America's Silver Era, The Story of William Jennings Bryan

[CELTICEMPIRE]

“To say that I was pessimistic during the 1900 Presidential campaign would be an understatement. I wasn’t even sure that I would still be the Party’s nominee, let alone win the election. I was determined to campaign as hard as I could, and hope for the best.” This is what Bryan recounted two decades later. Two major challengers emerged against William Jennings Bryan for the Democratic Nomination. The first was Thomas Catchings, a Representative from Mississippi and a supporter of the Gold Standard. The other was Wisconsin Senator William Villas, a fellow Bourbon Democrat. The goal was for Villas to take away Northern delegates from Bryan while Catchings took away Southern delegates. Conservatives hoped that between these two, and a number of favorite sons, Bryan would be denied a majority of delegates.

-Excerpt from The Guide to the Executive Mansion, an in Depth Look at America's Presidents by Benjamin Buckley, Harvard Press, 1999.

In order to defeat the conservative insurgency, Bryan enlisted the aid of his supporters. South Carolina Senator Ben Tillman persuaded many Southern delegates to stick with Bryan. Well before the convention, Milford Howard had distributed films of William Jennings Bryan along with campaign literature throughout the Deep South, hoping that the people would pressure their political leaders to support Bryan’s reelection. Vice President Arthur Sewall tried to ensure the loyalty of the delegates from New England. On July 4 the 1900 Democratic National Convention began in Kansas City, Missouri. Bryan could count on the loyalty of the West, that was certain, but the rest of the state delegations seemed up for grabs. The attempted revolt of the Southern delegates went poorly; Catchings had the support of his home state of Mississippi, along with a sizable minority of the Louisiana, Texas, and Virginia delegations. Many of the West Virginia delegates opposed Bryan, but they were split between Catchings and Villas. The rest of the South stood with the President. Meanwhile, in the Midwest, only Wisconsin supported Villas.

(Left: Thomas C. Catchings, Right: William Freeman Villas)​

While the Southern and Midwestern delegations disappointed Bourbon Democrats, the real battle would be in the Northeast. Vermont, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts sided with various opponents of Bryan. Maine, the home of Arthur Sewall, was the only New England delegation to support Bryan. Pennsylvania and New Jersey surprised everyone by rejecting the Bourbon candidates. And New York delegates narrowly chose Bryan over former mayor of New York City and favorite son Abram Hewitt. This was because of support from two New York politicians, former Vice President Adlai Stevenson, and former Bryan opponent David B. Hill. Bryan had won his party’s nomination once again. In his victory speech he called on Democrats to unite and continue the work he had begun for farmers, miners, and urban laborers.

The first Republican to announce his intention to run was Thomas Brackett Reed, former House Speaker from Maine. While most Republicans criticized Bryan for not doing enough during the Cuban War, Reed opposed the war entirely. Another contender was Pennsylvania’s Matthew Quay. Robert Todd Lincoln and Frederick Dent Grant hoped to take advantage of their last names. Attorney Chauncey Depew of New York, Michigan governor John T. Rich, Rhode Island governor Charles W. Lippitt, Tennessee Representative Henry Clay Adams, and former ambassador Whitelaw Reid were among the other contenders for the nomination. And then there was William McKinley, eager to have a rematch with William Jennings Bryan. McKinley quickly became the frontrunner. Some delegates were concerned about his electability, as he had previously lost an election in what should have been a Republican year. They rallied around Thomas Reed, the only other candidate that stood a chance at winning the nomination. However, in the end, McKinley was nominated once more. Robert Todd Lincoln was chosen as his running mate as part of a Midwestern strategy. McKinley’s nomination speech at the Republican National Convention in Philadelphia emphasized protectionism, support for the Gold Standard, and a more active foreign policy.

-Excerpt from McKinley, by Raymond Garrett, Charleston Publishing House, 1999.

(Left: William McKinley, Right: Robert Todd Lincoln)​

There were other party conventions as well. The National Democratic Party nominated Thomas Catchings of Mississippi. This meant that their strategy would focus on the Southern States, as Catchings failed to generate much enthusiasm in the North. The Vice Presidential nominee would be former US Postmaster General William Wilson of West Virginia. The Socialist Labor Party nominated Eugene V. Debs of Indiana for President and Job Harriman of California for Vice President. Their strategy was to specifically target urban workers who were not doing well under Bryan’s Presidency. They portrayed Bryan as a puppet of the silver mine owners and not a friend of the common man. Debs, imitating Bryan, proclaimed “You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of silver.”

