An Australian Aboriginal State

[BlackMage]

Thanks for the compliments, DMA. When I write all this up, I'll be sure to make those changes; I particularly like the idea of British gunrunners, supplying Aboriginal militia bands.

Anyway, on with the legacy!

The Wiradjuri gold rush has received less attention than the comparable gold rush in Victoria at the same time, yet its eventual consequences have shaped the Australian map for centuries. At the time of the gold rush, the Wiradjuri had gained some autonomy over internal affairs, yet were by and large still under the rule of the British governor in Sydney. The discovery of gold led to a massive influx of colonists into Wiradjuri lands, most hoping to 'strike it rich'.

The Wiradjuri administration, under the rule of Windradyne's son, acted with panic to the influx of colonists. The Wiradjuri assembly, which although influential still had no real power, saw the election in 1853 of several anti-immigration delegates, who were quickly dubbed by outsiders the Conservative Party (in the Wiradjuri language, their name is better translated as 'United Nation'). They began to lobby the government, which was still largely dominated by descendents of Windradyne and his followers, to use the gold wealth to build up the Wiradjuri economy. The Makarrata ensured that most of the wealth from the goldfields remained in Wiradjuri hands.


The effects were sudden. WIth an influx of foreigners, the Wiradjuri began to rapidly urbanise based on gold wealth; by the end of the decade, much of the population were living in mining boom towns, particularly Bathurst. The newly wealthy Wiradjuri began to lobby the New South Wales government for greater autonomy. At this time, Chinese influences began to become prominent in Wiradjuri life, due to the large number of Chinese immigrants; due to the lack of discrimination largely experienced on the Wiradjuri gold fields, they quickly became a large and influential community.


Within New South Wales, which gained responsible government in 1855, there was division over how to deal with the newly influential Wiradjuri, who by this time had gained a population of almost one million. William Charles Wentworth advocated scrapping the Makarrata, which restricted the ability of prospectors to gain wealth. However, the New South Wales government saw good relations with the Wiradjuri as a high priority, and decided to accede to their demands. In 1859, the colonial authorities finally acted. In the New South Wales Partition Bill, the state was seperated. The traditional Wiradjuri communities became an enclave within the state as a protectorate of the British Empire, granted self-government and the ability to make its own laws (prior to this, Wiradjuri Assembly decisions were largely advisory, similar to modern UN General Assembly decisions). George Suttor lived just long enough to see the act's proclamation, which he had done so much to create. John Young, the 1st Baron Lisgar, was made Governor of the protectorate. In the first elections for the Wiradjuri Legislative Assembly, the Conservative Party gained a working majority, which they would hold for most of the next 50 years.

The Conservative Party were largely the representative of the Wiradjuri religious authorities; in this regards, it can be seen as somewhat akin to a Christian Democratic Party, although obviously not Christian. Unlike many other nations, the wealth of the Wiradjuri did not lead to extensive class stratification, due to an extensive egalitarian tradition; however, by the end of the century lobbying began for increased liberalisation from the heavily religious Conservative Party. These demands reached fever pitch by the 1890s, as Federation loomed...

 

[Tyr]

Considering the Australian continent is actually larger than the land mass of the USA (minus Alaska & Hawaii etc), whilst Australia being most desert is actually an illusion so to speak, there's no reason why similar patterns wouldn't occur than in the USA in many respects. Afterall, the Aboriginals had been here for 40 000 years & knew the country extremely well. The British, meanwhile, were completely ignorant as to the land & country.

Furthermore, the Aboriginals could live in the harsher regions, which the Europeans avoided. Basically, & indeed this is still the case today, it was only when the more favourable areas along the eastern coastline were filling up, did the Europeans then turn west. But even then, as still today, only a few thousand British moved over the mountains separating the coastline with the vast inland plains. In comparison, however, the Wiradjuri who lived in this region, had far greater numbers than the British even had in the ENTIRE colony(s) in the 1820s!

I guess the clincher, for BlackMage, is how fast could the Aboriginals adapt to British/European encroachment. Well they're Homo sapiens like everyone else, they're highly innovative like everyone else, & they're as intelligent as everyone else, so there's no reason why they couldn't make various reforms etc in the face of British contact. The key, again common to all humans, is whether they have the political will to rapidly change. So IMHO it'll depend upon the internal politics of the tribe, to see whether they can adapt to the changing circumstances.

1: I said North America. Not the USA specificly.
2: Barren doesn't just mean its a desert (though a lot of Australia is certainly at least 'steppes'). It also refers to the lack of domesticatable crops/animals and all the rest of the guns germs and steel stuff.

The problem is with these areas the whites didn't want to settle is that setting up a nation in them would be a serious pain. The natives living in those parts can survive yes but certainly not flourish.

 

[BlackMage]

I'm not entirely sure where I'm going with this, but trust me. Kinda.

The move to form a federation of the Australian colonies was greatly complicated by the presence of the Wiradjuri Protectorate. On one level, the vast agricultural and mineral resources of the Wiradjuri lands were seen as being vital to any federation; on the other hand, notions of racial purity made the notion of a 'seperate but equal' status abhorrent to many Australians, especially considering the large Chinese population of the Protectorate. In addition, the creation of a 'free' Aboriginal state was seen as being a prelude to true racial equality within Australia, something seen as unacceptable to many states, especially Western Australia. Within the WIradjuri lands, there was general support for the idea of Federation, as the Protectorate had no port through which it could export minerals overseas; the introduction of a free trade zone within Australia was seen as beneficial. However, they would only join if they were granted equal status with other Australians, which created much tension.

Within the Wiradjuri lands, tensions were rising with the rule of the Conservative Party, and its strong relationship with religious authority. A new doctrine, Aboriginal socialism, gained popularity amongst many young Wiradjuri, building on existing traditions of egalitarianism and environmentalism, and seeking a return to previous systems of communal land. This proved unacceptable to the Conservative Party, which had been pursuing a program of 'Westernisation' in order to further exploit the gold boom. In the 1898, the Wiradjuri Socialist Party (again, a Western translation; the Wiradjuri word, Amaroo, means 'a beautiful place', used in terms akin to OTL Ben Chifley's 'light on the hill' speech) swept to power, forming the first socialist government in the world. It began a more aggressive foreign policy, in many ways echoing the early Conservative Party, and demanded 'equality or nothing' with regards to Federation. This was rejected by the other delegates, after Western Australia threatened to boycott Federation in protest.

In the 1899 referendum on federation, the Wiradjuri Protectorate rejected the referendum with almost two to one against. As the new century dawned, the Wiradjuri Protectorate remained under British control, even as the rest of the nation formed the Commonwealth of Australia. There would be no nation for a continent after all.

