The Romans can always take advantage of a crisis to bind these friends “closer” to the Empire.
Like how Theodor converted Serbia into a Despotate. Will D3 keep the arrangement? It’ll make the borders of the Empire look a lot neater in the Balkans.
The Empire could, but that would engender bitterness down the road. That’s how Edward I’s ‘Scottish school of diplomacy’ got started, in a Scottish succession crisis in which he was asked to mediate. It might work in the short term, but then the former friend may decide to join up with an enemy of the Empire if that’s what it’ll take to get independence back. The Auld Alliance between Scotland and France against England wasn’t formed until Edward I started messing around in Scotland.
A Roman emperor who sits strongly on the throne and is victorious in the field is unlikely to change anything in the formal relationship of these states with Romania, as Roman strength will de facto make them vassals; a weak emperor, who seeks legitimacy through "cheap" expansion, is far more likely to attempt such a move, to bolster his position, and then see it backfire spectacularly...
Exactly. Some states, like Vlachia and Scythia, are de-facto satellites of the Empire. But they’d strongly resent any attempt to make them de-jure vassals. If Georgia was vassalized by the Romans, the Georgians would definitely ally with the Ottomans if that is what it’d take to get independent again.
Just a couple months ago I find this wonderful TL, and it's easy in my personal Top 10 in AH.com, and I want to thank you for your work and dedication.
At the end of this war, after the Romans kick ass and take names, what do you think D3 makes the Germans give up the Roman part of their title? there is only ONE Roman Emperor.
Another thing, when it's time, can you tell a little about what is happening in Chile? maybe something cool? Orthodox Greek speaking mapuches?
Thank you.
The best way would be to somehow force Theodor to abolish the Holy Roman Empire altogether, like how Francis did IOTL. But that was after repeated pounding by Revolutionary France and then Napoleon, so I very much doubt that the Romans can deliver that much punishment.
As of this point in Chile, the Mapuche were first enemies of the Incans but have since become enemies of the new Mexican Viceroyalty after the Incan conquest. They’re still largely isolated from the outside world, but a few Triune and Arletian ships have rounded the New World and have made contact with the Mapuche, so there’s some opportunity for trade there. But that’s very much in its infancy. The Mapuche certainly won’t be going Orthodox; Roman involvement in the New World is going to be pretty minor. Aside from the heartland, their energy is focused in the way of India/Indonesia.
_____________
“Two heroes new to war’s alarms,
Ride boldly forth to try their arms.
Their doughty deeds three kingdoms tell,
And poets sing how these befell.”
-Romance of the Three Kingdoms (OTL)
“Where Persia ends and Persia begins,
I saw a boy, a sword, and a friend.
A brother mourned, a promise made,
And ancient words on ancient walls,
Carved out beneath a lazy sky.
A city’s cry, an army’s camp,
And memories of early time,
Carved out beneath a lazy sky.
Where Persia begins and Persia ends,
I saw a boy, a sword, and a friend.”
-On Sardasht Tower
1633 continued: Demetrios III’s annoyance at what he perceives as King Alexei’s unreasonable intransigence manifests itself in the Georgian theater as Konstantinos Mauromanikos begins pushing eastward from his base in Artaani. On the one hand, he wants to maintain good relations with Georgia, but on the other he wants this theater resolved; Mauromanikos’ thirty thousand men are needed elsewhere.
Demetrios’ hope is that a ‘nudge’ from Mauromanikos will make the would-be Georgian King reasonable. He is still unaware that Logothete Sarantenos is misrepresenting the diplomatic proposals to both Demetrios and Alexei. He views this ‘nudge’ as a first step towards convincing his sovereign that Alexei is hopelessly irreconcilable and that the Emperor has no choice other than to throw his full weight behind Konstantin and his regent mother Anna Drakina. Anna, recognizing the importance of the Logothete to her and her son’s continued survival, steadfastly maintains Sarantenos’ retainer despite the severe strain on her finances and promises a hefty increase when full control over Georgia is restored.
Mauromanikos meanwhile is making a glacial crawl towards Tbilisi. The slowness is the trade-off for keeping absolute control over his soldiers. There is to be no pillaging and any requisitions made are to be paid for either with cold hyperpyra at best or Imperial bank certificates at worst. Nevertheless there are a few incidents, unavoidable with any army, but justice is meted out swiftly and publicly.
