An EBR approved Nation.
The State of Italy
As I exit the train station in Rome I am suddenly approached by two large men in dark suits and sunglasses. I instantly ponder whether I made a mistake, perhaps the State of Italy is not as open as I had been led to believe.
Instead of being hauled off to a black site, I was handed a clipboard, a pen and told to fill out the attached form. I informed the men that I wasn’t Italian. My clipboard was exchanged for another one, with a new form to fill out. I answered the questions to the best of my ability. How would I rate the service on the train? (5 out of 10) Did I find the forign policy of the State of Italy too aggressive? (No) Did I think that giving the station a corporate sponsor would damper my enjoyment? (Yes, its not a sports stadium). A few more questions and I was done, the men thanked me for my time then ran off to find someone else to survey. If my later research was correct the men were likely clerks for the South Roman Transport Committee, looking for feedback regarding Resolution 34-9P regarding the refurbishment of local infrastructure.
Such is the way of the land in the world’s oldest Consuleist State.
After the fires of revolution burned Europe in 1789 and Napoleon rode roughshod over the empires old, the continent settled into a general reactionary morass. A generation now arose that sought out new ideologies to oppose the new order. Liberalism was the order of the day, but other ideas flowed underneath it. Socialism, Anarchism, and later Proletariatism would emerge, but it was Consuleism that would lead to the State of Italy.
Consuleism was originally the work of a Frenchman, Jean-Claude DePau. DePau was a wealthy lawyer, originally based in Lyon but later moving to Paris. DePau had originally been a revolutionary democratic rebublican, being a great follower of Pierre Brissot as a teenager. However over the course of the revolution he came to be disillusioned with mass and mob politics, which had seen Brissot executed. But, despite the accusations of many leftists, it did not make DePau a reactionary. He approved of efforts to curb the excesses of the masses, but despised the Concert of Europe forged by the conservative powers. From this disillusionment was born Consuleism.
The basic tenant of Consuleism is that the people should guide the nations direction, even determine policy at times, but not select the leaders. Instead a “faceless mass” of bureaucracy should actually implement and enforce the laws. DePau wrote about his proposed mode of government in several works, his most famous being “On The Government Of Man”, published in 1831. As Consuleism rose, so did Italy, the nation uniting under a Republican model in 1849 the exception of Venitia, which remained under Austrian domination. The Pope fled to Porto to avoid being ripped apart by a nationalist mob, and remains there to this day.
For obvious reasons Consuleism had trouble garnering the sort of revolutionary zeal that other ideologies could produce, but it time it gained an intellectual base in various European countries. The system would also find support amongst rural populations, who enjoyed the popular input while also appreciating that the system prevented any sort of urban riff raff from destroying traditional values. Consuleist groups would be elected to legislatures in France, Italy and Spain before the outbreak of the Great War. France and Prussia, under nationalist governments, used the mob burning of the French Consulate in Warsaw as an excuse to launch an attack on Russia, Austria, and the Ottomans. In 1912, a year after the start of the war Italy was enticed to join the Franco-Prussian Alliance with promises of land gained at the expense of Austria. The promised easy victory was soon proved a lie, the war devolving into the brutal trench warfare too many universes have faced. It would be British entrance into the war for the Eastern Alliance that would tip the scales, although it was too late for Vienna which collapsed into Proletariatist revolution. Italy was able to retake Venice but was faced with internal revolution as well as British dominance at sea. In 1919 mobs formed menacingly in Rome and Turin and Naples, lingering ominously outside government buildings. General Antonio Mussolini, hero of the Battle of Mantua, told the incumbent President that the war needed to end or the country would fall in a violent manner. The President insisted on marching on and Mussolini called in his troops.
Seeking some political cloaking for what he assumed would be a mere junta Mussolini invited the Consuleists into his government, which he termed the Italian State. He placed Consuleist trappings on the new state, a powerful bureaucracy, no elections but lots of referenda, and a strong focus of efficiency. However Mussolini, officially now only the head of the Committee on Military Affairs, was no politician. He alienated many lower ranking officers, and was soon out played by the ideological Consuleists, unofficially led by Ricardo Russo a bookish tax lawyer with a talent for management.