In 1907, Australia and Wiradjuri became dominions under the British Empire, gaining substantial autonomy. The Wiradjuri nation changed its name to the Wiradjuri Free State, even though British authority remained through the governor-general. The Socialist Prime Minister, Amaroo Mandagery, pursued a program of extensive land reforms, nationalising many industries and pursuing programs of universal health care and education. His programs sparked alarm from conservatives in both Australia and the Wiradjuri Free State. The Conservative Party became the leader of the National Front coalition, aimed at 'protecting Wiradjuri freedom, religion and sovereignty from the menace of Western socialist doctrines.' In response, the Socialist Party formed the League for True Equality, with the support of several minor parties supporting it in the Wiradjuri Assembly. In effect, the Wiradjuri political system, which had previously been dominated by a plethora of small parties and one dominant one, formed a de facto two-party system. Ironcially, both parties accused the other of disloyalty to Wiradjuri traditions.

1910 saw the election of the Fisher Labor government in Australia, and ironically the defeat of the Socialist Party in the Wiradjuri Free State, to be replaced by a National Front coalition led by the Conservative Party. At the declaration of World War 1 in 1914, the Conservative Prime Minister, Tooraweenah Cudal, pledged Wiradjuri support to the British Empire. He was not to know the trouble this would bring...

 

[LacheyS]

Liking this immensely and looking forward to see where you take it.

 

[DMA]

1: I said North America. Not the USA specificly.

It doesn't matter. Australia is HUGE! It's a CONTENTENT, larger than Europe, for goodness sakes!

If Europe could have achieved so much, there's no reason why, after 40 000 years, the Australians couldn't have achieved even more given a POD here or there...

2: Barren doesn't just mean its a desert (though a lot of Australia is certainly at least 'steppes'). It also refers to the lack of domesticatable crops/animals and all the rest of the guns germs and steel stuff.

Nevertheless something like 3.3 million people lived here, prior to the British invasion in 1788, without any help from outside sources! And likewise they managed, without so-called domesticatable crops/animals, to settle this land. More to the point, if given similar European/North American agriculture, the entire planet would be different today.

As a consequence, then, how much more could have been achieved, by the locals, if such things had been accepted by the locals?

The problem is with these areas the whites didn't want to settle is that setting up a nation in them would be a serious pain. The natives living in those parts can survive yes but certainly not flourish.

IMHO it all depends upon how the locals react. Admittedly I went with the OTL with my TL. But given a few differences, things may have ended up differently (& for the better).

 

[BlackMage]

OK, the TL is continuing; I think it's getting a bit further out than I'd like, so I'm going to slow down the independence movement a bit. Admittedly, I did like the idea of a communist Wiradjuri Free State, but the major problem with developing this TL is the fact that Australia's all around Wiradjuri, and enclaves are very hard to keep independent without a LOT more history behind them. But I've sorta plotted out a course that will lead to a Wiradjuri Republic by at least 2001. Stay tuned.

Oh yes, and just a quick thing on the party system of the Free State; it's sorta like a cross between modern India and modern PNG, in that there's a lot of parties, with two parties that generally head the government. However, factional alliances are generally based on kinship and clans, so governing coalitions are generally loose, with large numbers of independents in parliament. For example, as of 1904, the main coalition, the National Front (again, a Europeanisation; the real name implies a deep sense of community kinship based on racial lines, but 'National Front' is generally used in newspapers), is made up of three parties and six independents. So yeah, loose.

Finally, before we can get on with this, the Conservative Party started out as a nationalist religious party, but in the nineteenth century gradually became the party of business and mining within the Wiradjuri Protectorate, as primary industries gained more power; it generally stands for low state intervention, continued links with Britain and the promotion of free trade. It has a large Chinese base of support. Its main opposition, the Socialist Party, is generally the party of farmers; it supports state intervention and greater Wiradjuri independence.

At the time of World War I, the Wiradjuri Free State's foreign policy was still dictated by Britain, and it enjoyed less relative independence than many other dominions. However, this did not make Tooraweenah Cudal's support for the war uncontroversial; to the contrary. The war split the community, based largely on regional divides; whereas miners and townspeople generally supported the war, it proved incredibly costly for farmers. As a result, the Socialist Party adopted an anti-war policy, which caused bitter recriminations from many, including Andrew Fisher, the Australian Prime Minister.

Wiradjuri forces fought in the war with distinction; the WANZAC (Wiradjuri Australian New Zealand Army Corps) landing at Gallipoli in the Ottoman Empire is considered the 'baptism of fire' for all three states. At home, however, the growing cost of the war began a series of bitter recriminations. The Wiradjuri Communist Party, previously a fringe element, began to grow in strength. In the 1916 elections, Tooraweenah Cudal lost his own seat, although the Conservative Party maintained power through a complicated alliance with several rural independents. Ye Yiwei (葉宜偉) became the first non-Aboriginal Prime Minister.

In 1916, Australian Prime Minister Frank Tudor (Billy Hughes having failed to gain election to Parliament in 1901) announced that a policy of conscription was necessary, after Britain adopted a similar policy. Ye Yiwei declared his support for the proposal, leading to mass protests within the Wiradjuri Free State. The Conservative government collapsed after rural independents withdrew their support from the government; in Windradyne City (formerly known as Bathurst), Communist Party agitators urged revolution. Hysterical editorials in Australia saw this as being the prelude to a 'red infiltration of White Australia', and urged the Australian government to take action.

Finally, the British governor acted. An all-party coalition government was installed, and order was returned to the streets. Conscription was dropped as a policy, in both the Free State and Australia, after Tudor's proposal was defeated in a party room vote. In 1919, Tudor's government was forced into a coalition with the new Country Party (smaller than in OTL, and less conservative), whereas the Conservative government in the Free State was returned with an increased majority.

The 1920s were an era of prosperity for the Wiradjuri Free State. A new flag, with the Union Jack in the top left corner and a stylised Cootamundra Wattle in the bottom right, symbolised a newfound confidence. The laissez faire policies of the Conservative government during the 1920s led to a massive economic boom; with only 35% of Wiradjuri living in urban areas, primary industries were a major benefactor. Wiradjuri wool became a major fashion item in stores worldwide. In such a relaxed environment, talk again began of independence, despite the Conservative Party's objections.

However, October 1929 changed everything. The massive economic crash wreaked havoc on the Wiradjuri economy, which far from just riding on the sheep's back was entirely dependent upon it. The bad years had begun...

 

[DMA]

I've just got to say I love the the sound of WANZAC...

 

[BlackMage]

I've just got to say I love the the sound of WANZAC...