 

[CELTICEMPIRE]

William Jennings Bryan was facing an uphill battle in his quest for reelection. A bad economy, a divided party, a considerably lower campaign budget than his Republican rival, media bias, and Socialists attacking his ideas from the left were working against Bryan getting four more years in the Executive Mansion. The situation looked worse than 1896, which was a very narrow victory. But, Bryan also had a few more advantages than he had four years prior. Bryan had more control over the Democratic Party machines, meaning the party would do more to help him get reelected. And the disparity in funding and media support between Bryan and McKinley was much narrower than it was in 1896. As President he had led America to victory, which would certainly endear him to the military. Bryan also had, if possible, even more support in rural areas this time.

The Republicans ran a Midwestern strategy. The idea was to defend the states in the region that McKinley won in 1896 while trying to win Indiana and Ohio. Bryan’s strategy would be to target the other states in the Midwest and Upper South. Iowa, North Dakota, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Maryland, and Delaware were all states that McKinley won in 1896 but Bryan was determined to compete for in 1900. With this in mind, Bryan once again set out on a train, giving speeches at every town he stopped in. His first speech was in Philadelphia, not particularly friendly ground, and he attracted a few protesters. He then went into Delaware. He and his campaign surrogates blanketed the state, reaching every town and talking to a large portion of its small population. Next came Maryland, and then Virginia and West Virginia, until he made it to the Midwest.

-Excerpt from America's Silver Age, Edward S. Scott, Patriot Publishers, 2017.

The Republican Party did its best to counter the Democrats’ claim that they were the party of the rich. Indeed, many poor people voted for McKinley. McKinley’s message to the working class was that bimetallism, and its champion in the Executive Mansion, were to blame for high inflation and the continuing economic crisis. Many modern economists share McKinley’s views. He also promised that protectionism would keep industry in the United States. Many immigrants voted Republican as they were concerned about Bryan’s anti-alcohol stance after national blue laws were passed in 1898, restricting liquor sales on Sundays. McKinley also had the support of America’s most disadvantaged demographic. African-Americans who were not prevented from voting mostly cast their ballots for McKinley. After all, his running mate was the Great Emancipator’s son. Bryan actually made an effort to appeal to black voters, and had campaign surrogates argue that Democratic policies would help their communities. While some African-Americans did support Bryan, the majority did not.

-Excerpt from McKinley, by Raymond Garrett, Charleston Publishing House, 1999.

The Gold Democrats ran an almost entirely Southern campaign. They hoped at the very least to win Mississippi’s electoral votes. In the case that neither McKinley nor Bryan obtained an electoral majority, Catchings hoped to become kingmaker. Bryan considered campaigning in the South, but realized that the Midwest was more important. He could rely on his many Southern supporters along with Milford Howard to campaign there on his behalf. Eugene Debs spent most of his time in the larger cities of the Midwest. His arguments were simple; silver has not helped the proletariat, reestablishing the gold standard will not help either, the workers can only be freed by overthrowing capitalism. He argued “what difference does it make to the toiling masses, whether the President is a puppet of the gold mine owners or a puppet of the silver mine owners? Neither will be your friend!” While many were convinced by Debs, the majority of American workers rejected his message, hoping that either major party had the answers to improve the economy.

(Eugene V. Debs)​

In August, a poll was done of several states that were deemed important in the upcoming election. This meant large states and states that were close in 1896. Public opinion polls were much less common and much less advanced at this time than they are today, but they existed. This poll was an aggregate of various local straw polls. The results were disheartening for Democrats to say the least. McKinley was projected to win Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois and Iowa. But these were states he already won in 1896. He also was projected to win Indiana, Ohio, West Virginia, California, and Oregon, states that voted for Bryan four years earlier. Bryan was projected to win Texas, Missouri, Kentucky, and South Dakota. The only silver lining was that North Dakota, which voted for McKinley in 1896, was now projected to vote for Bryan.