The 1920s were a time of experimentation for the Italian State, renamed to the State of Italy in a 1924 referendum. Overarching committees were formed and abolished and local governments were eroded by local administrative councils imposed from Rome. The State was in line with popular sentiment however. Catholic Church land was restored where reasonable and the Pope recognized the new state, although he remained in Porto. As the modern study of statistics emerged opinion polling was implemented in place of costly votes for all but the most important of topics. In 1931 civil war in Yugoslavia led to the formation of the Northern Yugoslav Republic, another Consuleist state. As the stillerkrieg set in the State of Italy found itself generally on the side of the capitalists, although it would never formally join any bloc. After much deliberation and international pressure Italy would decolonize in the 1980s, far later then any other country, leaving behind several Consuleist states in Africa.
I ask my cab driver what he thinks about the government of his country.
“They ask too many questions!” He shouts. “I don’t care what regulations they put on tomatoes! And then they start asking about philosophy! Do they think I’m an egghead from Bolonga?”
It seems that I’ve arrived at Census time. The Italian census is one part referendum, one part opinion poll and one part standardized test. Every citizen must complete one. Still, the cabbie overall seems to enjoy his country’s government.
“I don’t have to listen to politicians at least.” He grumbles.
My first interview is at a cafe near Saint Peter’s Basilica, which is now the “Symbolic Heart” of the State of Italy. My subject is instantly recognizable. Tall and thin with olive skin and dark hair, Giorga D'Allessandro is a former model and looks the part. She is also the President of the Council of State, commonly called just the President.
I ask her how she got the position.
“Non-consuleist countries have a difficult time getting the whole ‘no elected leaders’ thing. I am here to look pretty in the photo shoots, while the diplomats work behind the scenes.” She said bluntly.
I wonder if that makes her just a prop for others. She laughs.
“That is true of other models is it not? Am I that different then the Queen of Britain in this regard?
I ask how the government even goes about selecting the President.
“In the census a few years ago a question was asked about the qualities the Italian people want in a leader, then foreign diplomats were surveyed about what their elected leaders would select. With that information in hand the Committee of State, which handles all symbolic aspects of the state, began the search. I was selected because I matched the descriptions given, and I knew enough about policy to engage others without knowing enough to endanger any ongoing efforts. Of course, my appointment was subject to approval by the Committee of Forign Affairs and the Oversight Committee.” She says, in a breathtaking display of convoluted bureaucracy.
I ask what is in store for her after her “term” is up.
“Perhaps I’ll return to the private sector, or possibly serve on the Committee for Sport, I like to think I’ve helped the Olympics bid along quite a bit.”
Listing all of the interlocking Committees that make up the State of Italy would take far to long, but one of the most important in the Placement Committee, which determines what Committee a certain proposed law or resolution in recommended to initially, although all laws must be approved by all relevant committees. It used to be far more powerful, but the other Committees thought it too much so and in the 80s its power was severely curtailed. Nowadays most up and coming bureaucrats looks for the Commerce and Labor Committees and their adjacent subcommittees as the places to gain the sort of shadowy influence that dominates the State of Italy. Hugo Lombardo is, according to “Romeologists” who study the Byzantine world of Italy, the most powerful man in Italy at the moment, a fact that he strenuously denies. He started his career on the Agricultural Labor Relations Board of Sardinia, but now sits on the overarching Labor Committee.
“I do my duty, wherever that is.” He says. I ask if his power is exaggerated.
“I will not deny that I have a certain pull on matters of Labor, but to say I rule Italy is a gross exaggeration. I am sure Mrs. Cassini on the Commerce Committee who just defeated one of my proposals would dispute the idea that I am a puppet master.”
Moving on from the subject of power I ask about his thoughts on forign policy. I ponder why a Consuleist Alliance never emerged.
"Naturally, that is not my department, so I am free to share my opinion. The fact of the matter is that many Consuleist states are simply cover for dictatorships. And even those that respect the will of the people have different methods and pulls from their people."
This is true. North Yugoslavia is a deeply conservative state, with the central bureaucracy limiting popular input as much as is practicable. On the other hand Switzerland is more or less a direct democracy. Italy is somewhere in the middle. The government does follow the general sentiments of the population, but has been known to engage in tricky wording and mental gymnastics with regards to specific issues. And, after the 2001 Referendum rejected tax reform, the State has been extremely reluctant in putting anything to an open vote.
As I bid him farewell I mention that the last Olympics I attended were a propaganda show. Lombardo shakes his head.
"Rome will see nothing like that. Our polling has shown that the people are satisfied with the government, but are disfavorable to jingoism at the moment."