Admittedly, another name might have been less open to...ahem...mispronunciation, or misinterpretation. But my other option, ANZWAC, was even worse.

But I'm glad you liked it.

 

[BlackMage]

The effects of the Great Depression on the Wiradjuri Free State were devastating. The Free State's economy had always been heavily dependent upon primary industries; the worldwide price slump caused massive job losses, up to 40% by some estimates. The Conservative government attempted a widespread prices and wages freeze; this attracted strong opposition within the community. In the 1930 election, the Conservatives were swept from power, and several Wiradjuri Communist Party representatives gained election in rural areas. A Popular Front coalition was formed, led by the Socialist Marang Garawa, a charismatic train driver whose metaphor of the 'amaroo', a prospective future society built upon socialist doctrines. Needless to say, this new government provoked widespread alarm.

The new government initiated proto-Keynesian economic policies, which were wildly ridiculed at the time by conservative columnists in both the Free State and Australia. Public works projects were initiated, and welfare benefits were increased. At the same time, though, the state grew more authoritarian; public demonstrations were banned, and banks were nationalised. To many people, the government looked on the verge of a communist takeover. Garawa's meeting with Josef Stalin, leader of the Soviet Union, in talks concerning mineral exports further provoked alarm. In this environment of fear and paranoia, talk on both sides became increasingly radical; the conservatives spoke of overthrowing Garawa by force, whereas many communists urged the Garawa government to unilaterally declare independence.

The growing anti-communist hysteria placed pressure on the government of Matthew Charlton, who had taken power in 1929 after defeating W A Watt of the Liberal Party in a landslide. The Charlton government, in coalition with the Country Party, was torn apart by ideological divisions regarding the Wiradjuri regime, amidst pressure to adopt similar measures to those taken by the Popular Front. In the 1931 elections, the Liberal Party (much more small-l liberal than in OTL, without the Nationalist or United Australia interludes) regained power under Stanley Bruce.

Finally, in 1932, tensions in the Free State reached their zenith. In a public demonstration against the growing anti-British sentiment of the Garawa government, police fired on protestors, killing 13. The British governor, Baron Huntingfield, dismissed PM Marang Garawa, who refused to accept his authority. The next day, the Wiradjuri government, under rebel PM Garawa, unilaterally declared the Wiradjuri People's Socialist Republic.

Needless to say, things would not go well.

 

[BlackMage]

The surprising thing about the Wiradjuri People's Socialist Republic is not that it existed, as conflicts had been growing between Aboriginal and British customs and leadership for decades, but that it survived so long. This is primarily due to the very same economic duties that led to its creation; Australia had almost no armed forces, and in the Depression was in no condition to launch a costly war. However, the Australian government, under Stanley Bruce, supplied logistics and 'advisers' to the anti-Garawa faction, aided by the United Kingdom. However, communist supporters in the Australian community, covertly supported by the Soviet Union, went to fight for the Republican forces.

The Wiradjuri Civil War lasted for 3 years, and caused widespread economic devastation in addition to the extensive damage of the Depression. Windradyne City fell to Loyalist (the anti-Garawa faction) forces after several days of fighting early in the war, but Garawa managed to escape west, where he still enjoyed widespread support. From that point on, the war was largely fought as a guerrila conflict; the Loyalist forces, who controlled most of the major cities, had little support in the countryside, and were thus dependent upon Australian food imports. There were few 'major' battles; instead, a constant campaign of attrition by the Republicans, aided by Communist sympathisers, caused havoc for the Loyalist government through a campaign of bombings and militia skirmishes. It is estimated that the war cost nearly 10 000 lives in total.

The war abruptly ended in 1935, when Hitler, the leader of Nazi Germany, sent aid and advisors to the Loyalist government, in order to foster better relations with Britain and to defeat the communist Republicans, who were quickly crushed. The Wiradjuri Free State, which was devastated by the war, limped on for a few years under the non-partisan Wiradjuri Provisional Government but was clearly crushed. In 1938, Stanley Bruce was defeated in a leadership ballot by Robert Menzies. The following year, war was declared between Germany and Britain. The Wiradjuri Free State, on a pretext of an 'allied front' to defend Britain, was absorbed into the Commonwealth of Australia as the seventh state. Its citizens were allowed to vote in Wiradjuri state elections, but were unable to vote in federal elections. To most observers, the dream of an independent Aboriginal state appeared finally over.

OK, an explanation of the method to my madness appears finally in order.

The Wiradjuri Free State, noble as it may appear, could probably never survive as an independent republic with a substantial population for long. Much of the land is too harsh, it's landlocked, and it would be so dominated by Australia, due to its enclave status, that it would eventually be subsumed. It would effectively become a glorified San Marino.

Similarly, though, this doesn't need to be the end for our Aboriginal state. The whole thing comes from Billy Hughes, you see. In OTL, he adventured across much of New South Wales before settling down in Sydney; in ATL, after a rather nasty encounter with some Chinese miners, he quickly returned to Sydney, and never developed much of the 'character' which made him who he was. He failed to be elected in 1901, and lived a quiet life as an umbrella maker until his death, surrounded by family and friends (let's give him that, shall we?) in 1952.

Because Hughes was never elected, the Labor split never occurs. Because of this, the Commonwealth Liberal Party survives based on ideology, rather than the pragmatically conservative Nationalists. This, again, counts out the United Australia Party, and so the Liberal Party remains much more...well, 'liberal' than OTL's Liberal Party. As a result, Aboriginal rights can get a much greater say than in OTL.

The Wiradjuri Free State might be dead (because, as I said, Aboriginal egalitarianism and British capitalism were BOUND for a fight to the death, and there could only be one winner), but the Wiradjuri cause is just beginning.

 

[DMA]

Just a couple of observations:

1) Egalitarianism isn't a uniquely Wiradjuri thing - it's common across all Australia. So I don't know why there's this tension between Wiradjuri & Australia in such societal matters.

2) I don't know why the Wiradjuri would be socialist, whilst the rest of Australia is capitalist. Both, in turth, would be protectionalist, especially if the rural industry of the Wiradjuri is a key sector of their economy which, ironically, would be likewise mirrored throughout the rest of Australia in the period 1901-1939 (& beyond).

3) If the various extremist factions are operating in Australia, & their meddling in Wiradjuri affairs causes a civil war, then surely that same civil war would soon cross the borders into Australia proper. As such all of Australia would find a civil war raging between these capitalist/communist factions. I can't see how it would be confined to merely Wiradjuri territory. And all this is despite the fact that these so-called extremist factions were hopeless at even organising a piss-up in a brewery, let alone a coup or a civil war in the OTL.