For the moment with the Romans far from the capital, Alexei can afford to give way in front of them. He was no desire to tangle with the Romans if he can avoid it. For his part, he wants to maintain good relations with the Romans, provided the Emperor would let him get rid of the Safavids and not demand an impossible fortune.
That said, he is still accepting the small subsidy from Ibrahim, despite knowing that doing so is hardly likely to help the White Palace’s opinion of him. But he badly needs the money; the Safavids completely emptied the contents of the Royal Treasury when they fled Tbilisi. Furthermore, most Roman-Georgian trading now is being done via smuggling, meaning his take of customs has cratered (this fact is also annoying Demetrios, who wants his take of customs as well). Ironically one of Alexei’s best income streams is selling provisions from his estates to the Roman army.
However he has no love for the Persians. He lost three cousins and his younger brother during the Eternal War, including one female cousin who ended up in the harem of an Ottoman Emir. He is also a veteran of the Eternal War, including the slaughterhouse of Astara in 1607 which cost even the victorious Iskandar a third of his army. He was a junior officer in the Royal Guard, fighting in the charge that came within a hair’s breadth of breaking the Persian army. Aside from revenge for lost comrades and family, he keenly feels the humiliation of the loss of the trans-Aras. But first he wants the Safavids out.
There is some skirmishing between Roman and Georgian cavalry and light infantry, but neither side presses their attacks hard, both preferring to stay out of each other’s way. Both Konstantinos and Alexei know though that will change once the Romans are in a position to threaten Tbilisi. Then Alexei will have to fight.
Konstantinos is in no hurry for that day. Between his slow advance to maintain order and the rugged and mountainous terrain, hampered by roadblocks and ruined bridges, he averages one kilometer a day. When he arrives at the large village of Poka, along the southern shore of Paravani Lake, he establishes his winter quarters there. With an elevation of 2300 meters, pushing onward as winter approaches doesn’t seem like the best idea. He is about halfway to Tbilisi from his starting point.
Alexei takes advantage of the Romans’ lack of urgency. While keeping some of his forces to mask the Romans, he now concentrates the bulk of his strength against the Safavid loyalists in Shirvan. Taking the fortress of Tsnori that held him up last year, he marches down the highway towards Baku.
Although he has a greater sense of urgency, he too suffers from the rugged terrain and is faced with stiffer opposition. But he manages to smash through every obstacle, advancing halfway to Baku from Tsnori. He caps the end of the campaigning season with the capture of Gabala, a respectable and ancient fortress and the capital of a lush agricultural district. It is also the site of one of the main Georgian armament production centers. Although much of the equipment and workers are taken away by Safavid loyalists before its capture, the loss of Gabala is still a devastating blow to Anna.
She is hopeful that the improved news from the Danube will encourage her cousin Demetrios to send more effective and forceful aid. It may. But with the strain lessened there, the Emperor is also free to look more thoroughly into other fields, and he is getting suspicious that something fishy is going on in these waters.
To the south, Thomas Amirales and the Army of Mesopotamia has been keeping up his furious raiding, not only attacking Ottoman caravans but also wrecking irrigation channels, burning villages, and slaughtering or deporting the inhabitants. It is a continuation of Eternal War era tactics, which during the great push that had died at Dojama-Al Khalis had aimed to wreck Mesopotamia’s economic capabilities.
Unfortunately raiding is all that Amirales can do at the moment, even with the reinforcements initially sent from the Domestikos of the East. Raqqa and particularly Mosul are far too large to be challenged by what he can muster. But the boost does give him the strength he needs to drive something more ambitious than anything in the campaign to date. As Theodoros is setting up the first parallels around Arra, thirteen thousand Romans ride out from Duhok, aiming to ravage the lands east of the Tigris. This is largely untouched territory, promising a rich haul and possibly offering a chance to smash supplies and recruits coming over from Persia proper. Plus it is a message, a warning that not only the lands between the rivers may feel the kiss of Roman steel.
Included in those thirteen thousand is Kaisar Odysseus. There is a great deal of concern about him going on this; nobody wants another captured Kaisar. But he is an excellent scout leader, extremely in need in this kind of operation, and he insists, very strongly, that he is going.
Constantly at his side is his new friend Michael of Tephrike, a young officer recently graduated from the School of War. He is the son of a carpenter, rather than the typical officer drawn from the mesoi or dynatoi. It is the practice of some rural villages to pool their resources to send a favored local son to the School of War. Having a local son as part of the military administration may come in handy in the future, and during Andreas III’s reign he began to offer small tax exemptions to villages whose local sons performed well in their exams.
