Axis of Andes

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"The circumstances which bring men to war may be likened to a process of fire. For always there is a spark, and on occasion, this spark will find its way to favourable tinder, there to simmer and smolder, to flash and flare and then blaze until finally it burst into the conflagration which consumes all before it."

Berlin, December, 1937

Hitler did not stand. Instead, he genially waved the South American visitors to take a seat. The Minister Velasco, and the Colonel Alba, gingerly took their seats. The rest of the German cabinet resumed their seats, watching the Fuerher warily.

“I regret,” Hitler began, “that the press of European matters, particularly the struggle of our brother, Commander Franco, does not allow us much time. But be welcome, tell us of matters in South America.”

“Thank you, Great Fuhrer,” Velasco began. “Ecuador is a proud country with an honourable history, like Germany itself, but like Germany threatened by a great enemy whose designs would drive our noble people into the sea.”

“You speak of Peru, of course,” Hitler said checking his notes, “the fabled land of the Incas.”

Velasco paused, trying to think how to respond to this. “It is said that the Inca began in the lands of Ecuador, though over time, their conquests extended the length of the Andes.”

“Indeed?” Hitler asked with every sign of earnest fascination. “How marvelous, the Inca folk were a remarkable race, superior to the lowly indians who surrounded them in every way. I hear that they left remarkable ruins behind, strange lost cities and pyramids. And they began in Ecuador you say?”

“Yes, they did,” Velasco said. “The indians of Peru, the indians who still make up the majority of Peru, were their slaves. When the Inca fell, they were no match for the spanish. The monuments of the true Inca are found throught Ecuador.”

“Quite remarkable. I should like to see that for myself sometime. How is the climate in Ecuador.”

“Very moderate,” Velasco replied. “European in nature, why much like Berlin itself.”

“Really,” Hitler replied. “But doesn’t Ecuador rest upon the equator. I would think it would be a tropical bath.”

“It would be, but we are sheltered by the mountains, and the cold ocean current. Ecuador has the most European climate in South America. Because of that, we have been blessed with a greater immigration of the white races. Particularly germans.”

“Is that so,” Hitler beamed. He turned to Canaris. “Is this true, Herr Canaris? Is there a little piece of the german nation straddling the Equator?”

“There are many Germans in South America,” Canaris answered. “Particularly in Argentina and Chile, but in Ecuador as well. I believe that the largest German communities are in Chile.”

“I should wonder then,” Hitler said, “why the Chileans are not here as well. Don’t we have connections there.”

“Many of the Chilean Germans are jews or communists,” Velasco said quickly, a light film of sweat appearing on his forehad. “Not all, by any means. But many.”

Hitler looked to Canaris, who shrugged.

“What of Peru?”

“Indians and bolsheviks,” replied Velasco quickly. “And Jews.”

“Well,” Hitler said, “that stands to reason, where you find bolsheviks, you also find jews, and the reverse. It is just as in Russia, the Indians are like the Slavs, a slave race, too easily lead. A simple, childlike race of savages, as Karl May shows us, without the wisdom to see through the lies of communism.”

Velasco opened his mouth and closed it.

Abruptly, Hitler’s manner changed. He became blunt and businesslike.

“What is it that you want from us?”

Velasco nodded to Colonel Alba, who began to stand up. Hitler raised an eyebrow. Alba sat down. He cleared his throat.

“We are a small, but valiant nation, preparing to defend ourselves from a powerful enemy. Already that enemy has made war upon our neighbor. Now it seeks to claim our territory. Our...”

“Lebensraum,” Hitler offered, “living space. To steal land from the European people, and fill it with slavs and bolsheviks.”

Alba blinked, and then had the wisdom to nod twice. “Yes, exactly. They have numbers and powerful supporters. We need assistance.”

“What sort of assistance?”

“Weapons,” Alba said, “and munitions, artillery, armour, aircraft, radio. Perhaps trainers. Whatever you can spare, even trucks.”