Nevertheless, it's good going so far. It'll be interesting to see what you come up with next BlackMage

 

[BlackMage]

Just a couple of observations:

1) Egalitarianism isn't a uniquely Wiradjuri thing - it's common across all Australia. So I don't know why there's this tension between Wiradjuri & Australia in such societal matters.

Well, remember, the Wiradjuri had a loose, tribal society barely a century ago, whereas the British have a long tradition of autocratic government. Egalitarianism is very Australian, yes, but the Wiradjuri Free State is somewhat more so, to the extent that private property still makes up less than half of the territory. Essentially, Wiradjuri economics are a combination of British and traditional Aboriginal traditions of land ownership, which is generally more communal.

2) I don't know why the Wiradjuri would be socialist, whilst the rest of Australia is capitalist. Both, in turth, would be protectionalist, especially if the rural industry of the Wiradjuri is a key sector of their economy which, ironically, would be likewise mirrored throughout the rest of Australia in the period 1901-1939 (& beyond).

Well, at the beginning of the century in New South Wales, free trade was a major ideology (just ask George Reid). In a state without the Free Trade-Protectionist merger (which essentially decided the tariff question), but with the heavy influence from New South Wales (since it's an enclave), free trade can be a much bigger thing. Essentially, Wiradjuri socialism is largely based on traditions of communal ownership; also, to a large extent it's dominated by xenophobia (as in, 'we have to preserve our culture, which means rejecting too many British traditions'). But yes, you make a good point about protectionism, which I think I'll incorporate when I actually refine and write up the TL. The Conservative Party (which needs a better name, but 'National' would be confusing, and 'Honoured Traditions of a Pure United Nation', while slightly more literal, is a tad long) would probably be protectionist, so that bears revising. Essentially, though, Wiradjuri socialism is, as I said before, communal traditions coupled with fear of Western reform.

3) If the various extremist factions are operating in Australia, & their meddling in Wiradjuri affairs causes a civil war, then surely that same civil war would soon cross the borders into Australia proper. As such all of Australia would find a civil war raging between these capitalist/communist factions. I can't see how it would be confined to merely Wiradjuri territory. And all this is despite the fact that these so-called extremist factions were hopeless at even organising a piss-up in a brewery, let alone a coup or a civil war in the OTL.

Not so much 'meddling in Wiradjuri affairs' as a mess of largely their own making. Essentially, something I was thinking about was that Wiradjuri society is largely dominated by the pastoralist and mining industries; the mining industry is dominated by large corporations who desire conservative reforms, whereas the farming industry is dominated by poor farmers who desire a greater share of the nation's wealth (which, in its own way, is a kind of conservatism; they wish to return Wiradjuri society to a pre-capitalist state). What happens is that these two factions, who have Australian backing (like a very low-scale Spanish civil war), manage to start a civil war out of their own making.

And who says there isn't incidents in Australia? But, like you said, piss-up in a brewery. The New Guard gains more strength than in OTL, and there's more violence in the streets (including a few more close shaves for Jack Lang), but the Lang dismissal pretty much goes unaffected. After that, you get a few 'volunteer battalions' on both sides willing to fight in the war, but it's all quite unofficial. Tensions are certainly more heated than in OTL, and there's a few incidents which come dangerously close to Commonwealth territory, but once Lang was gone the fire went out of the New Guard in OTL, and once it becomes relatively clear that the Reds aren't exactly in George Street yet things go pretty much back to normal.

This is also influenced by Australian views of the Free State; essentially, it's a kind of casual racism, in that 'Oh, it's nice they've got their own state; they'll never get up to OUR standards, so they might as well keep to themselves.' There's a few scares from the more excitable columnists, but overall they're just viewed as country hick neighbours. That's going to change, though.

Anyway, thank you very much for your comments.

[/quote]

 

[DMA]

Well, remember, the Wiradjuri had a loose, tribal society barely a century ago, whereas the British have a long tradition of autocratic government. Egalitarianism is very Australian, yes, but the Wiradjuri Free State is somewhat more so, to the extent that private property still makes up less than half of the territory. Essentially, Wiradjuri economics are a combination of British and traditional Aboriginal traditions of land ownership, which is generally more communal.

Well if Wiradjuri economics is a mix of both British & Aboriginal traditions, I can't see how the Wiradjuri Free State becomes socialist if capitalism has become part of the foundations of the Free State.

Furthermore, it overly doesn't matter what the British colonial government maybe like, because essentially the great majority of the people themselves have adopted an egalitarian lifestyle/society/community by the very nature of their environment. In other words, the Australian way of life is here in spite of British colonial rule, not because of it. As such I can't see, in your timeline, where such a societal development is butterflied away. In fact, because of the Wiradjuri Free State being such an egalitarian force, even if influenced by capitalism, an Australia wide egalitarianism is far more likely than in the OTL.

Well, at the beginning of the century in New South Wales, free trade was a major ideology (just ask George Reid). In a state without the Free Trade-Protectionist merger (which essentially decided the tariff question), but with the heavy influence from New South Wales (since it's an enclave), free trade can be a much bigger thing. Essentially, Wiradjuri socialism is largely based on traditions of communal ownership; also, to a large extent it's dominated by xenophobia (as in, 'we have to preserve our culture, which means rejecting too many British traditions'). But yes, you make a good point about protectionism, which I think I'll incorporate when I actually refine and write up the TL. The Conservative Party (which needs a better name, but 'National' would be confusing, and 'Honoured Traditions of a Pure United Nation', while slightly more literal, is a tad long) would probably be protectionist, so that bears revising. Essentially, though, Wiradjuri socialism is, as I said before, communal traditions coupled with fear of Western reform.

Unfortunately, for NSW's "free trade" policy, it lost out big time to everyone else's Protectionism. Without a doubt, the one key policy in Australia, up until the 1980s, was Protectionism. Furthermore, more or less every other policy was deeply influenced by this, from a pro-British Empire stance to the White Australia Policy.

Furthermore, if someone is in fear of outside influences, & develops policy accordingly, that isn't socialism. That's Protectionism.

Not so much 'meddling in Wiradjuri affairs' as a mess of largely their own making. Essentially, something I was thinking about was that Wiradjuri society is largely dominated by the pastoralist and mining industries; the mining industry is dominated by large corporations who desire conservative reforms, whereas the farming industry is dominated by poor farmers who desire a greater share of the nation's wealth (which, in its own way, is a kind of conservatism; they wish to return Wiradjuri society to a pre-capitalist state). What happens is that these two factions, who have Australian backing (like a very low-scale Spanish civil war), manage to start a civil war out of their own making.