Commanding the operation is Tourmarch Manuel Philanthropenos, who is given a brevet rank of strategos for the mission. With detached forces in various theaters that are the size of pre-war tagma, that is an increasing practice. He is the youngest son of Alexios Philanthropenos, the commander who withdrew the Army of Edessa safely across the Tigris at Al Khalis despite Iskandar, fresh from his victory at Dojama, breathing down his neck, and the one who had been slated to command the great offensive that culminated at Nineveh. His sudden death before the campaign had been what placed Alexios Gabras there instead. Aside from his father, Manuel is also descended from the great general of the late 13th century, the terror of the Turks. [1]
A veteran of some of the toughest fighting at First and Second Nineveh, Manuel seems to have inherited his ancestors’ martial prowess. Not long after breaking away from Amirales’ main body, he is challenged by an army eighteen thousand strong, made up of a mix of new Qizilbash recruits, south Mesopotamia Azabs of high-quality, local Azabs of middling quality, and Turkmen tribesmen, all commanded by the Emir of Arbil.
After some brief exchanges of musketry, the outnumbered Romans give way, falling back to the west. The Ottomans pursue, spreading out a bit in the process, at which point Roman cavalry and black horses come swinging out from ambush as Philanthropenos about-faces his main body, hurling shattering gunfire and then advancing back into the fray. It’s all over in less than two hours; with a loss of four hundred casualties he pays back two thousand and another two thousand prisoners. The cherry on top is that this all takes place at Ain Sijni, the site of the famous victory over the Ottomans in 1422 by Alexios Palaiologos, the Lion of Syria and distant ancestor of one Shah Ibrahim.
After sending his two thousand prisoners back to Amirales, he pursues the Emir of Arbil, mauling his army in a second battle. Unable to bag the Emir himself despite a pursuit that takes the Romans within cannon range of his city, Manuel satisfies himself with the additional three thousand Persian casualties, plus fifteen hundred prisoners and nine captured cannon, for the cost of about eight hundred more Roman losses.
During the pursuit up to Arbil, Michael of Tephrike jumps up on the barrel of one of the Ottoman guns, giving a loud war whoop to encourage his men to push on with the chase. Unfortunately for him, the gun barrel is still hot from recent firing and he burns his buttocks, much to his chagrin and the amusement of his fellow officers. [2]
The Emir’s army was originally intended as reinforcements for defending northern Mesopotamia and its loss is keenly felt. As Philanthropenos chases the Emir into Arbil, Amirales annihilates a 1000-wagon supply convoy near Sinjar. Its escort was woefully inadequate. There are some more convoys destroyed in the next few weeks, including sixteen Euphrates barges burned, with a few more chased into fortresses, although no hauls comparable to the first are taken. When Amirales moves west with the bulk of his forces to besiege Raqqa, the convoys can resume again, but rather cautiously.
Philanthropenos meanwhile is thoroughly ravaging the ‘trans-Tigris’ countryside, leaving a twenty-kilometer wide swathe of destruction, plumes of burning villages rising into the clear blue sky. Aside from a few cavalry raids of far smaller size than this, this area was untouched by Roman arms during the Eternal War (Mesopotamia proper took the brunt) and the Roman soldiery now make up for lost time. Terror is the name of the game and the Romans can play it very well.
During the swathe of destruction, Manuel starts to take the young Kaisar under his wing. Although Odysseus took some classes at the School of War, he hasn’t the formal training a graduate would possess. Seeing promise in this young officer, never mind his social station, he sets out to hopefully remedy some of Odysseus’ gaps.
Aside from assigned reading from Manuel’s book satchel (he never goes anywhere without it) Manuel also seeks to give the Kaisar more command experience, although taking care not to risk him too much. He is a hard taskmaster; overseeing the destruction of a pair of villages is no excuse for missing his daily reading assignment.
After burning the village of Baba Gurgur just twelve kilometers from Kirkuk, the Roman army swings north and east, continuing its destruction, not facing any serious opposition. Now they enter the foothills of the Zagros, entering lands no Roman soldier has entered save as prisoners of a conqueror. No one would mistake these Romans as prisoners. One of the first things they do is storm the small city of Sardasht, whose medieval fortifications fail miserable in keeping its enemies out, and put it to the torch.