“And you assume we have vast quantities to spare, to just give you? You assume we are not confronted by true bolsheviks far more insidious and ruthless than the schemers you face? You feel that we are not troubled by slavs in endless numbers, poles and russians and ukrainians. That we are not ringed by enemies lead by these selfsame jews. The German people are not forced to the precipice, standing almost alone in a sea of mongel races, betrayed from without and within?”

“The Aryan peoples must stand together,” Velasco said. “No matter where they are, against the rising red tide. You have come to the aid of virtue in Spain.”

“So you see us coming to the aid of our friend, Commander Franco,” he said, “and you think to yourselves, ‘ahh, these are just the chaps to save us from the horde of Indians and Bolsheviks?’ What of your friends to the north, the Americans?”

“Unfortunately, their business interests are substantially greater in Peru than in Ecuador. And so they favour our enemies.”

“And behind business interests, are the Jews,” Hitler said knowingly. “You see how it all comes together?”

“We’ve often thought so,” Velasco agreed.

Abruptly, Hitler’s manner changed again. “We will consider your request,” he said. “There are many demands upon our resouces, but perhaps we can find something to spare for you. Thank you for your time. Now, you must excuse us, we have a long agenda.”

Solemnly, Hitler stood as Velasco and Alba came forward to shake hands. They exchanged greetings with the rest of Hitler’s cabinet and were escorted from the room.

“One more thing,” Hitler called.

The two Ecuadorans stopped.

“Your President, Napoli Bonifaz,” he said.

“Yes?” Velasco replied carefully.

“Is he by any chance related to the famous French General?”

Colonel Alba cleared his throat, but Velasco spoke first.

“He has never spoken of it. But many French and Germans came to Ecuador after the battle of Waterloo, finding Europe no longer sympathetic to them. So it is certainly likely.”

“Ahh,” Hitler said, “interesting. Thank you, you may go.”

He watched as the two men left, and once they were safely out of earshot

“What an extraodinary thing,” he ejaculated suddenly, barking a few short laughs. “I have never imagined such a thing. Why, they were right out of a comic opera!”

There was a round of sycophantic laughter.

“Did you see the Colonel?” Goebbels chuckled. “I was nearly beside myself. With all his gold braid and epaulets, I was almost ready to ask him to carry my luggage.”

“Yes,” Goering laughed, “I was almost certain that Canaris had hired a couple of actors to play a prank upon us.”

“Imagine that,” Hitler said, “a lost country of Aryans on the Equator, amid the ruins of pyramids and temples, facing hordes of Indians and Bolsheviks. Why, it’s out of Karl May. No, it’s more bizarre even than May would write.”

“We should send them to Benito,” Himmler said, “I’m sure he would love them.”

“Actually,” Canaris said, “they have already met Mussolini, who indicated that he was quite receptive.”

“Has he made a commitment?”

“Not yet.”

“Of course he would be receptive,” Hitler said thoughtfully, “our friend Benito is hungry for overseas colonies. I’m sure he would love an opportunity to carve himself a slice of South America in some fashion. But make no mistake, things will be decided here in Europe, it would be a mistake to get involved in such a sideshow.”

“I do not see any merit in getting involved,” Himmler said, “let the South Americans deal with their own matters. I can see no benefit to us.”

“We do have interests and supporters in South America,” Canaris suggested. “We have assets there. Perhaps a friendly government might allow us to advance those interests.”

Hitler shrugged, steepling his fingers.

“What do you say, Herman?” he asked Goering.

“Like Heinrich,” Goering replied, “I see no real advantage in... as you say... being diverted by a sideshow. And to play too heavily there might antagonize the Americans.”

Hitler shrugged at the mention of the Americans.

“Our assets in South America,” Hitler asked thoughtfully, “do they amount to much?”

“They are small remote countries,” Himmler said, “of no great consequence.”

“True,” Hitler replied. “But they have come all this way, and their enemies are our enemies. I would not see Bolshevism defeated here, only to have the Jews establish a new fortress somewhere else.”

He shook himself, seeming to make a decision.

“The great battle is coming. Even Spain is merely a sideshow. Still.... If beggars come to our table, it is only polite to throw them a few crumbs. Let us see if we can spare them a few deutschmarks and rifles, it might do some good. I’m sure our friend Benito will chip in.... And Heinrich, send a letter to our friend Henry Ford. Ask him to help out. After all, this is America’s domain, we should encourage the Americans to choose the right party, not antagonize them. Help, but not too much help. We are here to win victories, gentlemen, not enemies.”

