German Confederation
“Good evening sir.” An immaculately attired servant greets me with a bow. “His highness will see you in a few moments.”
I take the opportunity to examine my surroundings; an opulent sitting room decorated with various royal symbols and trappings of nobility. The coats of arms differ, legacies of the many individuals who have lived in the Wurzburg Residence over the centuries. I don’t have long to wait.
“Professor, welcome to Germany.” His Highness, Prince Wilhelm von Hipler and Triumvir of the German Confederation is a blond man in his forties with a regal bearing and a powerful presence. I bow deferentially and tell him that the pleasure’s all mine.
He exchanges the usual pleasantries as a servant pours tea and lays out cups on a highly polished hardwood table. We take our seats and between sips of imported tea I begin my interview.
“Inherent in our governing philosophy,” Prince Wilhelm begins “is a commitment to duty and responsibility. The nobility has a duty to safeguard the people, the gentry has a duty to practice fair and honest dealings in commerce, the bureaucrats have a duty to resist corruption and maintain the organs of the state, the judiciary has a duty to be impartial, and the common people have a duty to support society in their myriad of ways- that last being no less vital and noble than my own responsibilities.” He chuckles. “As they once said; “those who fight, those who pray, and those who work.”” It had the feel of an oft-repeated speech. I comment that surely the situation is more complicated than that.
“Oh, of course!” His Highness is quick to assure me. “Each citizen has their own role to play in society, their own responsibilities to carry out. One can’t merely divide the population into three estates anymore- this is the modern age! But it doesn’t change the basic idea.”
What about people who don’t like their role?
“Hmmm.” The Triumvir strokes his chin. “Well simply because my position is hereditary doesn’t mean everyone else’s is. Commoners with an affinity for a particular position can seek out whatever career they wish. But it’s important to distinguish between people who merely want to hold a different role and those who actively betray their duty to society. The former is just a meritocrat, the latter a criminal.”
I ask if he’ll elaborate.
“A bureaucrat who want to become a soldier is free to do as he chooses. A bureaucrat who accepts a bribe has failed in his duty and is committing a crime.” Prince Wilhelm explains. “It’s a little different if you’re a noble; we have our roles picked from birth. But wielding political power is different from simply serving the state, that sort of thing can’t be left to chance.”
The German Confederation came about as the result of a massive peasant uprising within the southern part of a heavily feudal body known as the Holy Roman Empire in the year 1524. Sparked by widespread abuse of power by the ruling nobility and ecclesiastical institutions the rebels demanded limits be placed on the authority of the nobility and that laws be put in place to protect some of their basic rights. Relying on superior numbers and highly mobile bands whose diffuse command structure permitted considerably more initiative on the part of commanders than that of their reactionary rivals, the rebels were suprisingly effective. Initially forced back onto the defensive the peasant armies successfully gained the initiative when the mercenary forces that composed the majority of the armies of the Swabian League began to desert in response to irregular and increasingly thin payments from a nobility whose sources of income were being cut off by the peasants.
The war lasted until late 1528 when a council of victorious rebel leaders was able to negotiate a peace with the defeated League. The territory ceded to the new nation included most of the southern half of the Holy Roman Empire, excluding only Austria (which had managed to hold back the rebels) and a small rump Bavaria. Almost immediately the former revolutionaries were faced with a myriad of problems but the most significant was who would rule them now that the war was over?
Only a few radicals had ever seriously suggested eliminating the nobility but there was an almost universal agreement that their former overlords should not be allowed to return. In the end Hans Müller von Bulgenbach, an influential military leader during the war, was able to convince enough of the other leaders to support his bid for monarch and in 1529 he was crowned King Hans I of the Kingdom of Germany. He appointed new nobles from among his supporters dividing up the territory vacated by various conservative lords. One of Hans’ first acts was to draw up a set of laws (called the “Principles”) based on the Twelve Articles that limited his power and the power of the new peerage. The future of the Kingdom seemed bright.
Unfortunately however, it soon became clear that Hans I was not the most suited individual to be king. He wasted what few funds he had on lavish feasts and bohemian parties whilst handing out important government positions to ineffectual cronies. At the same time religious division sparked internal fighting within the Kingdom as Catholics clashed with Protestants and different Protestant sects clashed with each other. The situation grew increasingly dire as the Swabian League and what remained of the Holy Roman Empire began making plans to reclaim their former territory.
