Anahuac Triufante: A more united and successful Mexico from Colony to Enduring Republic TL

This timeline asks what a continuous uninterrupted rebellion would look like, what it takes to get that, and how that would impact the early history of independent Mexico. I don't have one singular POD but rather a general cultural one. The What if of this timeline is: "What if Mexicans, especially Criollos, were more liberal along the lines of the enlightenment in northern Europe?" or "What if Mexican Criollos and the castas were more united and forceful in their resentment to the Peninsulares?" or rather both.

To make this happen I have one or two semi-POD's that release butterflies that work in mysterious ways. I don't know if that's ASB or not, but I hope it can be overlooked or accepted. These will trigger other later "POD's".

Before joining AH.com I mulled over in my mind how things could have gone differently for Mexico in its early years. The closest to that vision that I found here was a timeline by Archangelsk (Link) whose format I liked and will sort off be using here. I would also like to credit the timelines of Mad Orc, Vaultboy, and Jycee whose timelines I am still reading whose styles and formats are also an influence.

There will be main timeline posts (Parts and Chapters) as well as "Bio" posts which would be like dramatized segments in historical documentaries. You won't necessarily need to read those, but they would, I hope, ad a bit more. I also would like to add the occasional culture post but I can't say how frequent they would be. I would also like to point out that I am making the timeline grow more or less "naturally" even though I do have ideas of where I want Mexico to be, if I find that can't be there without too much tomfoolery on my part, then it won't got there. But there will be some slight "wanking" of Mexico.

My next post will contain the first part of the Timeline. Please feel free to leave feedback and constructive criticism is always welcomed!
 
Part 1: A Novohispano Enlightenment Chapter 1: The Seed of Anti-Peninsular Criollo Nationalism
Anahuac Triufante: A more united and successful Mexico from Colony to Enduring Republic TL

Part 1: A Novohispano Enlightenment

Chapter 1: The Seed of Anti-Peninsular Criollo Nationalism

New Spain was divided into a caste system with most executive positions of Colonial government reserved to those born in Europe, Peninsulares, while Europeans born in America, Criollos were excluded. Mestizos, the descendants of both Criollos and indigenous peoples were seen in a lower tear with blacks and indigenous peoples operating at the bottom. This system became an accepted system seen as a way of life until Criollos began to chafe at increasing control exerted by Peninsulares at the expense of everyone else. Criollos would come to recognize the struggles of one Doña Juana Ines de Asbaje y Ramirez de Santillana as their own against and increasingly oppressive Spain.

Juana Ines de Asbaje y Ramírez de Santillana joined the Viceregal court in Mexico City in 1664 at the age of thirteen and quickly gained the attention of the vicereine. Juana Ines impressed the court with her knowledge of the sciences and literature and her poetic compositions. She was also fund of using Nahuatl which gained her the admiration of the indigenous servants. The Viceroy Maquis de Mancera had 40 of the best intellectuals of New Spain administer a public exam to determine the truthfulness and extent of her intelligence, which she passed beyond all conceivable expectations. She would continue to impress each successive viceroy and vicereine who would in turn provide her protection from those who sought to silence her.


Juana Ines at the age of 15

For some, Juana Ines’ attributed beauty and duties as a woman were more important. When she was fifteen years old after she refused some marriage proposals preferring to focus on her studies, her confessor, Antonio Nuñez de Miranda, began pressuring her to either marry or join a convent. Juana Ines kept stalling for over a year until she ran into Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora, another savant much like Juana Ines and six years her senior [1]. After having shared discussions and ideas Juana Ines convinced Carlos to enter a faux marriage where the two could use each other to further their studies. Juana Ines wouldn’t need to worry about wifely duties or children and in exchange, Carlos now had access to the Viceregal court. Both would even work together on projects, and in a way this marriage of convenience did become a marriage of love, albeit of a very different kind of love.

The faux couple would still receive the ire of those who opposed Juana Ines’ focus on the sciences due to her sex and her affinity for the indeginous. Her detractors noted the lack of children and paradoxically claimed that they led lascivious lives while supporters claimed that they were truly in love and were simply victims of a barren marriage only to be judged by God himself. One of Juana Ines’ staunchest opponents was Archbishop of Mexico Francisco de Aguiar y Seijas. While known for his philanthropy and support of the most vulnerable classes of New Spain he was a misogynist even by 15th century standards [2]. He even prohibited the presence of women in the Archbishop’s palace under penalty of excommunication and could not stand to be in the presence of any woman.

His denunciations finally bore fruit in 1685 when during an inquisition trial Juana Ines was forced to admit her virginity having her marriage with Carlos annulled and cloistered at the behest of Francisco de Aguiar y Seijas. The Viceroy at the time intervened to have her sent to a more liberal convent, but despite that she was not allowed to further pursue her studies. She went from being known as the “Minerva of the West” to a silenced nun who died in 1695 from exposure to the plague. Carlos died a few years later after failed attempts to appeal the inquisition’s decision. For the first few years she was permitted to continue her studies and writing until 1690.


Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz by Miguel Cabrera showing a cloistered Juana Ines defiantly engaging in her studies. Painted circa 1750 considered an iconic image of Criollo nationalism.
While these events did where not seen as anything significant on the national scale in New Spain at the time, over half a century later the resurfacing of lost writings and popularization of known works of these two individuals, especially that of Juana Ines, lead to the adoption of an anti-peninsular narrative. Criollos who felt increasingly aggrieved saw a sort of kinship with Juana Ines. Juana Ines and Carlos were Criollos whose lives and marriage was turned asunder by a peninsular “priest” aided by those who could not stand the notoriety of these two Novohispanos and worked to silence them. It was yet anther example of how the “old Spanish” cared little for the plight of the “New Spanish”. Even to this day, Mexicans refuse to use her final name of Sur Juana Ines de la Cruz preferring her birth name.

Several historians point out that in a way, these events did produce a new Spain which was more receptive to the ideas of the enlightenment. The rediscovery of the writings of Juana Ines de Asbaje and Carlos de Siguenza led to a fervent interest in the sciences as well as the idea of Criollo thinkers working against the wishes of the Peninsular power structure, especially due to the Nationalistic nature of Carlos’ work. The forbidden books that Juana Ines owned, about renaissance and early enlightenment authors, which got her in trouble with the inquisition, motivated Criollos to seek out works by the likes of Rousseau, Voltaire, and Locke as well as material on Adam Smith and the founding fathers of the United States who were seen, as Guadalupe Victoria would put it, as “Anglo Criollos who overthrew their Insular oppressors” which would be added to the secret libraries of increasingly rebellious Criollos in the late 1790’s. [3]

The story of Juana Ines became a rallying cry among liberal Criollos which drew the attention of one Spanish Enlightenment thinker, Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, ushering in the Enlightenment in full force which struggled to take root in Spain by the turn of the century. [4]


Juana Ines depicted on modern money with the same connotations of defiance against Spanish Rule as Miguel Cabrera’s painting.
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[1] IOTL they met each other a few years later when Juana Ines was in a convent. They formed a platonic friendship. This is one of my semi-POD’s. It’s a necessary step to establish a nationalist narrative.

[2] Narratives with Juana Ines tend to paint him as a vicious man. He was a complex individual and the logical end of the views towards women at that time IOTL. ITTL he would become vilified in revolutionary Mexico as the epitome of Spanish oppression.

[3] Guadalupe Victoria never said this, but I imagine he would given my little POD’s. So why not?

[4] His ideas did become popular IOTL New Spain and adopted by the liberals in Mexico. The Enlightenment did fail to take hold in the Latin world (Or rather they took up a different form of the enlightenment), so this is another POD connected, in a way, to Juana Ines.
 