And who says there isn't incidents in Australia? But, like you said, piss-up in a brewery. The New Guard gains more strength than in OTL, and there's more violence in the streets (including a few more close shaves for Jack Lang), but the Lang dismissal pretty much goes unaffected. After that, you get a few 'volunteer battalions' on both sides willing to fight in the war, but it's all quite unofficial. Tensions are certainly more heated than in OTL, and there's a few incidents which come dangerously close to Commonwealth territory, but once Lang was gone the fire went out of the New Guard in OTL, and once it becomes relatively clear that the Reds aren't exactly in George Street yet things go pretty much back to normal.

Few Australians have ever been keen on any extremist, this that, or something else. And this is most certainly self evident in politics. Whether it's the communist unions or the New Guard, few cared less about them. The Lang Dismissal is a good point, where a few thousand extremists may have taken to the streets from both sides, but after a few weeks it was all over & everyone more or less went back home. Likewise today, indeed more than ever, when Pauline Hanson came along, there was much noise & bluster, but 90% of Australians still voted for either the ALP or the Coalition.

Again, like with what I said earlier, I can't see where in your TL that the reverse takes place, in the greater Australian society, where the New Guard &/or communists gain competence in dealing with such issues in Australia, or in the Wiradjuri Free State for that matter. And again, if anything, the more moderate hybrid system you have in the Free State would of a calming effect on most people, whilst the extremist hotheads would be once more seen for the idiots that they are. In doing so I would expect a repeat of the OTL in such matters.

This is also influenced by Australian views of the Free State; essentially, it's a kind of casual racism, in that 'Oh, it's nice they've got their own state; they'll never get up to OUR standards, so they might as well keep to themselves.' There's a few scares from the more excitable columnists, but overall they're just viewed as country hick neighbours. That's going to change, though.

Now here I think you're onto something really important for your TL to work. IMHO you should play down the Wiradjuri socialist & other political stuff, & concentrate more so on the racist divides between the Wiradjuri Free State & the White Australia Policy business. And in taking such a line, that being the economic demands of Australia verse Wiradjuri land & resources (ie gold etc) based upon racist policy etc, can be the origin for the troubles in the Free State - not to mention any violent clashes between Australia & the Wiradjuri.

Anyway, thank you very much for your comments.

Not a problem. I hope they've been useful

 

[BlackMage]

Well if Wiradjuri economics is a mix of both British & Aboriginal traditions, I can't see how the Wiradjuri Free State becomes socialist if capitalism has become part of the foundations of the Free State.

Furthermore, it overly doesn't matter what the British colonial government maybe like, because essentially the great majority of the people themselves have adopted an egalitarian lifestyle/society/community by the very nature of their environment. In other words, the Australian way of life is here in spite of British colonial rule, not because of it. As such I can't see, in your timeline, where such a societal development is butterflied away. In fact, because of the Wiradjuri Free State being such an egalitarian force, even if influenced by capitalism, an Australia wide egalitarianism is far more likely than in the OTL.

Well, like I said, the Wiradjuri Free State isn't a part of Australia; it's an independent dominion on its own. It's not an 'egalitarian force' because to most Australians, it's either disliked or disregarded; like New Zealand, but more so. And, more to the point, you'll note that the Socialists only come to power during the Depression, and lose the civil war. The Wiradjuri Socialist Party isn't inherently radical in itself, but a combination of societal factors, somewhat messianic leadership and economic depression make it appear far more radical than it is.

Unfortunately, for NSW's "free trade" policy, it lost out big time to everyone else's Protectionism. Without a doubt, the one key policy in Australia, up until the 1980s, was Protectionism. Furthermore, more or less every other policy was deeply influenced by this, from a pro-British Empire stance to the White Australia Policy.

Furthermore, if someone is in fear of outside influences, & develops policy accordingly, that isn't socialism. That's Protectionism.

The Socialists are protectionist, but the Conservatives aren't (in the current version of the TL, anyway). Still, you make a good point, but remember that the Wiradjuri Free State is completely surrounded by Australia; therefore, its exports have to go through Australian channels whatever it does, and Australia would consume the vast majority of its exports. If it were protectionist, what would the point be? It'll either get tarrif-ed as it goes through Australia (which it needs to), or it'll cut off trade with Australia entirely, and starve.

Few Australians have ever been keen on any extremist, this that, or something else. And this is most certainly self evident in politics. Whether it's the communist unions or the New Guard, few cared less about them. The Lang Dismissal is a good point, where a few thousand extremists may have taken to the streets from both sides, but after a few weeks it was all over & everyone more or less went back home. Likewise today, indeed more than ever, when Pauline Hanson came along, there was much noise & bluster, but 90% of Australians still voted for either the ALP or the Coalition.

Again, like with what I said earlier, I can't see where in your TL that the reverse takes place, in the greater Australian society, where the New Guard &/or communists gain competence in dealing with such issues in Australia, or in the Wiradjuri Free State for that matter. And again, if anything, the more moderate hybrid system you have in the Free State would of a calming effect on most people, whilst the extremist hotheads would be once more seen for the idiots that they are. In doing so I would expect a repeat of the OTL in such matters.

Well, in Australia, that's pretty much what happens; any variation from OTL is only minor. Remember, not many Australians go to fight in the Free State. As for the Free State, however, traditions have still evolved separately, due to a) the comparative strength of Aboriginal culture and b) more radical politics. Essentially, the conflict isn't so much about socialism as it is about the cultural divide which has grown up; you've got urbanised miners, who've adopted a lot of Western (and Chinese) traditions, are in favour of free trade, are friendly towards Britain, etc, and you've got rural farmers, who still maintain a lot of Aboriginal traditions, regard outside influences as suspect, aren't entirely thrilled with the notion of being British, etc. Over the course of the 50 years leading up to the war, you've got alienation on a scale that we haven't seen in Australia, simply because of the different cultures involved; whereas the urban centres have always been the centre of Australian culture, in the Free State more than 60% of the population are still rural, and yet most of the wealth is held by mining interests. This leads to a much greater bitterness than we've ever seen in Australia, simply because our culture, despite sectarian and ideological divides, has never been divided to the point where people actively HATE the other side, and yet that's what's happening in the Free State.

Now here I think you're onto something really important for your TL to work. IMHO you should play down the Wiradjuri socialist & other political stuff, & concentrate more so on the racist divides between the Wiradjuri Free State & the White Australia Policy business. And in taking such a line, that being the economic demands of Australia verse Wiradjuri land & resources (ie gold etc) based upon racist policy etc, can be the origin for the troubles in the Free State - not to mention any violent clashes between Australia & the Wiradjuri.