Eventually, goaded by his sycophants, Hans tore up the Principles and assumed absolute power. Days later his own army mutinied, his assumption of power being merely the last straw in a long line of offenses (including failure to pay the soldiers their wages). After putting the King to death different leaders within the mutineers attempted to take power themselves until Wendel von Hipler, an aged noble who had sided with the peasants during the war and benefited considerably from their victory, managed to unite the majority of the Kingdom’s nobles into one faction and was able to seize control of the capital at Leipheim.
A philosopher and skilled diplomat Hipler shocked Europe by refusing to crown himself as king, instead proposing an entirely new system of government. He believed that the problem with the current feudal system was that it focused too much power into the hands of too few. Drawing on the inspiration of the Roman Republic Hipler proposed multiple heads of state, but instead of two consuls and a tribune chosen by election, he suggested three hereditary Triumvirs to hold the title of prince. The Triumvirs would have to cooperate in order to rule and in order to ensure that the nobility did not misuse its position he laid out procedures for peasants to bring charges against abusive lords- charges that could result in the noble in question being stripped of their lands and titles if an impartial judge agreed.
It was an unbelievably radical idea, but many of the Kingdom’s dignitaries had been peasants not too long ago and in the end Hipler managed to sway them. He himself was one of the first Triumvirs, the other two were handpicked for their ability and blood (both were minor knights who had fought with the peasants during the war). Under his leadership and that of the other two Triumvirs the Kingdom of Germany was able to restore order and go on to defeat its enemies in a second war against the Swabian League and its allies.
To relate the entire history of Germany in this universe would take too long, war, civil war, industrialization, colonization, etc. Still it is worth mentioning the Twenty-Eight Years War that resulted in an limited form of religious tolerance (but not religious equality) which was later extended legislatively and the German Civil War that led to the adoption of a federal system which limited the powers of the central government. The Civil War also caused the nomenclature change from “Kingdom” to “Confederation” of Germany. Although significant liberal movements arose in the 19th and 20th century the fact that by this point oppression from the aristocracy was heavily limited and in fact nobles often defended the lower classes from unfair treatment by exploitive capitalists and factory owners prevented these from exploding into violence. Concessions made in the form of social reforms calmed matters and by the present day the most significant non-governmental movement is that of the “Parliamentarians” who favour the creation of a democratically elected parliament in addition to the current system. Republicanism was discredited over a century ago and is considered a failed ideology after several foreign revolutions resulted in particularly authoritarian “Republics”.
The modern German Confederation encompasses most of German speaking Europe, excepting Prussia and Austria. Several provinces in the north of the country have Danish as an official language along with German and others in the east recognize Polish and Czech. The political and administrative capital is located at Wurzburg, the judicial capital at Hamburg, and the diplomatic and economic capital at Magdeburg. Each city is also home to the nominal seat of one of the three Triumvirs although in practice they tend to spend most of their time in Wurzburg.
The government is divided up into three branches, executive, judicial, and bureaucratic. The executive branch is still led by the hereditary Triumvirs who cooperate to pass laws at the national level and conduct all of Germany’s international affairs. Two of the three Triumvirs must agree in order for a law to go into effect, it is the same for treaties although a declaration of war must be unanimous as must changes to the constitution (still referred to as the ‘Principles’). The executive branch is also divided into two halves of its own, national and provincial. The provincial leadership is composed of the nobility subordinate to the Triumvirs who have considerable autonomy provided they comply with the Principles but must go through an appointed council of commoners (who nonetheless have a property qualification for membership) before they can enact laws (in ten percent of provinces the council is elected rather than appointed). Some cities are administered by democratic city councils with similar powers but this is by no means universal. Any citizen regardless of their status can sue their lord or lady (or count or knight regardless of the title) for wrongdoing or misuse of power. The issue of innocence or guilt is in the hands of the judiciary as is the extent of punishment.