Hitler watched for a second as the secretary transcribed notes.

“Very well, now the next item on the Agenda...”
 
pod

Quito, Ecuador, 1890

Neptali Bonifaz walks along the docks late at night heedless. He is a young man, well dressed and far from his usual circles. The night is warm, but he is cold with rage. He has just finished another row with his father. He resolves to leave Ecuador, to find his place in the world. Too long he's been in the shadows of his father, a Peruvian diplomat. He can't stand the man. He is Ecuadorian, like his mother, like his family. Naptali stands astride two nations, his father of Peru, yet his mother is Ecuador, Ecuador is where he was born. He considers his father's offer to arrange him a Peruvian passport. What would his friends say to that? No. Ridiculous. No matter where he goes, he will always proudly carry Ecuador with him. No to the passport. No to his father. He reaches into his pocket, finds a handful of Peruvian coins, and flings them into the sea. Eventually, he marches back to his home, but the rage, the anger, never quite abates.
 
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archaeogeek

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Is your TL having a "Napoleon immigrated to Colombia" conspiracy theory :p

(Also of all south american countries... IDK about Ecuador although I guess if they wanted European support for a rematch over the Asuay region :p )
 
I like it, but I fear for those who will come in screaming "ASB! ASB!"

Haven't there been arguments about Hitler's involvement in S. America?

Sadly, this is the only time Hitler will appear in this timeline. There's no possible way that the Nazi's would send troops or even major support and supplies on the level of the intervention in the Spanish American War. That would be as ridiculous as having the Germans send an expeditionary force to China to help the Japanese. Certainly any capacity to provide any help ends in 1939.

And in fact, Hitler's reception to the Ecuadorans is telling. They're there to beg for military assistance, and his attitude is a mixture of condescension, amusement and projecting his own attitudes. Which is why he rambles on about Karl May, pyramids (which are in the Yucatan not the Andes), and bolsheviks and slavs. The Ecuadorans are supplicants so they go along with it. The whole meeting takes fifteen minutes, and Hitler's ultimate decision is half whimsy, quickly forgotten. But because he's The Guy underlings take even his whimsy and run with it.

In the end, Germany does make some commitments, but they're not huge. Relatively tiny in comparison to the Spanish American war, or in absolute terms - some money, some munitions and artillery, perhaps a dozen military advisors, and perhaps most important, operational links with the Nazi's latin American spy and diplomatic networks. The artillery is mostly WWI leftovers or obsolete limited run stuff. The best that gets sent is a few pieces of Czech tech.

Mussolini chips in some, less money and more weapons and munitions, but again, not that much. Henry Ford is a businessman, and he's slightly more attentive and supportive of Ecuador, which may arguably have a greater impact than a few sporadic cases of rifle and artillery munitions.

The net of it all is that on the scale the Europeans are playing with, their involvement with Ecuador is trivial. But on the relative scales of that area in Latin America, even a trivial contribution has significant effects.

In the end, there's not much more in terms of Nazi involvement. But the brief encounter has significant consequences.
 
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Is your TL having a "Napoleon immigrated to Colombia" conspiracy theory :p

(Also of all south american countries... IDK about Ecuador although I guess if they wanted European support for a rematch over the Asuay region :p )

Nope, Hitler is just spouting off another cockamamie notion. I understand he was prone to doing that.

Naptali Bonifaz was a real person, and utterly unrelated to the Corsican Bonaparte clan. Born in Quito in 1870 to an Ecuadoran mother, and a father who was a Peruvian Diplomat, he was clearly a member of the Latin American upper classes. In his youth, he traveled a bit using a Peruvian passport, but ultimately he considered himself an Ecuadoran. From what I can find on him, he seems to have been a proto-technocrat, intelligent, cultured, somewhat conservative. He became a fairly traditional landowner, but he was also involved in the Julian Movement, a reformist export oriented policy group that dominated Ecuadoran politics in the 1920's. I believe that he was the Governor of the Central Bank, but don't quote me on that. When the depression hit, export import revenues collapsed, and when that financial base went, so did the Julians.

