As Befits A King
- Thread starter Thermopylae
- Start date
To be sure. Don't worry, notice now that he's back in Egypt. Sure, far from his eastern subjects, but still closer toward the political center of the empire than "Eudaemon Alexandria"
It's a very interesting idea, but what exactly would the military or economic benefit be of razing Makoraba (Mecca) at this point in history? It didn't, AFAIK, become a major stopover for land-based spice trade routes until the 6th Century AD IOTL.
All in good time, my man, all in good time. (Meaning probably today or tomorrow)
I just thought, since most of the Arabian Peninsula is pretty sparsely populated at this point, I suppose that, in time, there would be a lot of immigration, particularly from places like Mesopotamia, Egypt, Persia, and Syria, not to mention some Greek soldiers, merchants, and engineers. With the major settlement areas being inundated by waves of such diverse foreign peoples, it would change the cultural makeup of Arabia beyond recognition. The native desert nomads would become like the Basques of Spain, a marginal, overlooked, demograghic.
A very interesting observation, I hadn't considered that. Yes, I'd imagine that once the soldiers from the campaign returned to society, they would regale their compatriots with tales of the wealth of Arabia.
Really sorry guys, this has been a very busy week for me. You'll have your map and next update tomorrow.
With the native culture of Arabia being transformed about nine-hundred years before the rise of Islam, I think that the social elite would practice a mainly Hellenic faith, while much of the native and immigrant populace might practice something thats a mix between Egyptian (west and southern Arabia) and Babylonian (north and eastern Arabia).
Map coming shortly. Here's the next update
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Chapter 3 - The Return of the King
Alexandria, 5 July 322 B.C.
From The Archon, Turamaya Agrawal, 4.5
And so for that I must praise Alexander III, who followed the example of the Pharaohs before him, and gained control of his subjects not through directly pressing upon them, but by first gaining control of the resources they need, and then giving them the chance to scatter to the four winds.
5 July 322 B.C. marks the first visit of Alexander to the first city bearing his name since he founded it ten years previously. Much progress had been made as to the expansion of this city, and it pleased him greatly to pass his days observing the construction of the city.
Alexander would now have to sit down for updates regarding his far-flung empire. He particularly wanted information regarding how well his garrisons in the Arab cities were holding up, and how went things in India.
Alexander's first action was to make the fleet which bore his army around the peninsula a permanent feature of the waters of that area. That is to say, the fleet was to be maintained and every so often sent to patrol the Arabian coast. That same fleet would also every now and then be sent to collect news from the Indus River. The Erythrean Fleet, as it would come to be called, would serve as a powerful, mobile reminder that Alexander had eyes everywhere.
Alexander also decided that it was high time he paid a visit to his court in Pella. But then again, it was high time that he paid a visit to a great many places west of Babylon. To that end, he decided that he and his Macedonians (the others within his ranks were to return home) were to do a coastal tour of the Levant and the southern coast of Mikra Asia.
In his tour he would be certain to drop in on the Jews, and Krateros, who was currently overseeing the construction of a large fleet, a fleet which was to serve the dual purpose of procuring suzerainty over the Black Sea coast (or at least, the important parts), and to perhaps, one day, take on the ships of mighty Carthage, and to carry his armies to the west.
So, on September 14, Alexander set off with his army in the ships, following the coast east then north. They would disembark at many points along the way, and arrive in the land of the Jews on 24 September.
Alexander entered the city of Jerusalem with his bodyguards on the same day, while his army remained on the coast to enjoy their repose. Records state that Alexander met with the priests of the city and discussed matters of the divine and philosophy with them. The content of the discussions, if ever recorded, have since been lost to history. What does survive, however, is record of Alexander once again making a sacrifice to the god of the Jews during his second visit in 322 B.C. Many among Alexander's bodyguard did not understand his unique reverence to the Hebrew god, especially given Alexander's adamance that he was the son of Zeus.
The Jews received Alexander quite well, and among the upper classes in the city all things Greek were now in vogue.
On 1 October he set off from the land of the Jews and on 3 October arrived for a quick stop in Tyre. Not much was done in Tyre, except to rest the limbs and to display Alexandrian authority. However Alexander, feeling removed from the his "central" court in Babylon, sent Attalus, one of his officers, to see to it that a system of postal-relay horse stations, each one 300 stadia apart, so that in just 2 days news can be brought from Babylon to Tarsus (Alexander's next major stopover). This system and similar ones would spring up over the years of Alexander's reign, and would be instrumental in the governance of the sprawling empire.