The judicial branch of the German government is headed by a Viceregal Court in Hamburg whose six members are appointed equally by the three Triumvirs and exercise the powers of justice which are still technically held by the monarchy. Three of the members must be commoners and the head of the court (chosen by the court and not the Triumvirate) is the Prime Magistrate. The Viceregal Court appoints lesser court officials and operates the Ministry of Law as well as the Legislative Counsel. It acts as the final court of appeal and possesses the power of judicial review. Whilst any lower court holds the power to remove a noble convicted of misuse from office only the Viceregal Court can remove a Triumvir (who can be charged only by another triumvir). The Ministry of Law is responsible for prosecuting criminals and simultaneously providing public defenders to the accused. The Legislative Counsel is an impartial organization required to draft all bills issued by the executive branch in order to ensure that laws are both readable and say what they are intended to say. Although the constitutionality of a law can only be determined by the courts the Legislative Counsel can also issue nonbinding opinions as to the relationship of any proposed law to the Principles should it be requested to do so by the nobility or the Triumvirate. Trial by jury does not exist in the German Confederation however all judges are required to be impartial and punishment for corruption is extremely harsh. Corruption itself is monitored primarily by the third and final branch of government, the bureaucracy.
Unlike in most forms of government where the bureaucracy is most often subject to the direction and control of different institutions, in the German Confederation it is legally a separate organization with considerable autonomy and numerous child organizations. Officially known as the Ministry of Civil Service it is composed of a number of branching departments whose director is appointed by the Triumvirate from among a pool of candidates determined to be capable of the job. A strict meritocracy, the Service requires that all promotions and appointments be quantifiably justified usually via scores from the Civil Service Exams or measurable results from an individual’s previous position. The exams themselves are exhaustively tailored toward specific duties and jobs, and regularly refined so as to best asses ability. The civil service departments perform a wide variety of functions from economic regulation to road maintenance. Only the Ministries of War, Law, and Education are independent from the Civil Service and even then they are subject to the oversight of the Department of Rectitude Maintenance whose duty is to ferret out corruption wherever it lies in the government. To prevent the DRM itself from becoming corrupt it is split into two different divisions each of which is responsible for monitoring the other. Rivalry is encouraged between the two divisions as to prevent conspiracy and it is widely believed that there is a unit within military intelligence specifically tasked with keeping an eye on the DRM (I was unable to confirm this). The biggest check on the power of Rectitude Maintenance is that whilst it can investigate and charge individuals with corruption only the judiciary can try and convict the accused.
It’s worth noting that this system took centuries to develop.
The German citizen has the right to freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom from unwarranted intrusion (search and seizure), and the right not to have their property confiscated. Additional rights date from the founding of the Kingdom and include a ban on levying inheritance tax and the right to be judged impartially and without favour. Society within the Confederation is extremely hierarchal, with clear class divisions between different social strata, although these division are not rigid and it is possible for individuals to shift their social position, even with regards to the nobility. Education is highly goal-oriented with set paths for different professions that start specialized training for children as early as their pre-teens. The nobility in particular are prepared for their future duties beginning at birth with an eye for instilling a sense of duty towards their subjects and responsibilities.
“The biggest problem with the German system of government is its commitment to duty.” Heinrich Scheller, an activist and leading member of the Parliamentarian Movement informs me stridently. “There is this naive idea that everyone has a duty and if they just perform their duty then everything will be wonderful. It’s the duty of the nobles to rule and the duty of commoners to just accept that and obey.” He points his finger at the tabletop between us. “Oh sure legally we’re allowed to say whatever we want to- provided we do what we’re told. And though in theory members of the nobility can be removed for malfeasance it almost never happens.”
I ask if he thinks that perhaps the practice of hereditary government should be done away with altogether and he shakes his head.
“Of course not, true democracy is unworkable. You just end up with a highly unstable leadership that has more interest in personal power than in the good of the country. But the majority of the population needs to have a greater say in how policy is set.” Scheller rubs his hands together. “Aquitaine does just fine with a universal suffrage parliament, so does Spain, Italy, Columbia, Brasael… Almost every state in the world has an elected body to check the power of the monarchy except for us.”
How does he plan to change things?
“We’re organizing, holding protests and trying to gain support in provincial councils, that sort of thing.” The Parliamentarian leans forward so I can see the seriousness in his face. “It may not seem like much but we
will have our demands heard. You can only resist the will of the people for so long.”