I'm liking it, and I hope you take this TL far... A lot of Mexican TL's have died out already.
Thanks! I won't be able to post a lot but I'll try to keep it regular and as long as I can. Although I don't really have a stopping point, the latest possible would have to be WWI. Even by then, it's a lot of butterflies to keep track of.

Awesome. Mexico, women, lots of areas too few TLs cover.
I plan on making one post on the women of the independence movement specifically as an aside. I am reading up on a few of them, information on some of them is hard to come by.
 
Part 1: A Novohispano Enlightenment Chapter 2: How Criollo Nationalism and the Enlightenment met each other in New Spain

José Antonio de Alzate focused mainly on the sciences but after discovering the lost writings of Juana Ines and Carlos Siguenza, he became interested in the history and culture of the Indios.

In the 1760's several rare essays and titles made by Carlos and Juana Ines were found hidden away in their old home by Jose Antonio de Alzate y Ramirez, a Jesuit priest. Jesuit priests took to copying them and discriminating them. They contained essays done by Carlos that promoted Criollo nationalism and the desire to learn more from the classics that were proscribed by the inquisition. Juana Ines' essays also included a wider use of Nahuatl than any of her well known work along with arguments against the stigma of its usage.[1].

Over time, Carlos and Juana Ines influenced each other, a fact that was made more apparent with the new discovery. They shared a controversial love of native cultures, and a provocative identity as Novohispano being the replacement for the old Spanish, or “Hispano Antiguo”. They found it counterintuitive that the old way should dictate the new way. This reinforced birth to an identity as “Americanos” that spread throughout the Spanish Americas. The narrative of Juana Ines' life also gained renewed attention and was reinterpreted. The silencing of Juana Ines wasn’t seen as a woman devoting herself to the church or being put in her place, but as a Novohispana being silenced by her tenacity of being a proud Americana.[2]

Francisco Javier Clavijero Echegaray was a Jesuit priest who gained notoriety as an enlightenment thinker. Clavijero was an admirer of Juana Ines due to her knowledge and usage, however unpopular at the time, of the Nahuatl language. Much like Alzate, he too was fascinated by the peoples that came before him. Many Criollos would secretly talk about the forbidden books and at times with individuals like Clavijero. In the late 1760’s the Spanish crown was at odds with the Society of Jesus. By 1767, by decree of the crown Jesuits were expelled from New Spain. This move was unpopular among many Criollos since Jesuits were their main source of education. Jesuits were also composed of plenty of Criollos as well which now were sent away from the nation. Clavijero would pen a pamphlet comparing this to the fate of Juana Ines who was robbed of her studies and freedom. This idea caught on among many Criollos [3].

The enlightenment in the Iberian world was different from that of Northern Europe and North America. While Northern European philosophers and Iberian philosophers both shared common concerns and views on subjects dealing with economics and the sciences, they differed in the realm of government and religion. Iberian philosophers did not question governmental power and religious authority the way northern Europeans did. Criollos began to question government power in New Spain and felt that the Spanish Crown was a corrupting influence on the Church in New Spain. The King assumed authority in matters of Church appointments and administration. Criollos would have prefered to either have more local control of church matters or revert that authority back to Rome.

Some Criollos were starting to share their knowledge with a small minority of semi-successful mestizo merchants, traders, craftsmen and employees that developed relationships with them. By the 1780’s many Criollos had one thing in mind, “What else are they going to take from us and how can we fight back?”. By the 1790's anything that made Peninsulares angry was seen as a good thing by Criollos. Anything beyond causal references to the events in the British colonies to the north would have been viewed with suspicion so of course Criollos sought out to do everything that was forbidden. Some accounts even include the most radical discussing Martin Luther. While there would be no reformation in New Spain, it did signal just how far they were willing to go.

Several Criollos and Priests began teaching Mestizos and Indigenous people’s skills such as brick making to provide local small-scale industries. The motivation for the development of new sources of advancement and wealth independent of the Peninsulares’ sphere of colonial politics brought about these developments ushered in by some liberal preists such as Miguel Hidalgo in the Intendency of Valladolid. It didn't hurt that this would anger the New Spanish authorities too. Intendants (governers of the intendencies) cracked down on the practices fearing that these would threaten the industries of Spain. This further exacerbated tensions between liberal Criollos and Peninsulares[4].

It was in this context that Novohispanos found themselves visited by “enlightened Europeans” at the end of the 18th Century almost as sign that the time to change things would come with the change of the century. In 1794 Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos spent time in New Spain instead of Gijon[5] and met several groups of Peninsulares and Criollos receptive to his lectures both at universities and in private functions. He was also present in several gatherings of Criollos who held forbidden views much to Gaspar’s delighted surprise. Of this he said in a letter to a friend years after his trip:

“There is an energy about New Spain, a willingness for change for new ideas. If only I had been born a Novohispano! By now agrarian reform would be a fait accompli, a fact that could not be debated by naysayers. Spain would have no choice but to recognize the facts as they are. The Salvation of the old lies in the new, but I fear that if this energy is not tapped, it will soon boil over. Spain must change or it will be changed by others”

He felt duty bound to return to Europe and continue his efforts there feeling that the thinkers of the New World would be more than enough to spread the enlightenment. Another European enlightenment who spent time in Mexico shared similar experience from 1803-1804, Alexander von Humboldt. Humboldt said following regarding the Criollos’ second class status in his political essay on the Kingdom of New Spain:

“The result has been a jealousy and perpetual hatred between Chapetons (Peninsulares) and Creoles (Criollos)…The natives prefer the denomination of ‘Americans’ to that of Creoles. Since the peace of Versailles, and in particular, since the year 1789, we frequently hear proudly declared, ‘I am not a Spaniard, I am an American!”

He would also add the following observation:

“No city of the new Continent, without even excepting those of the United States, can display such great and solid scientific establishments as the capital of Mexico”[6]

And in a private correspondence he added:

“The Creoles feel a certain affinity for this woman, Juana Ines de la Cruz of which they refer to her as Juana Ines de Asbaje. They see in her life a heroine who resisted the Chapetons who were jealous of her prowess in the sciences and the written word. Some who hold secret meetings of which I was invited to attend call themselves ‘hijos de Juana Ines’ the children of Juana Ines. There I met this one young lady of stunning countenance who spoke so elegantly that I was enthralled by her very presence. Had she asked me to stay and never return to my home would be a temptation to say the least. Truly there is beauty and grace in this nation, it is a shame that it is bound so tightly by such cruel and indifferent masters” [7]


Indeginious peoples working in horrid conditions in the silver mins of New Spain. In the 1790's there was a growing consciousness of the plight of the castas and indigenous people among liberal eliments of New Spanish society.

His essays also painted a sympathetic image of the indigenous peoples of New Spain in an almost tragic note stating:

“As to the moral faculties of the Indians, it is difficult to appreciate them with justice…If all that remained of the French or German nation were a few poor agriculturists, could we read in their features that they belonged to nations which had produced a Descartes and Clairaut, a Kepler and a Leibnitz?”