But the campaign was far from over. Victory in 1900 would hinge on one factor: turnout. Bryan could count on high turnout from his supporters. For Republicans, things were more complicated. Yes, Bryan was not extremely popular in urban areas, but that didn’t mean they would turn out for McKinley in large numbers. Republicans had a difficult time getting people excited to vote for their candidate. This was contrasted with the undying energy of William Jennings Bryan, who gave speeches with the same passion that was present in 1896. McKinley was seen by many as stale and as the candidate for the rich, while Bryan seemed to genuinely care about the plight of the common man. In addition, many of the attacks on Bryan had lost their luster. After the Cuban War it was hard to portray him as weak. And while bimetallism wasn’t off to great start, the doom and gloom predictions of complete financial collapse didn’t come true either.

(William Jennings Bryan in his early forties)​

On the night of Tuesday, November 6, 1900, William Jennings Bryan prayed, went to bed, fully expecting to wake up the next morning to news of McKinley’s victory. Among his cabinet only Joseph Sibley and Milford Howard believed that Bryan would win. But the winner was not yet clear the next day, giving Bryan some hope. Then, on Thursday, the news was in: William Jennings Bryan won reelection. This came as a shock to Bryan and his campaign staff just as it did to McKinley’s team as well as the rest of the country. The President was reportedly overjoyed when he heard the news that he won. And this time, he actually won the popular vote. McKinley could at least take solace in the fact that this time he won his home state of Ohio. But he had lost two elections in a row that should have been easy Republican victories. His political career was over. In addition, the Gold Democrats failed to carry a single state, only cracking above 20% in Mississippi.

-Excerpt from The Guide to the Executive Mansion, an in Depth Look at America's Presidents by Benjamin Buckley, Harvard Press, 1999.

William Jennings Bryan (D-NE)/Arthur Sewall (D-ME): 6,727,867 votes (47.7%), 233 Electoral Votes
William McKinley (R-OH)/Robert Todd Lincoln (R-IL): 6,685,553 votes (47.4%), 213 Electoral Votes
Thomas Catching (ND-MS)/William Wilson (ND-WV): 338,509 votes (2.4%), 1 Electoral Vote[1]
Eugene V. Debs (S-IN)/Job Harriman (S-CA): 211,568 votes (1.5%), 0 Electoral Votes
Others[2]: 142,455 votes (1.0%), 0 Electoral Votes

1: Faithless elector from Mississippi
2: Mostly the Prohibition Party

 

[Jabberjay]

Ah William Jennings Bryan one of the few left wing historical figures I kind of like!

 

[TimTurner]

Looks like his legacy is secure.

 

[Japhy]

Just wanted to say this is fascinating. Bryan is a very difficult figure to really write about because his ideology is so disconnected from modern society so when most people do it I tend to feel they veer hard "off the reservation" as it were, and I'd say you're doing a decent job avoiding that. I'll be interested to see what follows.

 

[CELTICEMPIRE]

Just wanted to say this is fascinating. Bryan is a very difficult figure to really write about because his ideology is so disconnected from modern society so when most people do it I tend to feel they veer hard "off the reservation" as it were, and I'd say you're doing a decent job avoiding that. I'll be interested to see what follows.

Thanks! I try my best to write without injecting modern politics (which I am increasingly disillusioned with) onto people from the past. Sure, there are parallels to be found, but I think that every Alternate History writer should do a lot of research and try to understand the mindset of people who lived at the Point of Departure. I hope that I've done that.

 

[CELTICEMPIRE]

Spanish Prime Minister Antonio Cánovas del Castillo had lost war with America. However, his resolve to keep the rest of the empire was unshaken. Cánovas believed that Spain’s Empire was saved by the foolishness of America’s young President William Jennings Bryan (who was close to half the age of Cánovas). He was surprised by US Secretary of State Henry Teller’s limited demands at the Treaty of Paris. While he hated giving up Cuba he was thankful to keep the rest of Spain’s Empire. Despite the loss of Cuba, Spain still had possessions scattered across the globe. Closer to home there were still the Canary Islands and the Spanish colonies in Africa. The Spanish West Indies still existed as Puerto Rico remained in the empire. And Spain still controlled the East Indies, though their grip on the Philippines was weakening. Even though the Cuban War was over, Spanish soldiers were still dying in a faraway place, fighting against Philippine rebels.