Then it gets interesting. Bonifaz ends up fronting for a fascist group called the 'National Compact' or the 'Dirty Shirts' around 1930. The big signature of fascists at that time was uniform shirts - so Germany had the Brown shirts, another place had the Silver Shirts etc. The Dirty Shirts were fairly classic fascists in terms of tactics and rhetoric. They seem to have been a magnet for the dispossessed and alienated, but were controlled by conservative landholders. An unlikely combination in normal times, but in the throes of the depression those sorts of irrational alliances were common.

Naptali Bonifaz by this time was sixty years old, and had given no sign whatsoever of the sort or rabble rousing we associate with Hitler or Mussolini, or even the murderous qualities of a Franco. Rather, he seems to have been advanced as a kind of 'unity' candidate, a guy with a good reputation, no stains or blemishes, universally respected, and thus capable of appealing to both the landholder class and to the unemployed and landless.

It worked, sort of. Naptali Bonifaz and the National Compact handily won the election of October 1931. Unfortunately, the opposition didn't take that lying down. Bonifaz came under attack for his Peruvian ties, including travelling on a Peruvian passport (the opposition didn't have the passport issue in this timeline, but they still worked the angle). Resistance and hostility produced a four day mini-civil war, a bloody little thing. The army sat the whole thing out in the Barracks and Bonifaz was driven from power.

The result for Ecuador was a series of revolving door governments, none lasting more than a year or two and some lasting only months, through the depression and WWII. It took a while for Ecuadoran politics to regain any sort of stability. This was largely because the underlying social consensuses had basically fallen apart. The interests and priorities of traditional large landowners, middle classes, working class, urban merchants and export traders, technocrats often seemed at cross purposes. Ecuador was a small and relatively poor country to start with, in the teeth of the great depression, so its options were limited. But the revolving door governments essentially made any kind of coherent long term policies or initiatives impossible, and doubtless made things worse.

The real pod of this timeline is that Bonifaz as a young man, has a falling out with his father. Sons almost always fight with fathers, its part of establishing your own identity. It gets sorted out. In this timeline though, the falling out is slightly more intense. Bonifaz does not travel on a Peruvian passport, he gets more involved and somewhat earlier in Ecuadoran nationalism, and because he's only half Ecuadoran he's got something to prove.

At first, it doesn't make any real difference. He works things out or reconciles with his father eventually, though there may be more tensions. His increased affiliation with Ecuadoran nationalism doesn't have a lot of impact on his career. He continues to affiliate with the Julian movement.

But by the time he associates with the National Compact, he's a bit better connected, his nationalist credentials are more solid, there's no hidden scandal of the passport waiting to bite him, and the army or parts thereof are just slightly more sympathetic.

End result, his government survives the mini-civil war in 1931, and as we see by 1937 is still around. Interesting things occur as a result of Bonifaz efforts to cling to power through the intervening period.

I should note that this timeline is going to move very slowly for a while. My main focus is on getting Green Antarctica to where I want to go. Like Green Antarctica, this timeline is likely going to be a lot of tediously subtle detail as ripples spread through the politics, economics and military affairs of South America. But the endgame is going to be messy as hell.
 
This certainly caught my interests. Might Argentina play a role in the South American Axis?

That would be telling. ;)

Let's just wait and see how the butterflies travel. This all starts with some kid having a fight with his dad, after all. It was a major tip of my hand to show one of the outcomes of that as a meeting with Hitler almost half a century later. But I wanted to start this timeline with a dramatic incident to get attention. 'Your not the boss of me!' wasn't going to do that.
 
Not a Point of Divergence

In South America, the departure and expulsion of the Spanish had given rise to a succession of quarreling republics, jealous of their territories, protective of their sovereignty, and uncertain of their borders.

Everywhere, poorly demarcated borders became a source of conflict. Between Chile and Argentina, Bolivia and Paraguay, Columbia and Ecuador, Ecuador and Peru, Columbia and Peru.