Some historians stipulate that his sympathies were furthered by his interactions with more radical elements of the secret gatherings of Criollos that he attended which drove him to write in private correspondences about their fascination with Juana Ines, the intellectual that spoke the languages of the natives. Especially a rumored relationship, hinted in his letter quoted above, with María Ignacia Rodríguez de Velasco. Rodríguez was a Criolla woman in high New Spanish society who developed an extensive network of connections. At the time she allegedly met Humboldt she would have been around 26 years old and married to a man who she accused of attempted murder and in the process of divorcing, a first for New Spain. She would come to play an important role in the coming conflict as she developed her own network of informants and held influence among many power brokers at the time. Rumors of her alleged promiscuity have unfortunatly pushed her into the margins of history until recent times, some rumors went as far as claiming that she had an intimate encounter with Simon Bolivar when she was 21 years old (at the time this allegedly happened he would have been 16). As a result much information about her contributions is now lost. What is known is that she would often engage in conversations with the philosophies of the enlightenment and attempt to spread them among the elite in Mexico City.[8]


A Portrait of María Ignacia Javiera Rafaela Agustina Feliciana Rodríguez de Velasco y Osorio Barba Jimenez Bello De Pereyra Hernandez de Cordoba Salas Solano Garfias

Humboldt challenged assumptions of the causes of “degeneration” and poverty of the indigenous and mestizos (mixed indigenous/European) claiming that several laws and policies prevented any sort of upward mobility for these groups. These views would greatly affect Criollos who saw themselves as victims but were now being cast as members perpetrating the same offense as Peninsulares. Though still others would reject Humboldt’s conclusions about the “lesser races” and focus on their own plight. For his part, Humboldt also layed the blame at the Crown and the present power structure in New Spain for countermanding any sort of positive changes proposed by “enlightened viceroys”.

With Criollo attempts at advancement blocked at every turn by the Peninsulares, the declining health of the Spanish Empire, and the spread of new controversial ideas meeting a nationalism that demanded recognition and privileges from the crown coming together during a time where Napoleon was challenging the old order, the situation in New Spain was ripe for change. These ideas did not simply remain in New Spain but also spread south to the other Spanish colonies. While the calls for independence already existed, they were a radical minority. Most Criollos wanted autonomy and the ability to ascend in the Spanish Empire. With Napoleon’s invasion of the Metropoli (Madrid/Spain) in 1808 came an opening that its American subjects could not resist. Political intrigue and reactionary action on behalf of the Spanish in New Spain would set the stage for the events that would lead to the opening shots of what would become known as The Mexican War for Independence.

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[1] He didn’t find anything of the sort IOTL but did engage in studies that include the pre-Columbian history of Mexico

[2] IOTL she is not seen as a symbol of nationalism in that sense at all but rather a symbol of feminism and the intellectual capacity in Mexico. She is a cultural icon these days. But ITTL she represents the colonial struggle and seen as a proto-patriot. She’ll be mentioned during the coming war.

[3] At this point, the nationalism that existed IOTL has begun boiling over ITTL to rebellious sentiments. They don’t simply want access to power as in OTL, they want the Peninsulares gone.

[4] Miguel Hidalgo did get in trouble for trying to improve the lot of the natives in this fashion. ITTL his practices aren’t unique. But he is the most radical one out there (he was a bit of a hippie with a gun IOTL)

[5] OTL he spent this time in Gijon doing what he does best, setting up schools and getting on the nerves of the elites.

[6] I lifted this from his actual essay. ITTL his essay would be different than IOTL matching the increased nationalism and resentment among Criollos

[7] This would be a letter that only exists ITTL

[8] This is mostly from OTL. A fascinating story in and of itself. I just gave it more credibility, part of it, ITTL.
 
I'm a little hurt my From Mexico to the World to wasn't an inspiration lol.
Great job so far, I'm looking forward to how this Mexican Independence War plays out
 
Part 2: The War for Independence Chapter 1: A Call To Arms

Azcárate before the Audencia proposing the establishment of an autonomous government loyal to Ferdinand VII after Joseph I was placed by his brother, Napoleon, on the Spanish Throne.
After Humboldt left New Spain he went on to report his findings, among them he noted an incredibly large gap between the rich and the poor. This economic inequality was blamed on several policies maintained by the Crown and thus triggered talks of bad government within the liberal factions of New Spanish society. Spanish war with Britain during the early 1800’s lead to the emptying of royal coffers. New Spain became the target of forced loans in order to fund the Spanish Empire.

In 1808 Napoleon invaded Spain and established his brother, Joseph I, as the King of Spain brining about the Peninsular Wars between Spanish rebels led by Ferdinand VII and French forces backing Joseph I. The liberal factions in New Spain wanted to form a junta to govern New Spain autonomously until the return of Ferdinand VII. They also wanted to be in charge and then hopefully sue for self-governance to be rid of the Peninsulares. At the same time, some more radical factions were already clamoring for complete sovereignty, among them was a priest, Miguel Hidalgo.

Criollo members of the Mexico City council proposed to establish an autonomous government with Vice Roy José de Iturrigaray. The members of the Viceregal court reacted harshly to the proposal, and when question on the legitimacy of such a setup, Juan Francisco Azcárate y Ledesma claimed popular sovereignty as the source of legitimacy. Fearful of such liberal rhetoric, Spanish elites staged a coup against Iturrigaray and arrested him as well as Azcárate and some other city council members. Iturrigaray was sent to spain and Azcárate was imprisoned. As a result of these events a series of riots composed of mostly Mestizos and Criollos broke out in Mexico City which were promptly and harshly pascified. [1]


The Mexico City Riots of 1808, known as the first act of violent resistance.
In reaction to these events, various prominent Criollos, along with the few Mestizos who have amassed modest levels of wealth and education, began creating secretive networks and making increased use of Tertulias, which were similar to the Salons of France where enlightenment ideals and current events were discussed. While Tertulias weren’t secretive meetings, these Criollo/Mestizo networks did host secretive Tertulias and began formulating plans for action. Some of these groups communicated with each other forming a loosely tied insurgent confederated system of cells one of which was formed by Ignacio Allende, Josefa Ortiz and Miguel Hidalgo in Queretaro. Another cell operated in Valladolid in modern day Morelia, Michoacán. The third major cell operated within Guanajuato. There were several minor cells in communication that formed this network throughout New Spain by 1810. [2]

The main motivations differed between the different leaders of this loose confederation. Some wanted to act for independence, most wanted autonomy and self-rule. In January of 1810 the Juntas in Spain dissolved and called for a gathering to form a constitution. Criollos and Mestizos were promised some concessions to alleviate tensions in New Spain. However, the damage was done, the coup against Iturrigaray was more than enough evidence to Criollos and Mestizos that the Peninsulares would never ascent to anything short of maintaining a monopoly on wealth and power at the expense of everyone else. With the rise of independent Juntas in the other colonies of Spain in Central and South America, the insurgent confederation set a plan in motion centered on the Queretaro cell. [3]

For months, the insurgent confederation has been planning for war. Several military commanders began vetting their soldiers to determine their sympathies, as well as secretly training what would become militia captains. Mostly middle class Criollos as well as some Mestizos would form the officer corps of the militias and the professional army. However, there were Indians who also would lead militia units. The date was set for October 1st 1810. The plan was simple, the primary cells will take the major cities of the intendancies of Guadalajara, Michoacán, Mexico, and Guanajuato. Other minor cells would take strategic locations with which to gather support for a prolonged fight throughout the rest of New Spain. [4]

New Spain Junta Suprema Flag.jpg

The Flag Proposed by the leaders of the Insurgency which was officially adopted by the Suprema Junta Nacional Americana. Green was added to the New Spanish flag to signify the unity of the different social groups of New Spain.

However, New Spanish authorities were alerted to the conspiracy. Ever since the coup, conservatives have been on the look out and with the aid of the inquisition, Ignacio García Rebolledo began interrogating several individuals seen attending the Tertulias. Among those was a man by the name of José Mariano Galván who ended up providing some information on the insurgency’s plans in July 1810.

From 1808 one of several subversive networks began operating almost independently of the insurgent cells. They originally called their group “La Aguila”, The Eagle in Spanish but would later be known as “Los Guadalupes”. Unlike the insurgent cells, they worked within the social fabric of the New Spanish elite as spies and informants. A legend goes that Maria Ignacia Rodriguez had a rendezvous with one of Ignacio García Rebolledo’s lieutenants. Inebriated and distracted by the moment, he let it slip in a boast meant to impress Rodriguez that he had gained the favor of his commander by arresting a José who was suspected of sedition and conspiring with others.