(Spanish soldier in the Philippines)​

Many began to see the Spanish Empire as a liability rather than an asset. This increasingly became the position of the Spanish Liberal Party as well as the Socialist movement. When confronted with the cost in money and lives for Spain, some advocated selling the Philippines. But Prime Minister Cánovas was convinced that instead of shrinking, the Spanish Empire was to expand. He and those who shared his views started the Dos Equis Movement[1]. The idea behind the movement was that the 19th century had seen Spain’s dominions shrink but that there would be a reversal of Spanish fortunes. The Twentieth Century would be the Spanish century, according to them. Thus the Spanish soldiers who fought and lost in Cuba were transferred to the Pacific to fight a Philippine insurgency. The Spanish government also tried to shift the demographics of the Philippines. A large percentage of Cuban loyalists were transferred to the island chain and some Spanish citizens were paid to settle there. In addition, The Spanish government began to explore the possibility of gaining concessions in China.

-Excerpt from The Dos Equis Movement, Spain's last gasp for power, by Ona Andreu, Seville Press, 1997.

Puerto Rico was not a high concern for the Spanish government. Even many sceptics of Imperialism made the Caribbean island an exception. The inhabitants were generally loyal to Spain. Though some Puerto Ricans desired independence, they were not the majority. In 1898, per the Treaty of Paris, Spain gave Puerto Rico an autonomous government. Virtually all of the elected officials of that government were loyal to Spain. Agents operating from the US and Cuba tried occasionally to incite a popular revolt against the Spanish government, but few were persuaded. And the loyalists on the island’s numbers were bolstered by loyalists from Cuba. Spanish investment on the island increased after the Cuban War, helping stimulate the local economy. While Cánovas and the Dos Equis Movement encouraged Spanish citizens to settle in the Philippines, more Spaniards settled in Puerto Rico. The island would continue to attract Spanish tourists and settlers for decades to come.

-Excerpt from The History of Puerto Rico, by Alfonso Clemente Campo, Atlantic, 2001.

In early 1899 the beleaguered Spanish forces in the Philippines, facing an enemy emboldened by Spain’s defeat in the Cuban War, were happy to see help come in the form of a troop surge. The Spanish Army won most of the battles that year, as the newspapers back home proudly reported. Soldiers were not the only people coming, so were thousands of Cuban loyalists, mostly settling in Manilla. There was also the new Repoblación program, launched in 1899, where the Spanish government paid its citizens to settle in the Philippines. In the summer of that year, over 5,000 Spaniards would arrive in the Philippines to begin their new lives, and more were following behind them. These new arrivals would occupy the highest caste of colonial society, Peninsulares, Spaniards born in Spain. The newcomers displaced many locals from their jobs, and they were not welcome by most of the native inhabitants.

By the end of 1899 the Spanish government was confident that it had pacified enough of the Philippines to declare the troop surge a success. With that, Spain reorganized the local government to allow for some form of autonomy. An amnesty was called for rebel soldiers (though not the rebel leaders) and some accepted the amnesty while the majority continued fighting. Governor-General Fernando Primo de Rivera announced that elections would be held for a new legislature in regions deemed sufficiently pacified in 1900. The elections were never intended to be fair. Natives were often prevented from voting and candidates that the Spanish didn’t like were regularly disqualified. This, combined with the loss of jobs as a result of the Repoblación program, led to widespread protests. In Manilla, these protests turned into riots on August 4, in which five Spanish soldiers, two Spanish civilians, and 83 Filipinos were killed, with many more on both sides wounded. The Spanish government responded by making mass arrests of hundreds of suspected rebels. This inflamed Philippine opinion against Spanish rule and even more Filipinos joined the rebellion.

(Philippine Rebels)​

Many of the new Spanish settlers were unable to escape the increasing violence. Several were killed, including entire families. The Spanish government tried to keep this news from spreading back home, but the people found out eventually. The Repoblación program’s popularity drastically decreased once people back home new the truth. Young aspiring artist Pablo Picasso, who had come with an early wave of settlers, had this to say about the situation: “In 1899 the ships were full of people from every part of society, optimistic about their new life in a mysterious faraway land. In 1901 I saw a ship come into port carrying 70-80 men. There were a few brave adventure-seekers and a few missionaries, but the majority of them were beggars.” The program that began as an attempt to strengthen Spain’s hold on the Philippines became a means to rid Spain’s major cities of their unwanted inhabitants. In 1902 the program was discontinued.