Actually, that's a fantastic idea, and one that I'll incorporate. The idea of socialism versus capitalism is admittedly a bit farfetched, so I'm thinking of revising the conflict (as you might have noted in my admittedly hasty retconning above) to more or a pro or anti-Australian (and by association, British) state, in that autonomous, One Nation types amongst the Aboriginals resent Australian cultural and economic imperialism. That can still be worked into what I've written, although socialism becomes a more minor factor.

Of course, I could just go with it becoming an original state and the changes that makes on OTL Australia (I did like the idea of a Wiradjuri Ben Chifley), because the notion of an entirely enclaved Aboriginal state is one unlikely to last for long. But this way, I think we can still have an Aboriginal republic and yet keep 'peace with honour'.

Oh yes, and I'm just a politics nerd, which is why there's so much minutae on party systems and the like.

Not a problem. I hope they've been useful

Very, very useful. Thank you very much for your help.

Anyway, my basic impression from here on is that the Wiradjuri Free State becomes a state of Australia, but (due to the more liberal Liberals) forces changes in Australian society, including greater rights for Aboriginals and more open immigration policies (due to the Free State's large Chinese population) sooner. Essentially the reforms of the Whitlam government take place over about 30 years, so that by the 1980s land rights are recognised, multiculturalism is in full force and we've had at least one Aboriginal Prime Minister.

Independent sentiment still remains within Wiradjuri, though, and the rise of a Hansonite figure (Hanson has been well and truly butterflied out; who says Alternate History isn't useful?) in the 1990s leads to increased racial tensions (I think Hanson was more or less inevitable in any TL with economic rationalism and multiculturalism; there's going to be a backlash sooner or later). Because of the larger Aboriginal population and more advanced land rights, this leads to greater dissatisfaction amongst the white population, and you have the equivalent of Cronulla in 1995, only against the Wiradjuri. Finally, there's a mutual but tactful secession.

Or, of course, people could just live happily with the Wiradjuri and we could go together towards a rainbow-coloured, tolerant future full of love for all human beings, but for that I think we probably need a POD some time before life crawled out of the seas.

 

[BlackMage]

OK, the next part of my admittedly shaky-growing TL, incorporating some slight retcons based on DMA's ideas.

They say World War I was the 'baptism of fire' for Australia, but World War II served to bind the nation, newly enlarged, closer together than ever before. The 1930s had been difficult times for Australia; fascist groups such as the New Guard, the secessionist movements in Tasmania and Western Australia and a rural-based rebellion in the Wiradjuri Free State had threatened the very fabric of the nation. It was only the threat of Japanese invasion which managed to bind the nation closer together than ever before.

Prime Minister Robert Menzies, although derided in some corners as an inefficient war leader, provided capable leadership due to his strong support by his party. The Australian Labor Party, under the leadership of Frank Forde, formed a National Government with Menzies due to the Liberal Party's popularity. At first, Menzies was criticised for an over-involvement in British affairs; however, the attack on Pearl Harbour by Japanese forces on 7 December 1941 changed everything.

Wiradjuri soldiers, both enlisted and conscript, fought in desperate campaigns alongside Australian soldiers to stop the Japanese advance. Although this was criticised in many quarters at the time, the threat was seen to merit the use of Aboriginal troops, especially considering the previous experience of many of them in the Wiradjuri Civil War. Institutional racism posed a problem, especially with the large Chinese population of the state; however, their bravery and courage in battle led to a greater acceptance of the Wiradjuri. However, there was still a long way to go before the Wiradjuri could ever be accepted as equals.

After the war ended in 1945, returning Wiradjuri soldiers were treated as heroes in their homeland, but largely ignored by the rest of Australia. The Returned Soldiers League refused to accept Wiradjuri troops as members until 1958. The National Government collapsed in 1945, and Frank Forde, promising economic reform, swept to victory over the Liberal government for the first Labor government in 14 years. In 1947, a referendum granting the federal government powers to make laws for Aborigines was narrowly passed; this amendment to the constitution, passed largely due to the large-scale Wiradjuri support for Labor, was bitterly contested by groups protesting that it would 'begin a black onslaught into our cities and suburbs' (different from OTL, due to the more conservative society at the time); its passing allowed for greater Commonwealth involvement in Aboriginal affairs.

The 1950s are widely regarded as the Wiradjuri 'golden age'; the Korean War led to a boom in wheat exports, the booming Australian economy provided for large-scale development, and the Wiradjuri people revelled in a new-found confidence due to the easing of the scars of the past. The economic boom allowed for a drastic increase in Wiradjuri prosperity; in 1939, Wiradjuri GDP per capita was one-third of Australia, yet in 1959 it was nearly 1.5 times more. This prosperity allowed for greater Wiradjuri influence in Australian life; Wiradjuri restaurants and shops began to open up in Sydney. Although they were still treated with racism and discrimination, particularly in the western states, the Wiradjuri began the process of integration into Australian society.

At the same time, the large Chinese population of Wiradjuri began a slow migration into greater Australia; however, the greater discrimination they faced ensured that there would be a long way still to go before they gained acceptance.

 

[BlackMage]

The leaps and bounds the Wiradjuri took during the 1950s in entering Australian society were hard-fought. Frank Forde, who succeeded Robert Menzies as Prime Minister in 1945 on a platform of national rebuilding and general welfare, won office largely based on a large bloc of Wiradjuri support; although the communists had lost the war, the Labor Party were still largely preferred in the state of Wiradjuri to the somewhat more elitist Liberals. This presented a major problem, in that much of the Labor Party's base were still heavily against racial integration and immigration; the conflict between these conservative blue-collar workers and the somewhat more leftist Wiradjuri dominated the Forde administration, particularly after the election of the first Wiradjuri MP, Cabonne Tomingley in 1945 (Wagga Wagga, Labor)

The strength of Wiradjuri support for the Forde government forced it to toe a fine line between the interests of its Aboriginal and white supporters, with mixed success. Over time, rampant factionalism led to two major 'groups'; the Catholic Movement, comprised primarily of those opposed to Wiradjuri and socialist 'infiltration' of the party, and True Labor, a group composed of the more radical and Wiradjuri members of the party. Forde, although non-factional, was privately considered sympathetic to True Labor.

In 1948, following the success of the referendum, all Aboriginals were granted the vote, a radical change from the previous Wiradjuri-restricted Aboriginal franchise. This led to increasing demands for Aboriginal rights, leading the new leader of the Liberal Party, Richard Casey, to accuse the government of 'being a Trojan Horse for an army of yellow, black and red infiltrators, dedicated to undermining the foundations of White Australia'. Although Labor won the 1948 election narrowly, divisions within the party were evident. The Country Party broke off its coalition with the Labor Party, in opposition to Forde's policies.