Rodriguez was aware of the existence of the Guadalupes, but was not a member, she did know that Leona Vicario, the first Female newspaper publisher in Mexico, was a member of that network and sent word to her about arrest of José. Leona Vicario immediately sent that information to Josefa Ortiz of the Queretaro cell. The veracity of that story is in question but what is known is that Vicario did inform the Ortiz which then made arrangements to isolate the damage as much as possible, but they knew that it was too late. The Vicregal authorities were preparing to take them down.


Miguel hidalgo holding his banner with the Virgin of Guadalupe on it as he leads Soldiers and Militia out of Dolores, Guanajuato initiating the Mexican War for Independence. Included in the image on Hidalgo's left is Jose Maria Morelos with "Sentimientos de la Nacion" which announced intentions for independence in 1813, and Josefa Ortiz next to Ignacio Allende (right).
Josefa Ortiz was the wife of the chief magistrate of Queretaro who was charged with eliminating the cell. Using information shared by her husband, she alerted the cell of the treachery before her husband could move to make arrests. On August 15th 1810 Allende and Hidalgo met in the city of Dolores with several of the militia officers and townspeople at Hidalgo’s church after using the church bell to call the townspeople. There Miguel Hidalgo informed them of the situation and called the people to arms and ended with the famous “Cry of Dolores” whose exact words are forgotten. Later, the Insurgency’s government “The Supreme National American Junta” would use Juan Aldama’s version:

"¡Viva Fernando VII!, ¡Viva América!, ¡Viva la religión y muera el mal gobierno!"

“Long live Ferdinand VII! Long live America! Long live the Religion [Church] and death to bad government!”​

Hidalgo and other insurgents were adamant that their cause was loyal to the rightful king of Spain and that they were only against the poor leadership of the Peninsulares. Nevertheless, that day Miguel Hidalgo and Ignacio Allende marched out with their mixed army of professional soldiers and irregulars (and an angry mob) while messengers were sent throughout Mexico calling all the rebel cells to activate and fight. The war for freedom and the end of Peninsular oppression has begun.[5]

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[1]OTL, There were no riots.
[2]While the Conspiracy of Queretaro was fairly organized IOTL, its organization didn't expand beyond the Intendancy of Guanajuato like it did ITTL.
[3]I'm basically following OTL major events with slight variations that will continue to diverge TTL with the OTL.
[4]ITTL the Spanish were expecting something more similar to that of OTL's insurgency. Decentralized, not communicating with each other as much and limited.
[5]In the OTL Josefa Ortiz was locked in her house when her husband (who was aware of the conspiracy) was forced to seek out and arrest the conspirators. She still managed to get word out. Here, the butterflies pulled a wool over his head.
 
Part 2: The War for Independence Chapter 2: From Dolores to Mexico City
It would be fitting if I finish the war by September 16th so that's my goal. Please pardon my rather amateur editing abilities and the long amount of time that has passed since my last update. But here is the new installment of this timeline. After this post I will also add my first "dramatized" narrative post and then followed by another update. The first Dramatization will be called "The Crossroads". I also have a second dramatization planned after my next update with the cheeky title of "What Have The Spanish Ever Done For Us?"

Part 2: The War for Independence
Chapter 2: From Dolores to Mexico City

Anahuac Modern Junta Flag Pole.jpg

The Junta Suprema Nacional Americana flag being flown at the Palacio Nacional during the 200th anniversary of the Insurgency's liberation of Mexico City after the First Battle of Mexico City.

Father hidalgo, Juan Aldama, and Ignacio Allende were to lead the insurgent army together. Due to the premature discovery of the insurgency’s plans, they only had 700 professional soldiers they could count on. Originally the militia near Dolores was planned to be a strength of 3000 armed men composed of mostly Indians and their criollo officers. However over 6000 men showed up, many armed only with pitchforks and machetes.

The army moved from town to town in the surrounding areas gathering supplies and even more soldiers throughout the intendency of Guanajuato and parts of the intendency of Mexico. Eventually they set their sites on the capital of Guanajuato, also named Guanajuato. Aldama had to stop several bouts of looting and attacks against peninsular (and at times criollo) civilians. This behavior from the militias, mainly the untrained volunteers, worried Allende who believed that Hidalgo was unable to control them. Camped a few miles south of Guanajuato, Allende and Hidalgo entered fevered argument on how to proceed. Allende wanted to keep the initial attack limited to the original militia members (controlled by the criollo officers he had trained) and the professional solders. Hidalgo reluctantly agreed only earlier being named the leader of the movement.

By September 2nd, the insurgents attacked Guanajuato after the intendant refused to surrender. He and several Spanish shut themselves up in a public granary awaiting reinforcements from Mexico City that would never come. By September 4th the royalists surrendered. However, several groups of indigenous soldiers sacked people’s homes and were accused of various atrocities. Hidalgo did not want to come down hard on them, but Allende did. Hidalgo agreed to send home and reject certain indigenous soldiers who couldn’t show restraint, this impacted the growth of the army as well as caused resentment among some of the indigenous troops.[1]

Soon after, a force of 3,000 indigenous soldiers were defeated by a much smaller contingent of 600 royalists due to the use of Spanish artillery. The Royalist forces were on their way to Guanjuato, but they turned around as soon as the insurgent army was on the move again with the intent to join a larger royalist force.

The insurgent army grew to over 50,000 (including nearly 10,000 regulars) and marched for Valladolid in Michoacán and from there they headed straight to confront a force of nearly 7000 royalists lead by Torcuato Trujillo who defeated French forces in the battle of Bailen dispatched to confront them. The Spanish had the advantage of having significant artillery on their side. The two armies met on October 4th in a valley known as “Monte de las Cruces” directly south of Mexico City. Hidalgo, Allende, and Aldama each took a segment of the army and launched a three-pronged attack surrounding the royalists. Insurgent forces managed to route the royalists, but suffered around 5,000 casualties plus injuries.

After the battle Hidalgo and Allende entered a heavy debate. Hidalgo wanted to go north and join other rebel cells to secure more armaments, Allende wanted to attack Mexico City which only held a force of 1200 royalists. Allende realized that Hidalgo’s reservations were related to his inability to control the irregulars that recently joined the cause. He pointed out that there were still 20,000 irregulars that were somewhat trained by his officers and they had plenty of professional soldiers.

They decided to split their forces. Aldama would take 25,000 irregulars, especially those who had no guns, along with 2,000 regular troops north to aid the northern insurgent cells. With the artillery that was captured at Monte Las Cruces, Hidalgo and Allende would take the remaining 12,000 semi-trained irregular soldiers with 5,000 regular troops to Mexico City.

The situation in Mexico City was tense. Many conservative residents and peninsulares were worried. A large insurgent force was taking up positions to the south and west of the city after having defeated an entire army. What’s more, several of the Guadalupes took up more visible activities betraying their cover and rousing the more liberal residents. Though several still kept their cover. Vice Roy Venegas decided to evacuate and head east to the port city of Veracruz to reorganize his forces. Some of the insurgent spies evacuated with hundreds of peninsulares, and conservatives of the other classes still loyal to Venegas.


The victory parade after the First Battle of Mexico City in October 25th, 1810 depicts the regular professional insurgent soldiers. The exposure of the irregulars was limited in an attempt to counteract Royalist propaganda depicting the insurgency as an unruly Godless mixed race mob.