While Cánovas would be remembered for presiding over Spain’s loss of Cuba, he should also be remembered for expanding Spain’s power on the other side of the world. Spain was among China’s “Most Favored Nations” and trade had been going on between the two countries for centuries. In 1900 Spain bought its very own concession port in China. Aichow[2] was a city on the Southern coast of Hainan Island, which was relatively close to the Spanish-controlled Philippines. Spain hoped to bring all of Hainan into its sphere of influence in the future. However, they would have to compete with the French, who were the dominant foreign power in the region. Thus, for the time, Spain would need to be content with Aichow. The purchase of Aichow was made possible by increased taxes, angering the public. Cánovas was replaced as Prime Minister later that year by Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, who opposed the Doq Equis Movement from the very beginning. It seemed like the New Spanish Century would never come to pass.

-Excerpt from The Dos Equis Movement, Spain's last gasp for power, by Ona Andreu, Seville Press, 1997.

1: Dos Equis means "two Xs" in Spanish. The two Xs symbolize the 20th century, just like they do on the Beer.
2: Now Sanya.

 

[Historyman 14]

As I said, Spain is done.

How would this so called 'Spanish century' come about fighting a impossible war against the Filipinos?

 

[CELTICEMPIRE]

As I said, Spain is done.

How would this so called 'Spanish century' come about fighting a impossible war against the Filipinos?

It's mostly wishful thinking among imperialist hardliners.

 

[CELTICEMPIRE]

“I believe in the resilience of the American people to solve whatever problems come before them.” William Jennings Bryan said in his second inaugural address on March 4, 1901. The economic downturn, which begun under Cleveland’s administration, had not yet ended. Many people blamed the President and his monetary policies for the continuing hard times. Democrats had narrow majorities in both houses during the 57th Congress, but if they couldn’t do something about the ongoing economic crisis, that would soon change. Tragedy struck a month after the inauguration when Vice President Arthur Sewall died of a stroke. Bryan’s second term was definitely not off to a good start.

-Excerpt from The Guide to the Executive Mansion, an in Depth Look at America's Presidents by Benjamin Buckley, Harvard Press, 1999.

(Arthur Sewall, 1835-1901)​

In 1901 the annexation of Hawaii was finalized. Ever since the fall of the Monarchy in 1893, the government of Hawaii desired annexation by the United States. Grover Cleveland opposed annexation as he viewed the seizure of power to be illegitimate. Though Bryan was no fan of expansionism, he viewed Hawaii as an exception. He reasoned that Hawaii was relatively close to the United States (much more so than the Philippines) and thus within its sphere of influence. And, if the US didn’t annex Hawaii, some European power would annex it later on. War with Spain during his first year in office distracted the US from annexing the Islands earlier. It was never near the top of President Bryan’s Agenda anyway. Ironically, it was the Hawaiian government, led by Sanford B. Dole, which began to have reservations about annexation. After all, the overthrow of Hawaiian Queen Liliuokalani in 1893 was done by businessmen, and Bryan wasn’t exactly the best friend of business. But, as business didn’t collapse during the Bryan administration, these concerns faded away.

(Sanford B. Dole)​

Annexation of Hawaii was actually more of a Republican cause than a Democratic one. If Hawaii had gained statehood instead of territory status, it would have likely voted Republican. Contrary to the popular image of William Jennings Bryan as the ultimate Democrat, he was willing to oppose his own party and work with Republicans whenever he saw fit. There were many progressive Republicans at the time, and Bryan worked with them when there was common ground. A coalition of progressive Republicans and Democrats in Congress passed an Amendment to allow for the direct election of Senators. However, it failed to be ratified by enough state legislatures. For every failure there were successes, and in 1901 William Jennings Bryan signed into law the Child Labor Act of 1901, establishing maximum working hours for children under the age of 16. It was challenged by the Supreme Court but was upheld in a 5-4 decision.

But the economy still hadn’t improved. By 1902 there were still no signs of a recovery. Even the farmers, who were supposed to benefit from Bimetallism, were suffering. So the Democrat-controlled Congress decided that doing something was necessary to keep their jobs. They came up with an economic stimulus, directed at various parts of the economy, with the intent to help both the rural and urban poor. Whether it had much effect is still debatable. It was widely seen as a desperate last attempt on the part of congressional democrats to keep the House and Senate, which they narrowly lost in the 1902 Congressional elections. However, in 1903 the economy finally began to recover. Conservatives claimed that the market was going to straighten itself out eventually, and that increased government spending and Bimetallism had nothing to do with it. However, the public saw the return to economic normalcy as a direct result of President Bryan and Democratic policy.