* * *
Sardasht Castle, September 5, 1633:
Michael of Tephrike looked out from the ancient battlements, over fifteen hundred years old. The sun was drifting lazily toward the western horizon, while dying pillars of smoke wafted from what was left of the city of Sardasht. When the wind blew from that direction, Michael could faintly hear the wail of what was left of the inhabitants. They were too far from the borders of Rhomania for a large haul of prisoners to be manageable, so instead the survivors of the sack were being expelled from their homes with nothing but the clothes on their backs. If exposure, bandits, or animals didn’t kill them in the few days it took for the Romans to move on, they could go back to what was left of their homes and maybe eke out survival in the ruins. It was cruel, but war was cruel, and Rhomania had not started this war.
The breeze shifted a bit, tickling the hairs on the back of his neck. It felt good; the air was a bit muggy, but thankfully temperatures were decreasing from the nightmares they’d been a few weeks ago. That heat, along with his scorched buttocks, had been most unpleasant. Then he’d been hoping that a new army would be needed in Greenland and he could get a transfer.
He glanced over at Odysseus, sketching on a large canvas with one of those Triune graphite pencils, nibbling absentmindedly on the end as he pondered the scene in front of him: the burned-out city, the military encampment, the to-and-fro of scouts and foragers, all under lengthening shadows. “It’s good,” Michael said. He couldn’t draw to save his life, although if one needed to ‘creatively interpret’ the card rules he was your man.
“Eh, it’s alright,” the prince said. “Have to paint it once we get back to Duhok. Hope I remember the colors right.” He traced a little something in the corner; when he drew his hand back Michael saw a teamster arguing unsuccessfully with a cantankerous mule. For a moment they just looked out in silence.
“This isn’t the first time I’ve been here,” Odysseus said.
“Really?”
Odysseus nodded and moved his canvas. Carved in the stone behind it was writ ‘Andreas Drakos’ and ‘Odysseus Sideros’. Underneath the names-‘Brothers’. “We were being taken to Mashhadshar,” Odysseus replied, his voice a bit raspy. “It seems like a lifetime ago.” A pause. “He should be here.” Michael knew he meant Andreas Drakos, better known as Andreas III. “This was his dream.” He gestured out at the army camp. “A few years to survey the Empire, a few years to reform it, and then revenge.” His mouth twisted.
“And now your dream,” Michael said.
Odysseus nodded. “But for now just a dream.” Michael opened his mouth to protest; Sardasht hadn’t been a dream, never mind the carnage they’d wreaked down in the blisteringly hot lowlands. “It’s a start,” Odysseus conceded, cutting him off before he could speak. “But that’s it. And that’s all it will be for now. Revenge, proper revenge, won’t come in this war; we’ve too many enemies right now. But the next war, his war, my war, our war…that will be a very different story.” The Kaisar of Rhomania smiled coldly, his hand absentmindedly stroking the hilt of his sword, the sword of his great and terrible ancestor.
Timur. “Kneel before me,” Michael heard Odysseus whisper, not at him, but at the land of Persia sweeping eastward out before him. He was quoting the first words Timur had ever directed at an Ottoman lord. “Kneel before me, or die.”
* * *
1633 continued: After destroying Sardasht, Philanthropenos continues onward to similarly trash the slightly smaller city of Baneh, then turning northward to start heading home. Local Persian levies converge on the Roman column, hoping for revenge. Because of the difficult terrain, about which the locals obviously know better, it takes some time before Manuel can get a clear picture of enemy dispositions. Odysseus Sideros, out leading several scouting parties, plays a major role in getting the intelligence the brevet strategos needs.
Encamping on the south shore of Lake Urmia, the Romans are faced with two enemy armies, one to their northeast coming down from Tabriz, the other to the southeast from Bukan. The Tabriz force is ten thousand strong, the Bukan army seven thousand.
Moving east so he can operate on interior lines, Philanthropenos throws a blocking force of eighteen hundred to hold off the Bukan army, which is mostly militia. Odysseus picks out the defensive terrain for the blocking force, which is then approved by Manuel, although he keeps the Kaisar with the main body.
The Tabriz force, aside from its larger size, also has Qizilbash and Janissaries in its ranks. Manuel meets it in battle at the village of Bonab, near the east shore of Lake Urmia. After a stiff firefight, Manuel’s cavalry successfully turn the Ottoman left flank, driving it pell-mell into the lake. While the haul of prisoners is disappointingly low, their casualties are high and the supplies looted from the Ottoman baggage train are a welcome boon.