The Insurgent forces attacked the depleted defenses of Mexico City quickly overwhelming the 900 soldiers that remained. However, due to Spanish artillery, the insurgents suffered another 2000 casualties plus injuries. Allende and Hidalgo made their way to the Viceregal palace as many residents took to the streets to either celebrate or to riot depending on their loyalties. The tired soldiers had to pacify the population, however Mexico City was now under Insurgent control on October 25th 1810.

To the south west Jose Maria Morelos took control of the key cities in Valladolid and Southern Mexico. Jose Antonio Torres took the capital of the Intendency of Guadalajara to the West. Several cells had control of the Intendencies of Zacatecas and San Luis Potosi to the North. There was active fighting throughout the Northern frontiers and a Mayan revolt in the Yucatan. All the while rebels were also fighting throughout the Americas against royalists. The Spanish were busy in Spain with the Peninsular war and unable to send in significant reinforcements.

However, foreshadowing a prolonged war, Aldama’s forces were intercepted by a royalist army led by Felix María Calleja in November 2nd. The Royalists had at their disposal over 12 heavy artillery pieces, 7,000 Calvary and 2,000 highly trained infantry. The battle decimated Aldama’s forces sending many of the irregulars on the run and leading to the loss of POW’s held by Aldama and his eventual capture in northern New Spain. [2]

Callejo got word from Venegas to head to Puebla which stood between Mexico City and Veracruz. Callejo, on his part, he wanted to siege Mexico City emboldened by his victories against the insurgency forces in the north. Venegas overruled him. The Vice Roy’s order not to attack Mexico City has become a subject matter of many “what if” scenarios, while we may not know how the loss of the insurgency’s two most prominent figures in Mexico City and one of its largest armies would have impacted the course of the war, one thing is certain, Venegas missed out on an opportunity to finish off one of the three large insurgent forces eating away at Spain’s richest colony.

Anahuac Feb 1811.jpg

In Blue: New Spanish Territory under complete insurgent control by early 1811.

By late Early February of 1811, the insurgency held control of the western half of central Mexico with uprisings throughout the viceroyalty. Venegas would focus on confining the insurgency to that territory for the next few months. This gave the insurgency time to reorganize. Despite controlling vast territory and the capital of New Spain, the war was far from over, and the royalists would launch their counter attacks in the fall of 1811.

------------------------------------------------------

[1]This is where things really start to change from OTL, basically it’s how the insurgency manages to fight continuously without being on life support at different points in time like it actually was.

[2] Basically the fate of Hidalgo’s IOTL
 
Alas, thanks for mentioning me!

Now that you mention Hidalgo's fate, let's just hope he doesn't go crazy and repressive as he was in our timeline. Let's just say there were reasons why Allende called him "Cura bribón".
 
Part 2: The War for Independence Dramatization 1: The Changing Winds
I had to take an unexpected break for the past few weeks. Unfortunately I won't be able to post as often as I would have liked but here is the latest update. The war will continue after this.

Part 2: The War for Independence
Dramatization 1: The Changing Winds


The moment after the battle of Monte de las Cruces was pivotal for the course of the war. Hidalgo, the de facto leader of the insurgency at this point, entered in fierce debates with Allende over strategy and the unruly nature of the untrained militia that joined the insurgent forces after the Cry of Dolores. Before the battle of Monte de las Cruces Hidalgo and Allende argued regarding the role that the indigenous troops were to play the coming battle. After the stunning defeat of the Royalist army, the two men would argue over whether or not to proceed to Mexico City or head north, a path that the doomed Aldama and eventually would take the bulk of the untrained militia force.

Ignacio Allende entered the meeting tent where the Father Hidalgo sat. The father exhaled and rose extending a hand which Ignacio grasped, each other's eyes met for a moment where time seemed to pause. Both men knew what would be said, and both men knew why. Ignacio paused and waited for Hidalgo out of respect for the man who was responsible for the movement's popular support. Ignacio always respected the priest, but the past few weeks did much to distance the two.

"Capitan," Hidalgo said at last and smiled looking around the tent at the two other men in the room, each of them indios.

“We’ll move north soon,” Hidalgo continued, “Mexico City will have to wait.”

Ignacio took in a deep breath and began to speak, but one of the other men spoke up first. A medium height man dressed in all white fabrics, indigenous with long hair and dark eyes. Ignacio didn't know him, which meant he was one of the irregulars that joined after the outbreak of hostilities.

"Capitan," he spoke with an accented Spanish, "We are quick learners. We will train with your men."

Hidalgo smiled placing his hand on the man's shoulder and responded, "We need to regroup and work on training the thousands who have joined our movement before we attack the capital.”

"Cura," Ignacio spoke slowly staring at the man, "The unorganized militia shouldn't join us in anymore battles, much less move through Royalist territory."

"This is our fight!" another indio stepped forward, shorter than the first but fierce in his determination.

"They have proven unable to follow orders," Ignacio continued, "their unruly behavior even contaminates the trained indios. We took heavy losses because…"

"No no no no," Hidalgo inturrupted, "Los Indios have lived too long oppressed by the Spaniards. They came to fight for themselves, for their homes."

"If I am to command our forces, this is my call," Allende spoke and turned to the second man then back at Hidalgo, "This war is for capable men to fight, for soldiers, not mobs. We can’t stop at the door of victory just to include men who have proven themselves incapable of civilized war."

"This war is for their freedom" Hidalgo began raising his voice, "You know this. If they don't fight no one will take them seriously. No one will remember their role in this war and continue to take and take from them treating them like animals!"

"I understand Señor cura," Ignacio said, "but they are uneducated, uncultured..."

"You speak like the Spanish," The first man said, "This is our land."

"It's my home too!" Ignacio shouted, “And Mexico City is defenseless, we have to move against it now”

"We've all been wronged by the same people," Juan Aldama said as he walked up behind Ignacio, "El Capitan knows this. He's just being cautious and wants avoid needless loss of life through looting."

"We take what belongs to us,” The man responded.

"I know," Hidalgo responded, "And the Criollos should know this too. This is their fight, and they will all join. But the fight for the city won’t be today."

Hidalgo made his way out of the meeting tent with Ignacio right after him calling, "Señor cura!!"

The two men passed a few other tents in the camp before Hidalgo stopped and turned. The wind began to pick up, Ignacio looked around and pointed at the soldiers with blue and red uniforms huddled in groups. Several men on their way to relieve sentries in the perimeter of the camp passed them both heading off to the distance past a group of indios sharpening their machetes, their only weapons. So many indios had joined the army that not enough weapons were made available, and even if they were Ignacio was not convinced they'd be of much use to them. Most of the indios were field laborers who never touched a firearm in their lives. With the sun shining through the clouds, he took in the all too familiar dark copper toned skin, a pretext for dividing the people of the new world. He couldn't help but feel guilty at dismissing them, but he couldn't allow their inexperience to sabotage any chance at victory. It wasn't about them being indios, it was about them not being trained, he told himself.

"This," Ignacio said, "this is about winning, not about some symbolic gesture. These indios will have their chance when they are better trained better disciplined."

"That’s exactly why we can’t attack now,” Hidalgo responded, "But they should be part of the attack when it happens. They have waited so long for freedom"

"Freedom? Those Indios know nothing of freedom! They are ignorant men with machetes!" Ignacio regretted the words the moment they left his mouth.

"Perdóname," Ignacio apologized, "You know that I too wish to see their dignity returned to them, an end to the Castas system, to the tribute, to the abuse."

"Then let them take their dignity back," Hidalgo said, "That's why they want to fight. For too long they have been ignored. Have you seen what the trained militia look like? How many indios are in them?"

"Training too many indios would have aroused too much suspicion," Ignacio responded.

"Lo sé," Hidalgo agreed, "but don't you see? If they don't take their dignity back now, they never will. If the army of their liberation is formed by the castas and Criollos, they will be nothing more than passive participants forgotten by all. It's their time to return to what they once were."