In 1903 Democrats in Congress pushed for referendums in three territories. Some Republicans fought against this as the proposed states of Oklahoma, New Mexico, and Arizona would bolster Democrats’ numbers in the House and Senate, as well as increasing their odds of winning the electoral college. Thus, the new House Speaker Chauncey Depew vowed to block all vote on statehood until after 1904, in order that it not affect the outcome of the election. Many Republicans, including Representative Theodore Roosevelt of New York, strongly disagreed with Depew’s actions and criticized him. Statehood for these territories would have to wait until after the election, an election in which William Jennings Bryan announced he would seek an unprecedented third term.

-Excerpt from America's Silver Age, Edward S. Scott, Patriot Publishers, 2017.

 

[Nelson Mikeson]

So, Bryan seems to become some sort of proto-FDR. I would love to see him winning a third, fourth and fifth term and leading America during WWI. Also, would Bryan give any specific reason to the public for why he broke the two-terms tradition, like FDR, to maybe gain a boost, like ,,Roosevelt should win a third term because he is the only one who could lead America during this time and not allow for the Nazis marching trough Paris to become an excuse for our American boys to go to their deaths over the Atlantic, again" ?

 

[CELTICEMPIRE]

So, Bryan seems to become some sort of proto-FDR. I would love to see him winning a third, fourth and fifth term and leading America during WWI. Also, would Bryan give any specific reason to the public for why he broke the two-terms tradition, like FDR, to maybe gain a boost, like ,,Roosevelt should win a third term because he is the only one who could lead America during this time and not allow for the Nazis marching trough Paris to become an excuse for our American boys to go to their deaths over the Atlantic, again" ?

Well, there's no guarantee that he wins a third term. The reasoning will be explained in the next chapter. I just can't imagine a young ambitious man like William Jennings Bryan not going for a third term. As far as World War I, it could very well happen at a different time or just not happen altogether. It might happen while Bryan is campaigning for a third term, or it might happen after he dies.

 

[Nelson Mikeson]

Well, there's no guarantee that he wins a third term. The reasoning will be explained in the next chapter. I just can't imagine a young ambitious man like William Jennings Bryan not going for a third term. As far as World War I, it could very well happen at a different time or just not happen altogether. It might happen while Bryan is campaigning for a third term, or it might happen after he dies.

Will he give any reason to the public for why he decided to run for a third term?

 

[Katarn]

Can't wait for the next update

 

[Historyman 14]

So, Bryan seems to become some sort of proto-FDR. I would love to see him winning a third, fourth and fifth term and leading America during WWI. Also, would Bryan give any specific reason to the public for why he broke the two-terms tradition, like FDR, to maybe gain a boost, like ,,Roosevelt should win a third term because he is the only one who could lead America during this time and not allow for the Nazis marching trough Paris to become an excuse for our American boys to go to their deaths over the Atlantic, again" ?

Well, there's no guarantee that he wins a third term. The reasoning will be explained in the next chapter. I just can't imagine a young ambitious man like William Jennings Bryan not going for a third term. As far as World War I, it could very well happen at a different time or just not happen altogether. It might happen while Bryan is campaigning for a third term, or it might happen after he dies.

Pretty much. The unofficial two term limit on President is still in affect, and we need Teddy to bust in, and makes America a world power.

World War 1 is pretty much set to take place. Only the how, the when, and the who. (AKA: Check the Balkans.)

 

[CELTICEMPIRE]

Some questions will be answered soon.

As for TR, he was one of those people who was destined for greatness, he'll be featured prominently in this TL.

 

[CELTICEMPIRE]

While the first half of Bryan’s term saw the economic crisis continue and the Democrats lose both Houses of Congress, the second half saw economic recovery. In 1902 Bryan was seen as ineffective while by 1903 he was seen as saving the country from economic ruin. By the time the 58th United States Congress began in March of 1903 the crisis was nearly over. Very little of note occurred during the 58th Congress. Speaker Reid of Ohio was seen as an obstructionist, blocking legislation from coming up for a vote. The only legislation of note that was passed was a bill to increase tariffs, which was vetoed by the President. In the popularity contest between the President and Congress, the President was winning. Bryan received thousands of letters, mostly from the Western States, begging him to run for a third term. Bryan was still as wildly popular in the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains as he had been in 1896. Bryan is often portrayed as being initially hesitant of running for a third term, but was eventually convinced by fan mail. In reality, Bryan didn’t need much convincing. He used the letters to justify what he already planned on doing.