On 5 October he left Tyre, and on 11 October would arrive in Tarsus, where he rendezvoused with Krateros, the veterans whom Alexander, after paying handsomely, sent home to Macedon on account of their being too old or otherwise incapacitated. He also met with his more able-bodied Macedonians whom he had left in Charax at the start of the Arabian campaign, having been told when Alexander was in Alexandria to progress toward Tarsus.
Alexander rejoiced to see the 11,500 veterans, and spent much of his time in Tarsus reminiscing about battles past, and the times on campaign. Alexander was not in any way pressed for time, he intended to winter in Cilicia.
Construction of the fleet was progressing smoothly, and it was said that within another few months it would be ready. Demetrios of Sirako records a conversation between his bodyguards and himself with regards to his next move.
The fleet was theoretically ready to sail in December, but winter being a bad time to commence a journey by sea, Alexander contented himself with waiting until then to depart from Cilicia.
On 27 February Alexander set out from Cilicia (with Craterus' fleet) and would stop on 7 March in Rhodes, for no particular reason other than for rest. He would depart from Rhodes on 9 March, and would next visit Athens, arriving in the port of Piraeus on 16 March. Alexander was mildly received in Athens. For many years Athens was a hotbed of anti-Macedonian sentiment, particularly among the Athenian elite. Certainly the Athenian elite would behave themselves while Alexander was in the city itself, but nonetheless the tension was palpable.
Alexander was of course obliged during his visit to drop in on his old tutor, Aristotle, who was living in Athens at the time and still teaching at the Lykeion.
The exact contents of the meeting are unknown, however we do know a few things. The meeting was cordial, but it is known that Aristotle had expressed concern for his former student. Aristotle was a firm believer in the idea that the barbarians were little more than animals, insofar as they lived for and through their senses, as opposed to the Greeks (which, in Aristotle's estimation, included the Macedonians).
This was all well and good, as far as Alexander was concerned. Few of Aristotle's ideals rubbed off on Alexander (though Alexander's love of the study of medicine can be directly attributed to Aristotle's teachings).
On 26 March Alexander departed Athens, and would not stop until he, after nearly 13 years gone, returned to Pella on 1 April arrived in Pella. When he was there he was granted a hero's welcome, and the festivities went on for many days.
Among other firsts at Pella in 321 B.C., Alexander was for the first time introduced to his son, Alexander IV Argead. Alexander was adamant that his son be brought up in the same way that he himself did, in the Macedonian fashion.
But perhaps the most immediately important issue raised at the meeting in Pella was this almost slow-motion deterioration of the situation in both the court and Greece itself. Antipater was, in some instances, openly hostile to Alexander, the source of the hostility being that Alexander had every intention of replacing Antipater with Krateros as regent of Macedon and strategos of Europe. The primary reason for this was the troubles in the court between Antipater, and the mother of Alexander, Olympias.
But with Alexander there, Antipater and son Cassander could only stand by helplessly as the regency of Greece was passed from Antipater to Krateros. Both Antipater and Cassander were told to accompany Alexander into the Euxinos Pontos (Black Sea), while Krateros would remain in Pella to do his best to bring order to the court there.
Alexander would depart with his new fleet and an army of 25,000 (almost exclusively Macedonian now) on 15 July 321 B.C. and set sail to subdue the Greek cities beyond the Bosporus, and to seek the sea route to Skuthia.
Chapter 3 - The Return of the King
Alexandria, 5 July 322 B.C.
From The Archon, Turamaya Agrawal, 4.5
And so for that I must praise Alexander III, who followed the example of the Pharaohs before him, and gained control of his subjects not through directly pressing upon them, but by first gaining control of the resources they need, and then giving them the chance to scatter to the four winds.
5 July 322 B.C. marks the first visit of Alexander to the first city bearing his name since he founded it ten years previously. Much progress had been made as to the expansion of this city, and it pleased him greatly to pass his days observing the construction of the city.
Alexander would now have to sit down for updates regarding his far-flung empire. He particularly wanted information regarding how well his garrisons in the Arab cities were holding up, and how went things in India.
Alexander's first action was to make the fleet which bore his army around the peninsula a permanent feature of the waters of that area. That is to say, the fleet was to be maintained and every so often sent to patrol the Arabian coast. That same fleet would also every now and then be sent to collect news from the Indus River. The Erythrean Fleet, as it would come to be called, would serve as a powerful, mobile reminder that Alexander had eyes everywhere.
