language of the Pazaticans and began to preach to them he did not ask that de Montesinos denounce them. The first ‘converts’ would be among the women that many of the single members of the expedition (the vast majority of them) either bargained for their hands with the Pazaticans or were slaves taken from other tribes. Within the first year the first Mestizco born was baptized as “Sebastian” by de Montesinos himself.
In August of 1526 however the Spanish expedition was attacked. Luis Rivilla and the crew of the San Nicholas traveled north in La Bahia searching for signs of gold being used by the natives, so far they had been disappointed to not spot any use of gold among the Pazaticans or their confederated allies such as among the Nanticoke on the eastern shore of La Bahia. They also took the opportunity to name and map more rivers of La Bahia and to see if there was a way to the Pacific ocean. In the northern section of La Bahia the Spanish sent out a landing party with Pazatican guides and they were attacked by several natives, in the fight three members of the Spanish were killed but for twice that number of the native attackers were killed or taken captive.
The captives were taken back to Santa Maria and then to the Pazaticans for confirmation of their identity. The Tayac confirmed their identity as being of the Susquehannock, an enemy of the Pazaticans that frequently attacked their villages for many years. Antonio de Montesinos went among the captives with a Pazatican translator and tried to preach to them the Bible and determine if they were cannibals. While the Susquehannock seemed to reject his words he tried to determine from the Pazaticans if they ate the flesh of men. The answers de Montesinos received, that they did terrible things to their captives, was circumspect by the priest. In the end in face of their actions against the landing party he was forced to concede and denounce Susquehannock until such a time they accepted the word of the Lord. The captives were then treated as slaves and forced to work alongside the few African slaves that had been brought with the expedition.
During the course of the first year the Spanish had a good time clearing the area around Santa Maria, the Pazaticans were agriculturalists so the area was not completely undergrown in several places. The Spanish planted food worth an estimate for themselves for the winter and to see through the colonists in the upcoming year. Rivilla and the Spanish were confident they had planted enough so turned to other pursuits such as looking for gold and trading with the natives, but when winter came they were unprepared.
The Spanish were taken by surprise at how early and how long winter in La Bahia was. As well as the heavy snowfalls and when the bay at times turned to ice. The latitude of La Bahia put them on par with Spain but the weather here was nothing like their home. In the fierce months of their first winter by the time that spring came they had eaten through the majority of their prepared supplies and had to trade with the Pazaticans even more for food to supplement them. They had to slaughter their animals they had brought with them and with strict rationing. A sickness did develop in February which claimed the lives of several dozens of the Spanish members along with hypothermia. It was a clear kick in the face for Rivilla and the Spanish along with other factors such as finding no gold so far and remoteness.
When Spring came there was a greater tension among the members of the expedition, a faction developing among them that they should return to Hispaniola. Rivilla was quick to stamp on any such thoughts and did what he could to keep the members of the expedition busy for the next year. He knew that clearly he, de Ayllon and the other investors of the expedition had underestimated their new environment and that adding two hundred or more souls would dance with disaster before any of them had truly gained any wealth! To that he worked on expanding the Spanish settlement in La Bahia.
He had members of the expedition work more on clearing land on the peninsula Santa Maria sat on but he also looked farther afield. With San Nicholas and Capitania he spread out many of the expedition members, particularly the rebellious ones, elsewhere in La Bahia. They began work on setting aside land on the opposite side of Rio Santa Maria. They set up fishing posts on several of the islands in the middle region of La Bahia as well as bird catching operations. He had several small forts, not true forts but also not true settlements as they consisted of two or three buildings surrounded by palisades. These were constructed on the mouths of the Rio San Leon, Rio San Martin, and Rio San Juan for the purpose of trading with the native tribes of the Powhattaicans, Nanticoke, Rhappahannock, and the Chesepioco as well as for smaller farms. The Powhattaicans in particular would look at this with growing disgruntlement in good time.
De Ayllon along with Diego Cavallero and two hundred more settlers arrived in late May in two more Caravels. Upon discovering at the mouth of the Rio San Juan was not the settlement he had decided upon but a small fort manned by two dozen members of the expedition he was not happy that his orders had not been obeyed. Upon landing in Santa Maria he criticized Luis Rivilla for not following his orders for the expedition and threatened to put him in stockades. Fortunately, for Rivilla he was backed up by his patron Cavallero, by de Montesinos along with other members of the small informal council that had formed to govern Santa Maria. In truth as Rivilla explained his actions de Ayllon inwardly calmed down and agreed with some of Rivilla’s actions but on the outside, he appeared still cross with them-this was part of his power play to marginalize Rivilla and re-assume command of the expedition by having Rivilla concede publicly to his authority. In truth in the upcoming year the two men would begin to work well together.
De Ayllon assigns to Rivilla the task of organizing the settlement of the peninsula north of Santa Maria across what is called the Rio San Florian, close to in what would in time become known as Cavallero Cliffs [1] while he moves to govern from Santa Maria. One of his first actions is to organize the construction of a fort at the point of his original ideal settlement, what will be known as Castillo de San Juan. He also organizes the expedition to better put it on track with becoming the profit it is supposed to be organizing increased searches for gold and the planting of more tracts of land for West Indes tobacco, and selling Susquehannock and timber back to Hispaniola.
These actions do begin to make some profit but as the second winter rolls around there are consequences. Similar to the first winter the dramatic climate differences hits the colony hard, especially as de Ayllon had only enacted some of Rivilla’s advice for preparing for the winter. The death toll among the colonists is much higher than the first winter reaches almost a hundred. It does shake de Ayllon’s confidence in the expedition as again another mutiny begins to rise among the dissatisfied settlers but once more Rivilla is able to disband it through strict new laws for the colonists and de Ayllon also begins to bribe the settlers with giving them some of his own money as well as larger tracts of land. De Ayllon does become instrumental that winter in bargaining with the Chesepioco and Nanticoke for supplies that sees the settlers through to 1528.
In the new year the expedition will have to deal with conflict with the Powhattaican, the last group of settlers to arrive, as well as renewing the grant with Emperor Charles V.
--------------
[1] Calvert Cliffs