(House Speaker Whitelaw Reid, staunch opponent of William Jennings Bryan)​

Meanwhile, the more superstitious segments of American society were worried about Bryan’s ability to survive his Presidency. On the surface, this seems odd as the President was in his early forties. However, many at the time believed in the Curse of Tippecanoe, or Tecumseh’s Curse. Tecumseh was a Shawnee leader who allied with the British during the War of 1812. Tecumseh’s Native American Alliance had been defeated the year before in 1811 at Tippecanoe. The commanding general was future United States President William Henry Harrison. After Harrison was elected in 1840, he became the first President to die in office. Every President elected in a year divisible by 20 would die in office. Abraham Lincoln, elected in 1860, died in office in 1865. And James Garfield, elected in 1880, also died in office. Some were worried that Bryan, by virtue of winning the election of 1900, would be next. Then, as Bryan was enjoying the summer air with his family on the Executive Mansion’s lawn on July 11, 1903, he was shot at. The gunman was a poor shot; two bullets missed the President entirely while one grazed his shoulder. As guards came running to the scene, the gunman ran away. He was quickly apprehended and interrogated.

Under interrogation, the gunman revealed that he was not working alone. He identified other conspirators, one who was attempting to bomb the Capitol Building and others who were planning on assassinating members of Bryan’s cabinet. They were Communist Revolutionaries and they hoped to cause the government to collapse. It was very poorly planned out. The other conspirators were quickly apprehended with the exception of one, who shot and seriously injured a man who looked like Secretary of War John T. Morgan. The last assassin was shot by a cop on August 14 in Paducah, Kentucky. With the exception of the one who confessed, the other six conspirators were hanged. In the aftermath, some newspapers reported that the President had shaken off an old curse (referring to Tecumseh’s curse). Some retellings of the story had Bryan wrestle the gun away from his assassin. Regardless, public sympathy for Bryan increased after the incident. Intriguingly, after Bryan supposedly “shook off” a curse placed upon US Presidents by a Shawnee chief, he would go on to promote and sign into law legislation to benefit American Indians and Alaskan Natives.

-Excerpt from The Guide to the Executive Mansion, an in Depth Look at America's Presidents by Benjamin Buckley, Harvard Press, 1999.

On September 3, 1903, the 120th anniversary of the end of the American Revolution, William Jennings Bryan gave a speech in Dover, Delaware, the capital city America’s first state. He talked about the issues facing America and the need for further reform. He talked about the creeping influence of imperialists, whose values ran counter to everything America stood for. He talked about the importance of keeping corporate power out of Washington. He talked about his own achievements in resisting these influences and fighting for the American farmer and worker. He talked about how Americans were doing better in 1903 than they were when he first ran for President. He said “It took a few years, but silver has finally saved America’s farmers and laborers from economic ruin.” He then railed against a Republican-controlled Congress that was doing nothing for the average American. He ended his speech with this, “If the cause of poor and downtrodden is not taken up by God-fearing Americans who will work within the bounds of the Constitution, it will be stolen by Godless radicals. I, William Jennings Bryan, am seeking a third term as President.” The crowd, mostly filled with supporters who delivered the state to him in 1900, applauded. However, many Americans, including some Democrats, were horrified by Bryan’s departure from the tradition began by George Washington.

-Excerpt from America's Silver Age, Edward S. Scott, Patriot Publishers, 2017.

 

[President Eternal]

Really liking this timeline. Interesting choice of divergence, and I'm liking the changes that are already coming about.

 

[Historyman 14]

I think he should have been killed.

Either way, and again, I can't see him getting a third term. Last election was highly close and the last line said it at breaking the unofficial two term limit set up by Washington.

If anything, him getting shot on the grounds of Tecumseh’s Curse would have him not seeking a third term.

(And I what Teddy!)

 

[CELTICEMPIRE]

I think he should have been killed.

Either way, and again, I can't see him getting a third term. Last election was highly close and the last line said it at breaking the unofficial two term limit set up by Washington.

If anything, him getting shot on the grounds of Tecumseh’s Curse would have him not seeking a third term.

(And I what Teddy!)

On the other hand, his survival might be a sign that it is Divine Providence that Bryan should run for a third term. It could go either way.