Manuel then swings south, linking up with the rather-battered but still intact blocking force at Qoshachay. The Bukan army, hopelessly outmatched in quantity and quality, is smashed to bits, with most of the survivors deserting their banners to flee into the hills. Some of the militiamen eventually return, lessening the long-term damage, but the defeat of the two Ottoman forces leaves Philanthropenos free and clear. Two weeks later the Romans are back at Duhok.
On the way back they transit the Kelashin Pass in the Zagros Mountains. The local tribes are Kurdish but decidedly unfriendly to the Romans (they’re not fond of the Ottomans either) and some try to ambush the Romans. Instead they are massacred as a detachment composed largely of Helvetian infantry had snuck up the mountains above them and fell on the ambushers’ backs.
Also in the pass is the Kelashin Stele, of which Odysseus makes an inscription for study by Roman scholars; the discovery of the ruins of Pompeii in 1618 has sparked interest in ancient ruins throughout much of Europe. At the time, the Urartian/Assyrian (Akkadian) script, twenty-four hundred years old at that point, is completely unknown and indecipherable to the Romans.
Far to the south, the Ethiopians have yet to provide the promised reinforcements to Egypt because their armies are focused on other matters. Firstly a small force is dueling with the Idwait raiders on the northern border, steadily creeping north into the old Kingdom of Makuria lost during the Great Uprising. Its first target is the reduction of the town of Soba near the confluence of the Blue and White Niles. It is also the site of a crushing Ethiopian defeat at the hands of the Mamelukes in 1450, not long before the birth of Brihan of Merawi.
Two more Ethiopian forces are attacking Yanbu, the port of Medina, and Jeddah, the port of Mecca, as a means to pressure the Hedjaz and keep Arab troops from reinforcing Ibrahim up in Syria (in that these attacks are only a limited success). Both towns have decent if simple modern fortifications protecting them, the defenses of Jeddah built partially from the rubble of the demolished Roman works during their occupation. So Jeddah can’t be easily overwhelmed this time as it has been in the past.
Both cities require a siege, with Arab attacks a nuisance but ineffective; the main difficulty is supplying the besiegers, especially with water. But with Roman and Ethiopian warships dominating the Red Sea, both cities eventually succumb. But rather than garrisoning them, the Ethiopians hand over control to Omani garrisons; both Constantinople and Gonder are thinking that Omani control over the Hedjaz would be useful in the future. Then the Ethiopians proceed onward to Suez, moving up to Gaza to reinforce Alexios Gabras who uses his increased strength to harass Sinan Pasha, encamped around Jerusalem.
Meanwhile in the Gulf the Roman and Omani fleets, supported by a powerful Ethiopian squadron, are attempting to crack the formidable defenses of the island of Qeshm and the cities of Hormuz (on the island of the same name) and Gamrun (OTL Bandar Abbas-the OTL name is from a Safavid Shah so I’m using its earlier name) on the mainland. Although the Ottoman fleet and the several Triune vessels supporting it has been driven into harbor, the presence of said fleet makes any landing on Qeshm or Hormuz Island too hazardous.
Gamrun, which has been massively enlarged as a naval depot and trading port since the start of the Ottoman-Triune alliance, could be threatened by an army landed up or down the coast which then marches to the target. But with Qeshm guarding the waterborne approaches, it would be hard to supply the besieging army since the supplies would have to be transported from the landing. And with the fleet unable to get too close to Gamrun, the besieging army would be well-placed for the Ottoman fleet to shell them from offshore.
So for now the Romans, Omani, and Ethiopians have to settle for blockading the area as best they can, although they stage several seaborne raids on villages further up the Gulf coast. All attempts to lure the Ottoman fleet out fail, the admiral there not rising to the bait even when the blockaders snap up three Triune Indiamen.
There are a few more naval battles to the east. The ones off the eastern coast of India between Ship Lords from Taprobane and forces from the Viceroyalty of Sutanuti are inconclusive. Of far greater significance is the Battle of the Lingga Islands. While the threat of Acehnese attacks is always high, Roman convoys carrying Indonesian and East Asian goods often use the Straits of Malacca rather than the more hazardous Sunda Strait between Sumatra and Java.