"Está bien Padre," Ignacio responded, "They'll fight in this war, but the ones we trained. Right now, we need to take the city. If we miss this opportunity, everything will end."

"We can’t, we’re not ready” Hidalgo replied.

“You’re not ready” Ignacio spat back, “I know you’re afraid that you can’t control them. You’re afraid that they are going to lose control. They’ve done it already, and that’s why you have to keep them out of the fight” Hidalgo responded, “They all look up to you. Without you they won’t follow.”

“I can’t” Hidalgo said.

“Send the undrained indios North with Aldama,” Ignacio said, “He can take two thousand regulars to train them and lead them to assist insurgents in the north. That’ll leave the twelve thousand trained militiamen and five thousand regulars with me to take the city.”

Hidalgo stood silently as Ignacio continued.

“They’ll do as you say, but if you don’t then I am going my way and this movement falls apart.”

Hidalgo stood and looked over to the north and the east and said, “You always wanted me to get rid of them.”

Por Dios!” Ignacio grew tired, “Señor Cura, we can not fight this war with this populous rabble!”

“Enough!” Hidalgo shouted as the breeze changed direction, “Tell Aldama to prepare to move as you said. I’ll lead the militiamen with you into the city.”

“Thank you,” Ignacio said relieved. After returning to the others they hatched out their plans to attack Mexico City.
 
Oh yes!

Once Mexico City is taken, the end of the war is going to be a foregone conclusion at this point. However, it seems that Hidalgo and Allende are probably going to end at each other's throats after everything's said and done. I'll keep on following this.
 
Part 2: The War for Independence Chapter 3: From the 2nd Battle of Mexico City to the Battle of Acapulco
Finally able to move the war forward a little bit. I think this war will be able to end earlier than I originally intended. It seems that a big part of an expanded war IOTL was the loss of Allende and Hidalgo. It also helps that insurgents are more popular and supported ITTL.

Part 2: The War for Independence

Chapter 3: From the 2nd Battle of Mexico City to the Battle of Acapulco



The Regrouping of Insurgent Forces


In February 1811, the Suprema Junta Nacional Americana moved into Mexico City and began the long work of organizing New Spain’s autonomous government.[1] The Junta faced several problems. First among them was the fact that the Vice Roy refused to abdicate and recognize the Junta’s authority and legitimacy. New Spain effectively had two competing governments, the insurgents and the royalists. Another issue was that of Hidalgo’s problematic leadership. He was often viewed as a “rascal” as Allende would often refer to him. Hidalgo would constantly come into conflict with other insurgent leaders over strategy and internal policy including social changes that Hidalgo (and many who sympathized with him) demanded. Eventually, it was another priest who convinced him that the first and foremost objective was to win. This priest was Jose Maria Morelos Perez Y Pavon who would come to be known as the liberator of Central America. [2]

Morelos joined Hidalgo early on, however he departed the Queretaro Cell’s forces to join Ignacio Lopez Rayon in the south. After arriving to Mexico City in February, he met with Allende and Hidalgo to discuss future plans. Morelos, having a mixture of Spanish, Indigenous, and African heritage, was able to temper Hidalgo’s more radical tendencies by offering his middle of the road point of view to the discussions that the three often had. It was agreed that the Junta had to be run by a non-military leader while the military had its own head to dictate strategy. Allende was recognized as the supreme commander of the insurgency while Hidalgo became the Supreme Governor. Hidalgo would be confined to the city allowing Allende and the other military leaders to run the war in his name.

Allende would focus on consolidating the insurgency’s gains by taking Durango and connecting the North Eastern Cells that had control of the intendencies of Arizpe and Durango while Morelos would return to the south and report to Ignacio Lopez Rayon the Junta’s goal to capture the strategic port city of Acapulco and secure the south. It was hoped that by controlling southern, central, and north eastern New Spain, Venegas would have no choice but to concede defeat. Failing that, they could contest Callejo’s control of Zacatecas and its valuable silver and gold mines.

The Royalists Strike Back

Hidalgo's forces fighting there way out of Mexico City
Venegas was ultimately blamed for the catastrophic developments that have befallen Spain’s richest colony. Upon his arrival to Veracruz, where he set up a temporary capital, he sent out a request for reinforcements. By the time word reached back to him, to his dismay, he learned that reinforcements would not come in sufficient numbers for the rest of the Spanish Empire was quickly becoming ingulfed in conflict. However, some soldiers from Cuba did arrive to supplement his forces and the royalists did get more than enough equipment and artillery. Along with this, also came a rebuke from Cadiz in Spain. Venegas knew that he had to produce results should he expect to maintain his position, or even his head if it came to the worst-case scenario.[3]

Venegas sent word to Callejo in Zacatecas that he had to gain and maintain control of Zacatecas and Guanajuato and their mines at all costs. In the meantime, a royalist army would build up in Puebla poised to move unto Mexico City. Other Royalist forces would focus on containing the spread of the insurgency.

Callejo ended up liberally interpreting Venegas’ orders by splitting his forces. One third will move to intercept Allende’s army on its way to Durango and then press down towards Guadalajara. At the same time, Callejo would have the other two thirds of his army move from San Luis Potosi towards Guanajuato and eventually have entire army merge and move deeper into rebel territory to Cuernavaca threatening to incircle Mexico City.

Allende, for his part, sent part of the militia forces towards Durango with orders to retreat to Guadalajara if need be. He led his army to confront Callejo’s forces near San Miguel, a few miles east of Guanajuato. Colonel José Joaquín de Arredondo was coming invegerated after defeating a small insurgent cell northeast of Mexico City near a town called Amoladeras in the Intendency of San Luis Potosi. Despite his victory, he was shaken by the loss of a promising young officer, Antonio Lopez de Santa Ana, to an arrow that by misfortune struck him in the heart[4]. That battle cost him a lot of soldiers and officers. Amoladeras was quickly reinforced by Callejo’s forces which caught Allende off guard, he wasn’t expecting their arrival so quickly.

Allende was forced to retreat south. The Intendency of Guanajuato would fall to Royalist hands. Based on intel received by the Guadalupes who were still with Venega’s court, Allende realized that Callejo wouldn’t follow him past Celaya just yet, he still had to intercept the militia forces moving towards Durango. Allende handed over part of his army to Mariano Abasolo and took the second half to Guadalajara to meet up with the militia there by May of 1811.

Upon Allende’s arrival to Guadalajara, he moved up towards Durango by Zacatecas where his army ran into Callejo’s forces. The ensuing battle forced Allende to retreat after receiving heavy casualties at the hands of Spanish artillery. It wouldn’t be until summer that he sent forces up through Nayarit near the Pacific coast to finally contact the northeastern insurgent cells. By then, Callejo managed to take back the entire Intendency of Guanajuato and fortified the area surrounding Zacatecas by August of 1811.

Around that same time, several insurgent cells throughout New Spain were snuffed out leaving the Yucatan cells, and the northeastern cells along with the cells under the commands of Allende and Ignacio Lopez Rayon as the only real threats to the royalists. In September, royalist forces were moving against Mexico City by encircling it.

In September, Allende manage to break through royalist forces to relieve Mexico City. A heated debate erupted between Allende and Hidalgo, some sources state they would have come to blows if they were speaking in private. Their argument was related to Allende’s desire to fall back, close the insurgency’s ranks as they were spread too then and didn’t have the equipment to match their manpower. Hidalgo wanted to stay and fight. Eventually, through intercession from other members of the Junta such as Ignacio Lopez Rayon who arrived with Allende, they agreed to evacuate the Junta, several soldiers and families as well as the uncovered guadalupes. Among those who decided to stay with Hidalgo to hold the city was same Azcarate, who was released from prison when the insurgency first entered the city, from the 1808 crises. By December 1811, Mexico City fell to royalist forces commanded by Agustin de Iturbide and Callejo.