In 1950, Arthur Calwell, leader of the True Labor faction, led a group of his supporters out of the party room to form the Democratic Labor Party, bringing down the government on the floor of the house. In the ensuing elections, Richard Casey led the Liberal Party to victory. Ironically, his free-market policies led to greater Wiradjuri prosperity, increasing their role in Australian society. The bitter conflict between the Labor Party and Democratic Labor Party continued throughout the 1950s, allowing Casey to win an unprecedented four elections. He retired in 1963, to be succeeded by Garfield Barwick. In 1960, the Democratic Labor Party and Country Party merged, in opposition to Wiradjuri influence in the Labor Party, to form the National Party.

The 1960s were an era of increasing liberalism in Australian society; the Wiradjuri became increasingly accepted as citizens. The White Australia Policy was ended in 1963, thanks largely to the lobbying of the increasingly influential Chinese population of the Wiradjuri state, who became steadfast Liberal voters. This led to increased Asian immigration, further progressing Australia's transformation into a multicultural society. This increased acceptance lead to the return of former Wiradjuri premier Marang Garawa from self-imposed exile in the Soviet Union in 1961; he received a hero's welcome in rural areas, before dying two years later.

Finally, in 1966, the real 60s began in Australia. Boree Canobolas, an urbane Sydney-educated Wiradjuri lawyer, in many ways representative of the 'new' generation of well-educated, wealthy Wiradjuri, became leader of the Labor Party, and began promises of new multicultural and social democratic reforms. Although despised by the National Party, he won a narrow victory in the 1967 elections. Australia had no idea of the ride it was in for...

 

[BlackMage]

OK, just a minor retcon; change '1967' to '1969' in my previous post, and 'narrow victory' to 'minority government'. Just do that in your mind, and you'll do OK.

For every action, there must be an equal and opposite reaction. The 1960s were a time of increased multicultural integration in Australian society; the Wiradjuri band Corroboree scored a No. 1 hit with 'All Together Now', a song blending Beatles-style rock with traditional Wiradjuri rhythm and instruments. There was a thankfully brief vogue for 'dot flares' in 1967, a form of bell-bottom trousers decorated in a style reminiscent of Northern Territory didgeridoos. However, these cultural innovations faced increasing opposition. The Country Party, whose vote had been declining since the 1950s, merged with the Democratic Labor Party in 1960 to form the National Party in opposition to increasing Asian and Aboriginal influences in Australian society; it won 12 seats in the 1963 election, all in rural areas of Queensland and Western Australia, and served mostly to draw off working class supporters of the Labor Party. It drifted further to the right throughout the 1960s, to the point where its 1969 campaign slogan was 'No Chinks In The Defences of White Australia'. Although Boree Canabolas of the Labor Party managed to win 58 seats and form a government with the support of two independents, the National Party increased its representation to 16 seats, including its first urban seat in Perth.

The Canabolas government immediately began a wide range of changes; Australia was declared a multicultural society, equal opportunity employment was instituted for Aborigines, immigrants and women, tertiary fees were abolished, and a free, universal health system was instituted. Arrangements were made for the recognition of Aboriginal land rights, with the first 'native title' land being given back to its traditional inhabitants, the Mer nation of the Torres Strait, in 1970. Perhaps most symbolically, Australia was declared 'a bilingual nation', with both English and Wiradjuri used officially. To the 2 million Wiradjuri in Australia in 1970, it seemed the dawning of a new age.

Yet from the beginning, the Canabolas government was wreaked by turmoil. The Australian Labor Party, after 19 years in opposition, had won election largely on Wiradjuri support; to many Australians, this made it seem captive to minority interests. Relations with the United States had declined since the Barwick government, which refused to participate in the Vietnam War; this was interpreted by many as evidence of 'growing red infiltration' in Australian society, and led to a plethora of scandalised editorials. But most dangerous of all was the chronic instability of the Canabolas government; in the 19 years the ALP had spent in opposition, much of its time had been spent in factional warfare. The Cabinet was less a unified party than a coalition of factions, united only by a desire to hold power. As a result, the government experienced chronic ministerial instability, which combined with the unprecedented reforming zeal of the government led to a growth in support for the conservative, reactionary National Party.

In the 1972 election, the Labor Party was reduced to 53 seats, with the Nationals increasing their power to 19. The Liberals, on 48 seats, could potentially have held power with National support; however, widespread outcry from the more moderate sections of the party led to threats of a party room split. Coupled with widespread middle-class uneasiness with the Nationals and their leader, Doug Anthony, the Liberal Party decided to form a 'grand coalition' with the Labor Party. Canabolas would remain leader, but the Liberal leader, Don Chipp, would become treasurer, and would restrain the previous profligacy of the government.

For the next year, it seemed the government had finally achieved peace, despite widespread uneasiness about the stability of the Grand Coalition. An attempted leadership coup by Malcolm Fraser, who promised to break off the Grand Coalition and form an alliance with the Nationals, was defeated. In the words of journalist Mungo MacCallum, 'It seems Australia is not yet ready for a man with an iron fist inside a barbed wire glove. Hopefully, it never will be'.

Then, on October 17, 1973, Arab nations launched an oil embargo against the West. Although Australia was not targeted specifically, the oil shock served to create a global economic crisis. The 1973 budget, widely derided as 'a mess', tried to use Keynesian methods to repair the crisis, but to no avail. On June 17, 1974, Don Chipp lost the Liberal leadership to Malcolm Fraser, who then brought down the Labor government in Parliament, triggering an election. In the election, the Labor Party was decimated, losing 20 seats. The Liberal Party gained enough support to form government in their own right. In Wiradjuri state elections held the same day, the Liberal Party managed to overthrow the Labor state government for the first time in the state's 35 year history. The age of idealism was over.

Despite the fears of many on the left, the Fraser/Anthony government did not reverse many of Canabolas' reforms; this can be largely ascribed to Malcolm Fraser, a 'traditional conservative' who, although pragmatically accepting the need for the National coalition, was largely sympathetic towards the Wiradjuri. Although many scholars have recently ascribed this to the need to maintain the large block of Chinese Wiradjuri votes, most scholars believe that Fraser, an internationalist, was in many ways a moderate within the Liberal Party regarding issues of race. However, Canabolas' native title legislation was slowed to a large degree, due to the demands of the predominantly rural Nationals. As the Nationals gained in power throughout successive elections due to the collapse of the Labor Party, more strident rhetoric emerged from the government, culminating in the announcement by Doug Anthony in 1985 that 'Australia has one culture, and that is Anglo-Saxon. Accept this, or get out.'