Alexander also decided that it was high time he paid a visit to his court in Pella. But then again, it was high time that he paid a visit to a great many places west of Babylon. To that end, he decided that he and his Macedonians (the others within his ranks were to return home) were to do a coastal tour of the Levant and the southern coast of Mikra Asia.
In his tour he would be certain to drop in on the Jews, and Krateros, who was currently overseeing the construction of a large fleet, a fleet which was to serve the dual purpose of procuring suzerainty over the Black Sea coast (or at least, the important parts), and to perhaps, one day, take on the ships of mighty Carthage, and to carry his armies to the west.
So, on September 14, Alexander set off with his army in the ships, following the coast east then north. They would disembark at many points along the way, and arrive in the land of the Jews on 24 September.
Alexander entered the city of Jerusalem with his bodyguards on the same day, while his army remained on the coast to enjoy their repose. Records state that Alexander met with the priests of the city and discussed matters of the divine and philosophy with them. The content of the discussions, if ever recorded, have since been lost to history. What does survive, however, is record of Alexander once again making a sacrifice to the god of the Jews during his second visit in 322 B.C. Many among Alexander's bodyguard did not understand his unique reverence to the Hebrew god, especially given Alexander's adamance that he was the son of Zeus.
The Jews received Alexander quite well, and among the upper classes in the city all things Greek were now in vogue.
On 1 October he set off from the land of the Jews and on 3 October arrived for a quick stop in Tyre. Not much was done in Tyre, except to rest the limbs and to display Alexandrian authority. However Alexander, feeling removed from the his "central" court in Babylon, sent Attalus, one of his officers, to see to it that a system of postal-relay horse stations, each one 300 stadia apart, so that in just 2 days news can be brought from Babylon to Tarsus (Alexander's next major stopover). This system and similar ones would spring up over the years of Alexander's reign, and would be instrumental in the governance of the sprawling empire.
On 5 October he left Tyre, and on 11 October would arrive in Tarsus, where he rendezvoused with Krateros, the veterans whom Alexander, after paying handsomely, sent home to Macedon on account of their being too old or otherwise incapacitated. He also met with his more able-bodied Macedonians whom he had left in Charax at the start of the Arabian campaign, having been told when Alexander was in Alexandria to progress toward Tarsus.
Alexander rejoiced to see the 11,500 veterans, and spent much of his time in Tarsus reminiscing about battles past, and the times on campaign. Alexander was not in any way pressed for time, he intended to winter in Cilicia.
Construction of the fleet was progressing smoothly, and it was said that within another few months it would be ready. Demetrios of Sirako records a conversation between his bodyguards and himself with regards to his next move.
The fleet was theoretically ready to sail in December, but winter being a bad time to commence a journey by sea, Alexander contented himself with waiting until then to depart from Cilicia.
On 27 February Alexander set out from Cilicia (with Craterus' fleet) and would stop on 7 March in Rhodes, for no particular reason other than for rest. He would depart from Rhodes on 9 March, and would next visit Athens, arriving in the port of Piraeus on 16 March. Alexander was mildly received in Athens. For many years Athens was a hotbed of anti-Macedonian sentiment, particularly among the Athenian elite. Certainly the Athenian elite would behave themselves while Alexander was in the city itself, but nonetheless the tension was palpable.
Alexander was of course obliged during his visit to drop in on his old tutor, Aristotle, who was living in Athens at the time and still teaching at the Lykeion.
The exact contents of the meeting are unknown, however we do know a few things. The meeting was cordial, but it is known that Aristotle had expressed concern for his former student. Aristotle was a firm believer in the idea that the barbarians were little more than animals, insofar as they lived for and through their senses, as opposed to the Greeks (which, in Aristotle's estimation, included the Macedonians).
This was all well and good, as far as Alexander was concerned. Few of Aristotle's ideals rubbed off on Alexander (though Alexander's love of the study of medicine can be directly attributed to Aristotle's teachings).
On 26 March Alexander departed Athens, and would not stop until he, after nearly 13 years gone, returned to Pella on 1 April arrived in Pella. When he was there he was granted a hero's welcome, and the festivities went on for many days.