The southern insurgency



Morelos' forces around Acapulco

South of Valladolid, Ignacio Lopez Rayon managed to secure a large chunk of the Intendency of Oaxaca and parts of southern Puebla. After Morelos returned from Mexico City, both men began a series of campaigns to expand the territory under insurgent control in all directions. After months of insurgent and royalist armies chasing eachother in multiple scattered battles, Lopez Rayon managed to exact a stunning victory with the help of his talented second, Morelos, in the battle of Tenancingo, south of Mexico City. From there they moved to consolidate control of the southernmost portion of the Intendency of Mexico despite losses further north.

Morelos was then dispatched in July of 1811 to Antequera, the capital of Oaxaca. Morelos discovered two talented lieutenants during this phase of his campaigns. They were José Miguel Ramón Adaucto Fernández y Félix who changed his name to Guadalupe Victoria, and Vicente Guerrero. Both men proved instrumental in the battle of Oaxaca in November of 1811[4] Both men would eventually be given the task of leading the siege of Acapulco under Morelos’ command in March 1812.

The Battle of Acapulco was the first major insurgent victory since the loss of Mexico City. This gave the victory an increased significance, a hope that despite the previous set backs the war was not lost. The battle was lead by Morelos who began by probing the defenses of Acapulco, mainly the fort of San Diego. Significant in this battle was the participation of two of the few female participants in the armed forces of the insurgency. Altagracia Mercado was a Criollo who used her own funds to create a small fighting force and lead them under Morelos [6]. Manuela Medina, known as “La Capitana” also helped lead the attack on Acapulco [7].

By May of 1812 the insurgency managed to reorganize after the defeats at and around Mexico City. They managed to hold to the bulk of the western coast south of the California territories. The insurgency in the south was much more successful and managed to expand south and east forcing the royalists to send troops south to prevent insurgents from reaching the gulf coast.



[1] IOTL it was established in March and further south since the insurgency never got to Mexico City.

[2] Spoiler alert?

[3] IOTL he was blamed for exacerbating the rebellious sentiment of the locals due to his harsh and absolutist methods and thus recalled to Spain.

[4] He had it coming. IOTL that arrow missed his heart and got him in his arm…different point in time but same battle.

[5] Same battle as IOTL but about a year earlier.

[6] IOTL, as far as I know she didn’t fight under Morelos, I think she postdated him.

[7] Medina was IOTL part of Morelos’ forces and was also part of this same attack
 
Part 2: The War for Independence Chapter 4: The Anahuac Congress
I'm back for a new installment. I realized that I can't be as detailed as I'd like, there are some gaps in my knowledge for that level of detail and I simply don't have the time to do the level of research needed for writing about a war. So I'm not going to focus as much on battles and other finer details. That way, hopefully, I can produce more posts more frequently.

The Constitution of Cadiz


As the war dragged on news reached Venegas that the Cortes in Cadiz has approved and written a constitution in March 1812. Venegas, who was not a fan of it, delayed its publication and even went as far as to declare a state of siege to prevent its implementation in the colony. The constitution was a drastic departure from the old order in much the same way the insurgents initially demanded. Venegas' delays however convinced many that the Peninsulares would attempt to hold on to power despite the reforms promised by the constitution.

Callejo ended up getting most of the credit for the royalist victories in 1812, and he continued making more inroads against previously lost territory and victories in what was nominally insurgent territory. While he was chasing down Allende, Callejo was recalled to Mexico City. There, here learned that he was awarded the viceroyalty and charged with implementing the reforms of the new constitution. He began his administration early in 1813 and implemented some of the reforms, mainly the abolition of the inquisition and confiscation of its property in order to rebuild the royalist army. Callejas persecuted anyone in royalist territory suspected of harboring insurgent sympathies and began witch hunts for rebels hiding among the very people who supported him.

His tyrannical response intensified after the loss of Texas to rebel insurgents. His government lost contact with settlements in the California territory and the government of New Mexico. The Yucatan peninsula proved to be a difficult region to reign in and despite always forcing insurgent armies to retreat in open battles, his armies were unable to make significant inroads into insurgent territory. Everytime the royalist laid siege, insurgents would attack the army or its supplies and then retreat goading Callejo's generals into giving chase.

The most significant impact that the new constitution had was that it convinced the insurgents that they would never have the autonomy with the home rule that they sought out. The Junta Suprema, spurred on by Hidalgo, voted for its own dissolution and the formation of a congress.

The Congress of Anahuac

In the city of Chipelchango (located the in modern day state of Guerrero) July 5th, 1813 delegates from the intendencies under insurgent control and representatives from "occupied provinces" met to discuss the new order that would replace the previous Junta Suprema. Hidalgo was the first to speak. He called on the congress to start a nationwide indian revolt. He argued that there weren't enough guns or bullets to kill all of them. Predictably, this lead to a shouting match between an appalled Allende and an enraged Hidalgo. Morelos soon managed to take the floor to read a document he had prepared, hoping to counter Hidalgo's rather radical approach. The document was "Los Sentimientos de la Nación", the sentiments of the nation. In it he advocated for complete independence, the Catholic church as the state church, the end ot the caste system and racialized taxation, and perpetual abolition of slavery among other statements.

The following day the Congress agreed to complete independence. Initially they sought to name the new nation Anahuac, the Aztec name for the valley of Mexico. But Mexico was chosen. It was already used as an alternative name for the core of New Spain and it signalled that Mexico City was the Capital of the new nation, that there could be no peace without it. The Anahuac Congress would retain its name until a constituent congress could be formed in Mexico City. By August 10th, the Congress finished writing a new constitution. It would be approved by assemblies in insurgent controlled territories and the approval of "occupied provinces" was assumed. By late December, the constitution was "approved" by the people of the new nation, "La Republica de la America Mexicana", The Republic of Mexican America, also simply called "Mexico".[1]

The Anahuac Congress did not establish a single executive, but a triumvirate composed of Miguel Hidalgo, Ignacio Lopez Rayon, and Carlos Maria Bustamante.

The Gutiérrez–Magee Expedition

In late 1812, insurgent cells in Texas, northern Nuevo Santander, and northern Coahuila began experiencing success against royalist forces. Callejo eventually sent reinforcements that managed to score some significant victories threatening to end insurgent control in the area. The NorthWestern Insurgent Cell leader, Juan Bautista de las Casas, sent word to the Junta Suprema that his forces were neary defeat and requested immediate assistance. Unfortunately, after what happened to Adalma's forces who attempted to move north, the Junta Suprema was reluctant to invest in any campaign that could lead to the same results.[2]

A solution was, however, found. De Las Casas only had a few hundred soldiers fighting against a reinforced royalist army of over a thousand troops. The Junta Suprema had attempted to make contact with the United States to solicit its support only to find out that the US got itself involved in war with Great Britain of all countries. The answer did come in the way of a Augustus Magee, and American that one of De Las Casas' men, Bernardo Gutierrez de Lana. Together they formed up a small force at New Orleans. As they made their way into Texas that army grew to up to 300 soldiers. While modest in size, when they joined De Las Casas, they had neutralized the numerical advantaged previously enjoyed by the royalists. The insurgents raised a green banner as their battle flag[3]

Under De Las Casas' leadership, insurgent and expedition forces managed to defeat the royalist forces pushing them south into Nuevo Stander. On August 18, 1813 the bloodiest battle took place between insurgents and royalists. Some 1500 insurgents met the royalist army of roughly the same size at the battle of Medina. Jose Alvarez de Toldeo y Dubois who arrived to join the expedition under support from US agents and backers. Despite his attempts to organize and lead the soldiers to attack, but Gutierrez ended up taking command along with Magee [4]. The battle resulted in an insurgent victory after the destruction of Spanish artillery forced them to retreat. Soon after, word of the dissolution of the Junta Suprema, the Anahuac Congress's establishment, and declaration of independence reached Texas.