An unusually large convoy is transiting the Strait, protected by a powerful escort that is expecting an Acehnese attack. Included in the escort are a pair of Spanish sloops as well as two small fregatai; the Spanish have their own grievances against the Acehnese and five of their own Indiamen are allowed to join up with the convoy for protection.
Off the Lingga Islands the convoy is challenged by the full might of the Acehnese navy and for three days (giving the battle its alternate name of the Three Days Battle) the two sides clash. It is brutal and bloody, and when the sun sets over the hills of Sumatra on the third day, it is said by Roman accounts that “there was not a household in Aceh that did not wail and lament at the news of their calamity”. Acehnese losses are somewhere in the range of 15,000 men, their losses swelled by their common practice of filling their ships with musketeers to bolster their firepower. It is not a death blow to Aceh, but a state that was a week ago one of the premier native naval powers of the east has been shoved down firmly into the second-rate, at best, category.
Further east than that, a Roman fleet sets up a blockade around Surabaya, second city of the Semarang Sultanate, situated in the northeast corner of Java, while the King of Mataram lays on a siege with 50,000 men. Included in the blockade force are a trio of Lubeck ships, the Hansa crews really not caring that they’re fighting alongside the enemies of the Holy Roman Emperor. The Holy Roman Emperor has ruined their mercantile prospects in the east because of his Triune policies and a man has to make a living somehow. The Romans offer a chance for profit, both via a share of the spoils and the promise of a warehouse and dock for Lubeck’s merchants, and the opportunity to shoot Triunes; no self-respecting man of Lubeck can pass that up.
Surabaya is one of the great cities of Java with a large population and formidable defenses. But Sanjaya is patient and methodical, borrowing heavy naval guns from his Roman allies to pummel the city’s walls. A relief army from the west, despite being outnumbered two to one, tries to draw the Hindu king away, but to no avail. Both Semarang and Triune warships try to break the blockade, and while some manage to run it and offload supplies, it is not enough to turn the tide. After nine weeks, the inhabitants open the gates and surrender, paying a massive indemnity and swearing allegiance, but escaping what would’ve been a most brutal sack.
It is a tremendous victory for both Mataram and Rhomania. It is a crippling blow to the Semarang Sultanate, long-time enemy of both, and the Romans quickly settle down into their massive and splendid trading quarters. Alongside them is a smaller Ethiopian district and the Lubeck warehouse and dock. The Hansa ships load up on pepper which fetch them quite a tidy profit when they get home and they remember whom they should thank.
In India though the allies of Rhomania are not prospering. Kishan Das, the Maharaja of Oudh who turned his state into the lord of most of the Ganges, is hard pressed between his treacherous brother and the Viceroy of Sutanuti, and the Katepano of Taprobane is on the lookout for new powers that might serve the Empire’s interests in this part of the world.
* * *
The Red Fort of Agra, December 16, 1633:
Ranjit Singh inhaled, the smell of powder and blood intermingling in his nostrils. It was a familiar smell, often experienced these past few years since he and his squadron burst over the walls of Delhi. He was used to that smell, but what really intoxicated him was the scent of victory. Three times Agra had defied him, but now it was at his feet.
He looked out over his conquest, the city sprawled before him. The last of the fires were being put out now, but it had been a hectic week. He felt the rough red sandstone of the battlements beneath his callused hands. The Red Fort was of similar age to himself, built by Iskandar of Persia in an effort to solidify control over his new Indian conquests. Yet for all the Persian Emperor’s skill in battle, he’d never managed to really control his lands east of Delhi unless he had an army sitting on said lands. But Ranjit Singh, the Lion of Agra…oh, I like that more than I should, he thought, would take the fort anyway. It’d be a good base for the start of his own empire.
Spying movement below him, he saw riders approaching the Elephant Gate, the guards opening up; they and Ranjit Singh knew the man was a friend, and a most useful friend at that. Ranjit Singh smiled and started from the balcony to go down and greet the new arrival. He needed to thank that tourmarch for those
lovely culverins.
* * *
[1] This is a reference to OTL Alexios Philanthropenos, who is essentially the same person ITTL. Reportedly, even after being blinded and imprisoned for decades IOTL and with no army, the Turks still broke off a siege rather than face him in battle. Imagine what he could’ve done with the greater resources of the Empire ITTL…
[2] Happened to an ACW officer, although I can’t remember who. But it’s too hilarious to pass up. Also, someone fluent in Greek please come up with a nickname for him based on this.