Among other firsts at Pella in 321 B.C., Alexander was for the first time introduced to his son, Alexander IV Argead. Alexander was adamant that his son be brought up in the same way that he himself did, in the Macedonian fashion.
But perhaps the most immediately important issue raised at the meeting in Pella was this almost slow-motion deterioration of the situation in both the court and Greece itself. Antipater was, in some instances, openly hostile to Alexander, the source of the hostility being that Alexander had every intention of replacing Antipater with Krateros as regent of Macedon and strategos of Europe. The primary reason for this was the troubles in the court between Antipater, and the mother of Alexander, Olympias.
But with Alexander there, Antipater and son Cassander could only stand by helplessly as the regency of Greece was passed from Antipater to Krateros. Both Antipater and Cassander were told to accompany Alexander into the Euxinos Pontos (Black Sea), while Krateros would remain in Pella to do his best to bring order to the court there.
Alexander would depart with his new fleet and an army of 25,000 (almost exclusively Macedonian now) on 15 July 321 B.C. and set sail to subdue the Greek cities beyond the Bosporus, and to seek the sea route to Skuthia.
Nice one. Gods bless Alexander.
Thanks!
That was my reasoning behind it. Alexander was nothing if not pragmatic, so I figured he would favor his Macedonian tendencies whilst in Macedon.
I admit that on my own part that I'm kind of hoping that Alexander's interest in the Hebrew people is merely political. Is he merely intrigued with their national cult, or does he want to slowly assimilate them into Hellenic culture?
This expedition to find a passage between the Euxine and the Caspian could help lay the foundation for future expansion into the eastern steppes, I take it?
And the removal of Antipater and Cassender from the seat of power in the west, could postpone the eventual breakup of the empire.
Again, good work.
This expedition to find a passage between the Euxine and the Caspian could help lay the foundation for future expansion into the eastern steppes, I take it?
And the removal of Antipater and Cassender from the seat of power in the west, could postpone the eventual breakup of the empire.
Again, good work.
Yes, it's merely a political thing. Expressing an interest in their national cult endears the Jewish higher-ups to Alexander. Although Alexander's interest is indeed a genuine, if purely intellectual one. (Wow, a religion with just ONE GOD!)
If such a passage actually existed, sure. But since that passage does not exist, I don't really see it coming into play. No prospective colonist would take land on the steppe when he could take land in, well, just about anywhere else.
Indeed, all indications point to the fact that Alexander toward the end of his life was very displeased with the Antipatrids, and recognized their mismanagement of the situation with the League of Corinth. I'm going to assume that Craterus will do a decently better job than his forebears.
I think the Varangian/Vikings that operated in the Black Sea would sometimes mount expeditions to raid the Caspian, by rowing through the rivers that straddled between them. But there boats were slim enough that they could be dragged overland to be settled on another river. What I'm saying is that with a heightened Greek presence in the Ukraine, and under the tight management of the Macedonian Empire, someone might take an interest into expanding further inland. And if that were to happen, then maybe someone considers the idea of digging a canal to link the rivers between the Euxine and the Caspian. Although, none of this has to happen during the age of the Macedonians. It could be an idea for later centuries.
About the notional "Euxine-Caspian Passage". Now again, this is just me pitching an idea, and I will respect your decision of whether or not you go ahead with it, but as long as the Macedonian Empire of Alexander's making endures, someone in authority could propose the the annexation of inland Scythia, with among other things, the idea of digging a vast canal linking the Don and Volga rivers in the southern steppes, so that Caspian sailors may have an outlet to the outside world. Also, this might increase the presence of more foreign traders in the Caspian region, and may lead to the colonization of the upper reaches of the sea.
In time, this could lead up to the Sarmation and Scythian tribes to build permanent settlements of their own, thus creating an early cultural urbanization of the steppes. Of course, as you said, there are plenty of nicer, and more accessible places for the Greeks to conquer and settle.
After reading the third chapter, this theory popped into my head.
In time, this could lead up to the Sarmation and Scythian tribes to build permanent settlements of their own, thus creating an early cultural urbanization of the steppes. Of course, as you said, there are plenty of nicer, and more accessible places for the Greeks to conquer and settle.
After reading the third chapter, this theory popped into my head.
I just have another question: could we expect, after the business in the Euxine Pontus, that the Macedonians force the Greeks of Massalia (Marseille) and the colonies in Spain into submitting to their rule? Perhaps Alexander could gain control of their shipyards before waging war against the Carthaginians?!
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