Life in Mexican America

Since 1810, the insurgent policy was to maintain the status quo until after the war with some minor exceptions. One of them was the status of the peninsulares and royalist supporters. After the first battle of Mexico City, Peninsular property was confiscated throughout insurgent controlled territory and used to help fund the insurgency. The policy was one that Hidalgo developed despite concerns from many other insurgent leaders like Allende. At first, in the early stages of the fighting in 1810, Allende was willing to turn a blind eye to this looting of private property but could not justify its continued practice. His objections were eventually overruled. Peninsulares were given the option to stay with a small portion of their resources or to leave with nothing. This helped spread rumors of the insurgency as being a horde of mixed raced mobs, rumors that royalists were all to happy to support.

Life for the indios also saw some changes. Many of them began training for war forming local militias that would be employed to help break sieges or provide security for couriers especially in hostile territory. However most remained untrained unorganized militias often ignored in the fighting. As a result banditry became a problem as the economic situation began to worsen. There was breakdown of trade that helped keep the economy going. Criollos who would not support the revolution were also taxed, which caused them to take up arms on occasion against insurgents, who then in turn had to use the unorganized militias to fight back which lead to massacres that further fueled royalist propaganda.

With the formation of an "official" government, Anahuac congress began pursuing penisular and even at times church property to pay the unorganized militias in order to dissuade them from criminal activities and pulled lower rank officers from the front lines to train them. The church properties that were confiscated usually belonged to priests who supported the royalists. It became known that Hidalgo and Morelos had been not only defrocked, but excommunicated. The Archbishop published pamphlets demanding that parish priests condemn the insurgency and any involvement in them. Many liberal priests saw this as a symptom of royal controle of the church. They argued that since the archbishop and many church positions and administration was handled by the Spanish crown and not the Papacy, those royalist declarations were invalid. That meant that properties and funds that those royalist priests held, were not truly property of the Holy Mother Church, but of the king of Spain. Or so that's what they told themselves.

By the end of 1813 liberals now recognized themselves as only American and not Spanish. Many people began taking up the name "Mexican" to describe themselves, especially those in the castas. The use of "insurgent" was replaced by either "Mexican" or "American" and sometimes "Republican". These small changes had a powerful effect even deep in royalist controlled territory. This was no longer a war between rebels and those loyal to Gran España but a war between Españoles and Americanos.

Calleja's rule was also rather harsh and oppressive for those who lived in Spanish controlled territory. Many Criollos began voicing complaints about his tyrannical method of control on the population. Many moderates also resented the harsh punishments enacted against those with sympathies to the rebellion. What pushed many people over was the execution of captured rebels. Enraged by recent loses in the north, and the audacity of Mexican Independence, Callejo began ordering executions. As a result, many moderate Criollos and even a few liberal Peninsulares began defecting. Callejo may not have known it, but the tide of war was turning against him, and it wouldn't turn back.

[1] I took some liberties from the actual OTL name
[2] De las Casas IOTL was defeated early on in 1811, but with a more successful insurgency, the forces used to defeat him were redirected elsewhere ITTL.
[3] The expedition is mostly like it was IOTL. But with De Las Casas in charge I imagine some of Gutierrez's missteps IOTL can be avoided ITTL.
[4] Which is a good thing because IOTL, Toledo was unable to prevent his army from charging too soon. Butterflies have kept Magee from being poison ITTL.
 
Part 2: The War for Independence Dramatization 2 "What have the Spanish ever done for us?"
Part 2: The War for Independence Dramatization 2 "What have the Spanish ever done for us?"


In the spring of 1813 the insurgents met in Chilpancingo to reorganize the rebellion. This congress would be seen by many historians as the true birth of Mexico as it is here when the insurgents cut all ties with Spain and proclaimed total independence from Spain and declared their republican intentions. During the first day, after another well loud public dispute between Hidalgo and Allende that Jose Maria Morelos read "Los Sentimientos de la Nación"
"Ya Basta!" Ignacio Allende shouted, "I will only fight in a civilized war!"

For the past five minutes the small chamber echoed with the commanding voices of the two founders of the insurgency. Baring witness to their shouting matches has become well known in the leadership of the insurgency. Some would even compare them to a fighting couple, others saw it as an embarrassment, but others saw something else in their fights. The ability to get into such heated arguments with the person who technically was the leader showed that their fight was one of freedom and not tyranny. Jose Maria Morelos sat reflecting on its significance. A nation where debate like this is allowed is one that he fights for everyday. It's a nation of Libertad, liberty.

"Señores," Jose Maria spoke as stood asking for floor. The heads of the others turned to gaze on the only non-criollo in the room on official capacity.

"We can do both of what you want," Jose Maria continued, "We can end Peninsular oppression for both Criollos and the Castas. Padre Hidalgo has constantly made mention of Bartolome de las Casas. I'm sure you have all read of the oppression of the indios at the hands of the peninsulares.

He lifted up a old small book and flipped the marked page and looked towards Ignacio Allende as he spoke from memory, not looking at the opened page, "I, Fray Bartolomé de las Casas friar of the order of Saint Dominic, who by the mercy of God am here today in this court of Spain, was persuaded by the same notable persons resident in this Court to set down an accounting of the hell that is the Indies, so that those infinite masses of souls redeemed by the blood of Jesus Christ may not die for all eternity without any help for it, but rather know their Creator and be saved. And by the compassion that I have for my native land, which is Castile, I pray that God not destroy it for the great sins committed against its faith and honor"

"General," Jose Maria spoke, "De las Casas saw the sins of Spain and knew that this day would come. The French have trampled over the Metropolí, its empire is crumbling under its own weight, and it has seen defeat after defeat at the hands of other kingdoms. Can we truly say that you are any different than them if we continue to ignore the plight of our brothers in arms?"

"We fight for our country first. We can worry about what to do later," Allende answered.

"Yes," Jose Maria responded holding up a hand pleading for Hidalgo's silence, "The honorable Alexander Von Humboldt wrote about this country. He predicted that their plight would be worse with Criollos running things."

Jose Maria took a moment as murmurs erupted in protest and in agreement among the men present in the congress.

"But it needs not be that way," Jose Maria raised his voice, "What have the Spanish ever done for us to owe them any loyalty? What have the Spanish accomplished with their oppression of all Americanos? Let this war be one of freedom for Criollos, for Mestizos, for Indios, and for Negros."

Jose Maria lifted up a document of his own writing and began reading from it "I propose the follow sentimientos de la nación: First, that America is free and independent of every other nation, government, and monarchy as such that it is sanctioned..."

The room became silent as Jose Maria continued reading, "That slavery be proscribed for perpetuity as well as the Castas so that only vice or virtue will distinguish one American from another"

As he finished speaking, Andres Quintana Roo stood after having held his tongue for so long and said, "Gentlemen, I say we take these Sentimientos and turn them into acciones!"

Many applauded and as he continued speaking, "We must declare our independence!"

Mariano Matamoros stood as well and shouted, "Viva Mexico! Death to Epsaña!"

"No more gapuchines!" Hidalgo shouted.

"Let us vote for independence!" Shouted another representative.

Jose Maria sat down, and the voting began. One by one each representative voted for independence and for writing a constitution. Jose Maria knew that this was only the easy part.

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Next update I will finish the war. Also, I couldn't help myself with my little reference here...but Jose Maria could have possibly said it? If not him, certainly Hidalgo.
 
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