After the defeat of the Canabolas government, the Labor Party largely lost its way; Canabolas fell in a party room coup early in 1975, and was replaced by Lionel Bowen, a lacklustre leader who failed to capture much of his charm. The Canabolas government, although popular early in its reign, had become hugely unpopular due to the oil prices crisis. The party split of 1950 had caused a split in its working-class base; many blue-collar workers had grown disillusioned with Labor, and had flocked to the populist, conservative Nationals in droves. Although the Labor Party managed to recover seats in the 1977 election, it never again became a serious political force. A split in early 1980 was the final death toll; much of its base flocked to the Nationals, with its Wiradjuri wing rebanding as the Wiradjuri Party, an autonomist, social democratic party. In the election that year, it lost all but 12 seats. In 1983, it finally disbanded. Internecine struggles of ideology and personality had finally torn the Australian Labor Party to shreds.

 

[BlackMage]

No further stuff today, just a few 'clearing up' things in response to questions even I ask myself about plausibility.

1. The Labor Party is dead. Yes. Quite dead. This is largely because it was forced to decide between being a left-wing party or a labour party, but not both. Or, in more meaningful terms, it was torn between a left-wing Wiradjuri constituency who looked to it for social justice and equality, and a conservative working-class constituency who looked towards it for White Australia and general stability for the working class. In OTL, it's frequently remarked that Labor is caught between its working class and middle class supporters; well, in ATL it becomes much more severe. The National Party takes Labor's working-class constituents with promises of conservative populism, and the Wiradjuri Party (which needs a better name, by the way; I was looking for a party along the lines of the Bloc Quebecois, but 'Wiradjuri Independence Party' is a bit too forthright) took its Wiradjuri constituents. So the light on the hill is extinguished.
2. Essentially, the 1980s are a reactionary decade; in response to the widespread changes of the 1960s and 70s, the Liberal-National coalition (which is much more fragile than in OTL) tries to stem the tide of change; assimilation is much more encouraged, land rights are much more cautious and Asian relations are pursued much more slowly. Think John Howard, but more reactionary; a lot of Australians have become very bitter about the changes in society created by the presence of the Wiradjuri, so conservative movements gain greater appeal.
3. Wiradjuri (the state) was dominated by Labor from the 1940s to 1970s, due to the large working-class population of the state, but has recently become solid Liberal due to the collapse of Labor and general hatred of the Nats. However, the Wiradjuri Party, who advocate independence, are increasing in popularity.

 

[DMA]

1. The Labor Party is dead. Yes. Quite dead.

LOL - now you're just baiting us...

Nevertheless, keep going - you're doing very well

 

[BlackMage]

Thanks, DMA.

The 1987 election was one of the most epochal elections ever held in Australian history, equal to that of 1910 (the first two-party election), 1950 (the first Labor split election), or 1969 (the Canabolas election) in its significance. The Liberal Party had largely ruled supreme with National support since the collapse of Labor, with Malcolm Fraser resigning in 1985 undefeated, to be replaced by Andrew Peacock. In 1987, for the first time, this superiority was challenged. Populist Queensland National premier Joh Bjelke-Peterson, who was elected to the federal parliament in 1983, assumed leadership of the National Party in 1986 and promptly broke off the coalition. As the Liberal Party had enough numbers to govern on its own and had largely maintained the coalition for electoral reasons, this had no immediate effect, but served to illustrate Bjelke-Peterson's own prime ministerial ambitions. In the bitterly contested election, Bjelke-Peterson won 69 seats, with the Liberal Party on 62, the Wiradjuri Party on 15 and with 5 former Labor MPs retaining their seats. Several weeks of frenzied coalition-building followed. The National Party refused to take part in any coalition unless Bjelke-Peterson would be Prime Minister, the Wiradjuri Party were determined to hold a referendum on Wiradjuri independence, a topic largely condemned by other parties, and the five former Labor MPs refused to have talks with anyone. In this environment, the Liberal Party largely emerged as the kingmakers; stuck between the Nationals, who they distrusted as rural xenophobes, and the Wiradjuri, who were regarded as 'secessionist socialist fairies at the bottom of the garden' (in the words of conservative commentator John Howard), the Liberals were admittedly tempted to write 'none of the above', and indeed ran a minority government for several weeks after the election. However, faced with defeat on the floor of the house and another election so soon after the first, Peacock finally capitulated to Bjelke-Peterson's demands.

Despite the fears of some Wiradjuri, the Bjelke-Peterson Prime Ministership was not as reactionary than first feared; this was to a large extent due to the influence of Andrew Peacock, a moderate, as treasurer. However, Bjelke-Peterson's policies of 'one Australia for one people', although generally more rhetoric than practice, aroused considerable fear and concern amongst the Wiradjuri population. In the 1988 Wiradjuri state election, the Wiradjuri Party won a majority for the first time, and began preparations for a referendum on independence by 1990. In the words of the Chinese Wiradjuri Premier, Han Zheng (韩正), 'The Wiradjuri can finally come out of the shadow of White Australia. We seek not to divide Australia, but to unite our people in patriotism for our great nation. To be Wiradjuri is more than being Aboriginal or Chinese or European; it is a mindset, of equality and justice for all. Our new nation shall be the culmination of that mindset.'

As the 1980s ended, Han Zheng and Joh Bjelke-Peterson came into increasing conflict. This conflict took place in the wider scope of what was later dubbed 'the culture wars', or the debate over the study of Australian culture and history. This accompanied a rise in racial tensions in Australia, including from Wiradjuri towards other Australians; these culminated in the notorious Windradyne riots on December 8 1989, in which Wiradjuri youths attacked Australian shops and businesses. Ugly shots of drunken youths, many wearing T-shirts emblazoned with 'Go back to England', hit the front pages the next day, with large-scale recriminations.

Yet, paradoxically, the 1980s were also a decade of social progress, admittedly largely inspired by opposition to Bjelke-Peterson. The environmentalist movement gained strength in Tasmania, with the Tasmanian Greens forming the Official Opposition in 1989. More women gained positions of power across the country, including the elevation of Liberal Bronwyn Bishop to the deputy leadership of the Liberal Party in 1990. Although the government created immigration policies seen as discriminatory towards Asian immigration, it also pursued a program of economic liberalism, creating closer economic links with the 'Asian tigers'.

In the Wiradjuri independence referendum of 1990, those in favour of remaining within Australia won out, 55%-45%. After the referendum, Han Zheng, accompanied by prominent leftist figures Boree Canabolas and Bob Hawke, announced the formation of the Australian Progressive Alliance, a left-wing coalition seeking to reunite the environmentalist, former Labor and Wiradjuri nationalist parties across the country. Although derided as 'the chardonnay party', the APA won 19 seats in the 1990 election, helping to bring down the Bjelke-Peterson government through promises of supply to the Liberals.