@ImperatorAlexander: Makes sense. Doing the rewrite is something I want to do, but there is the hurdle that it’d require a lot more research than the TL currently does since I’d be working with historical figures that actually existed, being back near the POD.
@emperor joe: Yeah, that’s not happening. I don’t know nearly enough about OTL Greek to be able to speculate on what changes it might undergo ITTL.
@TheWanderingReader: Doing a rewrite has been sitting in the back of my mind for quite a while now. The start of the TL is really not good. And I have significantly more knowledge of and resources about that material; my library has grown a lot since 2011.
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Minorities and the Empire, Part 2: Anatolia, Syria, and the Noble Heresies
One factor simplifying the cultural/religious landscape of Anatolia by 1635 is the large-scale disappearance of Islam from the region. Although not facing any active persecution since the Time of Troubles, Anatolian Muslims have gradually drifted away from their faith. Surrounded by Greek Orthodox and eager for advancement, there were many worldly reasons for conversion. These incentives were given an extra boost as the Eternal War with Iskandar heated up and the Sunnis of Syria-Palestine revolted yet again. Although Constantinople had not actively pushed for this, this result is most pleasing in the halls of power.
In eastern Anatolia there are still some practicing Muslims in Roman lands but they are dwindling as well. Yet more ghazi raids during the Eternal War that, as usual, looted and murdered indiscriminately as soon as they crossed the frontier of the Christian Empire had soured the local Muslims. Having Shah Iskandar as the protector of the Holy Cities of Islam made things even more awkward for them. The lure of societal advancement beckoned for them as it did for their co-religionists further west and, between the various push and pull factors, most Muslims of eastern Anatolia have converted by 1635 with the few holdouts largely disappearing by 1660 at the latest.
The Orthodox Christianity to which they convert is a looser folk version of that practiced in the capital. Out here on the borderlands, Christians and Muslims had shared holy sites, venerating local holy men revered for their miracles and charity, less concerned about doctrinal purity. So for Muslims, conversion is not as big of a change as it would appear. There are a few Muslim elements that the converts carry over, such as the insistence on a tax on the faithful for charity and that all believers should go on pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
By this stage there is no coherent Turkish group in Anatolia, but there is an extremely large amount of Turkish DNA in modern genetic samples of Anatolian populations. The Turkish population has either intermarried or completely Romanized. The traffic is not entirely one-way. Even in a mechanized age the light cavalry equivalents of the Roman army are still known as Turkopouloi. Throughout Anatolia in the 1600s one can see asikoi, a Greek version of the Turkish ashik, telling tales of mighty heroes and romantic escapades. Though not as common nowadays, they are still present in the Empire.
The Kurds then and now are a distinct group, congregated on the eastern reaches of the Empire. Overall they have not been particularly loyal to the Empire, but not disloyal either, preferring the rule of the Basileus to that of the Shahanshah, but not excited about it either. They have sometimes been called the ‘Albanians of the East’. They have their own language and script, which flourishes locally under the brushes and pens of local artists and writers, but there are many Kurds who speak Greek fluently. The most Hellenized are those who serve in the army or who are of the middle and upper classes, involved in wider commerce and culture.
A key difference between the Kurds and Albanians is that while nearly all Albanians live under the writ of Constantinople, many Kurds do not or only do so because they live in the northern Mesopotamian lands conquered by Amirales. Those recently conquered or those Kurds living outside the Empire have absolutely no reason to be sympathetic to the ruler on the Bosporus.
Just like in Roman Europe, there are Russian and Vlach elements in the population, some having been absorbed into the general cultural milieu and others retaining aspects of their original culture. There are also many Georgians living in eastern Anatolia, some of whom are permanent emigrants potentially sending earnings to their families back home, while others spend a few years working in the Empire and then return home with their earnings. The Roman government encourages this, recognizing the usefulness of migrant labor where local resources are not up to the task. By authorizing and organizing this labor (there is a Serb & Vlach equivalent in Europe) the Empire gains additional labor in times of high demand, and their earnings can and are taxed.
In the mountains of eastern Anatolia there is also a Helvetian population, the name of the descendants of various Swiss and south Germans that were settled there during the Flowering to rebuild the area. The Helvetian language, which is a Germanic language that is the product of the merging of the various settlers’ dialects, is still spoken today. In the 1630s, the language of the Helvetians was much closer to that of the dialects of their homelands, which made the Helvetians very useful in covert operations. However by 1640, most Helvetians of the younger generations had converted to Greek Orthodoxy and could also speak Greek fluently, removing most of the stigma against their Latin ancestry.
Most of the minorities discussed so far are ethnic minorities, but these are again mostly Orthodox, even the Kurds of the pre-war borders, by the 1640s. As such they don’t really count as minorities by the Roman government. The Armenians are a different matter.
As far as minorities go in the Roman heartland, the elephant in the room is the Armenians. While projected numbers vary widely, it is estimated that a little over a million inhabitants of the Empire are Armenians. Although far smaller than the Greek portion of the population, by Roman minority standards the Armenian portion is massive.
This is an extremely important fact. Roman legislation regarding minorities was written solely with the Armenians in mind, with latter groups following the same model but never approaching the importance of the original. Said Roman minority legislation continues because the Roman government, since the days of the Anatolian re-conquest, recognizes the fundamental importance of keeping the Armenians on board the Roman project.
Armenians make up a disproportionate portion of Rhomania’s cultural, economic, political, and military elites. Many Greeks are of Armenian descent, their ancestors having fully Hellenized and thus considered to be fully Roman. One significant example, who is a bit unusual for still having an Armenian rather than Greek name, is the famous astronomer Krikor Zakari.