For the Andean nations, the particular geography of the area contributed to tensions. In simple terms, the Andean nations shared a sort of layered geography.

To start with, there were the coastal and lowland areas, the lands colonized by the Spanish, the lands of Europeans and Europeanized meztizo, with cities and towns, ports and roads. Moving inwards, we come to the uplands and highlands, the hill country, dominated by primarily indian villages and farmers living almost traditional lifestyles, as well as large landowners. This leads to the Andean mountain ranges. Beyond them lay the 'Oriente' the Amazon jungle, thinly populated, inaccessible, difficult to hold and reach, extending to the poorly delineated borders of the territories held by Brazil.

It was the 'Oriente' which was often a source of strife. Brazil relatively easily established its claims to the interior by following the Amazon river system. The coastal nations of the Andes each claimed large inland domains, but had rather more difficulty establishing control over these territories due to the vagaries of mountain passes, trails and river courses. Territories which could be cleanly drawn on a map were often inaccessible or indistinct.

Even today, the interiors remain thinly populated and subject to conflict. Governance is sometimes light. For Colombia, for example, a long standing guerilla movement, FARC, has controlled a large portion of the interior.

Disputes between Ecuador and its neighbors went back a long way. In 1887, Peru and Ecuador submitted their territorial disputes to the King of Spain, a process called the Espinoza-Bonifaz Convention. But it fell apart as the Ecuadorans were not prepared to accept the undisclosed decision.

Following this, in 1890, Peru and Ecuador entered into direct negotiations. From this came the Herrera-García Treaty which gave Ecuador access to the Amazon river, dominion over the Napo and Putumayo rivers, part of the provinces of Tumbes and Maynas, and the Canelos region. The Treaty was favourable to Ecuador, recognizing or conceding its claims to the interior. which quickly proceeded to ratification in 1891. Peru had just undergone a devastating defeat by Chile in the War of the Pacific, and had negotiated from a position of relative weakness. Consequently, Peru introduced a series of amendments over the next year, which Ecuador rejected. The treaty broke down.

In 1916, the Munoz-Suarez Treaty was signed between Columbia and Ecuador. At the time, it was a rational agreement, wherein the parties demarcated lands south of the Putumayo, a navigable river, as the boundary. Ecuador made territorial concessions in favour of securing a stable border with Columbia.

Subsequent events would lead the Ecuadorians to denounce the Treaty as the product of a 'secret pact' between Peru and Columbia.

Regardless.... it would set the nation on a path to war 25 years later.
 
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Still not a point of Divegence - The Saloman-Lopez Treaty

Sometimes you're just walking along minding your own business, and a car jumps the curb, and pastes you.

That must have been how the Ecuadorans felt about the Saloman-Lopez treaty between Columbia and Peru.

Negotiated in secret in March 1922, the Treaty was another attempt to sort out the issues of the 'Oriente' between the parties. The winding paths of rivers meant that Peru had easier access de facto access to territories claimed by Columbia.

In the Treaty, Peru ceded to Columbia a 'corridor to the Amazon' including the town of Leticia, in return, Columbia agreed to the Putumayo river as a mutual border, conceded the area south of the Putumayo river to Peru. What this meant was that Peru would now literally surround Ecuador, bordering its interior on three sides.

Significantly, the Treaty also saw Columbia recognizing Peruvian claims to territory claimed by Ecuador. Essentially, the Treaty kicked Ecuador to the curb, freeing Peru to deal with the little country at its leisure.

Of course, a secret treaty can't be secret forever. Negotiated under the Peruvian dictator, August B. Leguia, Leguia was overthrown by Sanchez in 1928, and the Treaty became public. It was greeted with substantial outrage in Peru, which saw the concession of Leticia as a surrender of Peruvian territory. The Peruvians essentially repudiated the Treaty.

Meanwhile, Ecuador, in outrage, broke diplomatic relations with Columbia, arguing, with some justification, that they had literally been sold down the river, particularly given their own treaty only six years before.

The fallout from the Salomon Lopez Treaty would lead almost directly to both the Colombia/Peru war of 1932, and ther Peru/Ecuador war of 1941.
 
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