Those Armenians don’t count as ‘Armenians’ in the eyes of the Roman government; that distinction goes to those Armenians who follow the Armenian Church. It was for the Armenian Church that the category of ‘noble heresy’ was created. What ‘noble heresy’ means is that while the Armenians are viewed as heretics by the Orthodox (that opinion is mutual), they should not be persecuted for their faith, unlike, say, Catholics.
Lay Armenian parishioners have to pay slightly higher taxes, on the order of 10-15% more on the base, than their Orthodox neighbors. However the Armenian Church and its properties and personnel benefit from the lower tax rates levied on church resources, although again with the tax raise on the base. Significant exceptions are the Armenian Catholicoi, those of Etchmiadzin (the highest), Aghtamar, and Cilicia (based in Sis). The first and last have complete tax exemptions on their direct holdings, while Aghtamar has to pay for the upkeep of a galley on Lake Van as part of border defense. Considering most of the Catholicos’ holdings are on the shores or islands of Lake Van, the tax here is of direct benefit.
There are restrictions though; it may be ‘noble’ but it is also a ‘heresy’. There are taxes for repairing and building churches, as well as size limitations in relation to Orthodox churches that must be followed. (Certain historic churches are exempted from these requirements.) Proselytizing is prohibited, although authorities typically don’t bat an eye if a ‘heretic’ or ‘infidel’ joins the Armenian Church. If the convert was an Orthodox though, heads can roll. But the White Palace’s desire is to interfere with the Armenian Church as little as possible, to the point that an overly confrontational Orthodox cleric finds themselves spending an early retirement in one of the less comfortable Tauric or Danube delta monasteries.
Armenians are spread out across the eastern reaches of the Empire, but their main focus is on the rich Cilician plain, one of the most prosperous regions of the Empire. By 1650, adult male literacy there is around 70% and female 50%, a record outside of Puritan towns. They write and speak Armenian with regional dialects and like the Kurds have a vibrant culture with their own writers and artists. Many of their cultural creations are translated into Greek and enjoyed by Greeks.
Most Cilician Armenians are bilingual in Cilician Armenian and Greek as the prosperous Armenians are heavily involved in wider culture and commerce. While being of the Armenian Church limits one’s career prospects to the local level, an Armenian Church follower who speaks Greek can rise higher than one without fluency in Greek.
As one passes through the Syrian Gates from Cilicia into Roman Syria, the ethnic/cultural landscape grows even more complicated. The Antioch-Aleppo region and most of the coastal cities, particularly the larger ones such as Tripoli, Tyre, and Acre are majority Greek Orthodox. Most of the coastal Greeks south of Alexandretta are descendants of inhabitants of western Anatolia that Helena I transferred early in her reign to populate the devastated area.
The Anizzah, Owais, and Haddad, the nomadic tribes that watch the Empire’s frontier, are the most well-known of the Melkites. Remaining Melkites dwell in the coastal cities and in some of the larger interior cities. Damascus and Arra were populated mostly by Melkites during the Great Latin War. In the countryside of the interior Melkites were practically nonexistent.
Melkites aren’t a separate group by Roman standards but Roman Syria has many of those groups. The biggest are the Maronites, Alawites, Druze, Shia, and Syriacs, the latter being what the Romans call those following the Syriac Orthodox Church. All of these are considered in Roman legislation as ‘noble heresies’, although several aren’t heresies, being various Islamic sects.
All of these groups are much smaller than the Armenians, but follow a similar model to the Armenian Church. The laity pay somewhat higher taxes with religious properties and persons getting some reduced rates. Again there are restrictions on the construction of new religious sites and bequests, and bans on proselytization. Unlike the Armenian minority, these Syrian minorities provide militias to secure their tolerated status although those serving in the militias do not have to pay the higher tax rate, only the base rate.
These setups are of much more recent origin than the Armenian status, dating from the Great Uprising and Eternal War. Those militias, which also provided a necessary service in protecting these groups from the Sunni majority, gave good service to the Romans both then and in the Great Latin War.
Of these groups the Maronites rank highest in Roman eyes, followed by Druzes, as they produce the best militias. The excellent and valorous service of the Maronite militias has dispelled a residual undercurrent of Roman mistrust for them. During the Crusade era, the Maronites were affiliated with the Catholic Church, a connection the Romans forced them to break when Lebanon was conquered by Roman arms. The Maronites resented that, unsurprisingly considering it was forced at the barrel of a gun, and maintained under-the-table connections for a time. But gradually those dwindled away, particularly after the Roman Papacy had to relocate to Mainz, and by 1635 those are distant and unlamented memories.
Prior to the Great Latin War, the majority of Roman Syria’s population was Sunni Muslim, and if one included the lands controlled by Ibrahim during the Demetrian Truce, that would still be the case after the war. Heavily repressed, with strictures that grew ever tighter after each failed revolt bloodily put down, the Sunnis have often taken out their frustration on the minority groups nearby in each new rebellion who then retaliate, an escalating cycle of hatred. Much of the bloodshed in Syria during the Great Latin War came from this aspect of the conflict, usually brushed over in general military histories. It also means that many in the Syrian minorities wholeheartedly supported the mass slaving and killing expeditions unleashed by Roman arms on interior Syria.
There are also Jewish communities scattered throughout the Empire, mainly in the larger cities but also in many towns in Hellas. The Jews are legislatively in a category all their own, paying higher taxes than noble heresies and with tighter restriction on religious properties and bequests, but exempt from conscription.
While the White Palace certainly won’t discourage converts to Orthodoxy from these tolerated minorities-after all that is where most Melkites originate-there isn’t an official effort to gain converts from these populations. With the Ottoman Empire on the other side of the frontier, destabilizing the eastern frontier is generally considered a really bad idea on the part of Roman administrators. The minorities provide useful services and in return are left alone. For large-scale conversion efforts, one must go further to the east.