Wasn't Trotsky more eager to expand Communism across the world? Stalin was all "Socialism in one country" before the Treaty of Yalta landed Eastern Europe in his lap.
America's Silver Era, The Story of William Jennings Bryan
- Thread starter CELTICEMPIRE
- Start date
Wasn't Trotsky more eager to expand Communism across the world? Stalin was all "Socialism in one country" before the Treaty of Yalta landed Eastern Europe in his lap.
Correct. I've had an idea about a TL with an expansionist USSR for a while. I'm going to go with that or one of my various Chinese PODs, mostly relating to the Civil War.
Frankly, it seems like the Soviet Union would probably overstretch themselves if they were to expand too quickly. Not to mention the possibility of WWII being caused by Soviet aggression rather than Nazi aggression.
What are your Chinese PODs?
Certainly a possibility. Basically the USSR would start by annexing the Baltic States. It would also try to fight the Japanese much more aggressively and more actively aid the Chinese Communists.
-No Xi'an incident.
-Chiang Kai-shek allows Japanese generals to continue fighting the Communists after the surrender.
-Ceasefire between CPC and KMT in 1945/46. PLA is integrated into the NRA and the Communist Party is given control of local government in parts of Northern China. The CPC is also guaranteed seats in the Legislative Yuan. A similar proposal existed OTL.
-Later ceasefire, allowing the Communists to form a government in Manchuria and parts of Hebei as well as what is now Inner Mongolia. Chiang keeps the rest.
-Chiang Kai-shek keeps Guangdong and Hainan from falling to the Communists.
-ROC gets involved in the Korean War.
-No Sino-Soviet Split.
-Longer Cultural Revolution.
-Hardliners in China hijack negotiations with Nixon.
I'm not entirely sure how to make some of these happen.
Civil Rights
The Second Great War had all kinds of effects all over the world; too many to count. But perhaps the most important effect the war had on America was Civil Rights. Since the 1920s public opinion had begun to shift in favor of increased rights for blacks, and to a lesser extent, other racial minorities. But progress was slow. Though legislation was passed, the majority of the black population lived in places where the authorities were reluctant to enforce them. More meaningful legislation would have to wait. In 1934, Republicans took control of the Senate and in 1935 they killed the filibuster. Voting rights legislation was passed but was still not being enforced in most of the South. It was the war that would eventually lead to a situation where equality under the law could have a fighting chance.
It may be hard for some to think that there was once a serious challenge to the GOP’s hold on the black vote. But that was exactly what happened during the 20s and 30s. Both the Democrats and the Socialists took away votes from the Party of Lincoln among African-Americans. Joseph J. Davidson, a teacher turned writer from New Jersey, was one of the first famous black Democrats. In 1916, he urged African-Americans to pray for William Jennings Bryan to defeat Ben Tillman for the Democratic nomination. In the general election, he proudly cast his vote for William Jennings Bryan, sparking criticism from black community leaders. Bryan would win over 10% of the black vote in that election. Davidson was rewarded by being the first black delegate at a Democratic Convention in 1924, where he supported Charles W. Bryan.
-Excerpt from The Party of Lincoln, Jacinta Orlov, Patriot Publishers, 2005.
Davidson was a highly controversial figure. Many African-Americans criticized him for aligning himself with segregationists while many of his fellow Democrats hated him for his advocacy of racial equality. Nahum Johnson, the son of a clergyman from South Carolina, would often argue with Davidson, urging black voters to continue supporting the Party of Lincoln. William Louis Daniel, a sharecropper from Florida who also became a writer, argued for a rejection of capitalism and the two-party system. He was a supporter of the Socialist Labor Party. The three were invited to a debate at Howard University in DC, a historically black college, in 1927. Davidson argued that black people should support the Democrats as they are the party that is determined to help the poor and that Republicans hadn’t delivered much since reconstruction. Daniel made a similar argument with regards to his party. Johnson responded to Daniel by criticizing the situation in France under Adolphe Cartier, who was not yet universally despised. But he spent most of his time attacking Davidson. After Davidson praised the Democrats’ policies to help the poor and downtrodden, Johnson responded “I’d like to see you go and sell your message to those down in Dixie, I want you to go to South Carolina, and tell them why the people who work deny their God-given rights and their friends here in DC who let them get away with it are their true allies.”
Davidson, Johnson, and Daniel would argue with each other for over a decade. In 1932, 55% of black voters were registered Republicans, 15% were Socialists, and 10% were Democrats. While Republicans still had an overwhelming advantage, it was slipping. That Republican President Frank Hanly seemed to be more concerned with keeping people from drinking alcohol than with helping black people in their fight against injustice or even with fixing the economic depression, wasn’t helping the Grand Old Party. But there was some room for hope, the 1932 Republican Platform did call for civil rights legislation. And in 1935 Republicans were at the forefront of renewed efforts to protect voting rights. In 1936, Herbert Hoover ran on a pro-civil rights platform, though he also wanted to strike a balance between supporters of civil rights and the “Lily White” faction, who he thought could help him win parts of the South. And Hoover did win the former Confederate states of Tennessee, Virginia, and North Carolina. But in between the election and inauguration, war broke out. America wanted to mobilize their black population in their war effort. And there was fear among some that French and Spanish revolutionary ideology would appeal to marginalized elements of American society. It was determined that black soldiers would fight alongside white soldiers.
In 1938, laws were passed to make it easier for soldiers to vote from overseas. Many soldiers would mail ballots from Africa or the Pacific. They were registered directly through the Army and Navy, bypassing any methods of voter suppression enforced at the state or county level. For many black soldiers, it was the first time they cast a ballot. Of the black soldiers who did vote more than nine out of ten favored Republican candidates. The influx of Republican votes into the deep south was not as alarming as it may seem. Many southern whites, especially in the military, approved of President Hoover. In 1940, Even more soldiers voted as it was a presidential election. Hoover won 78% of the military vote as a whole, and 92% of the votes of black soldiers and sailors. When these black soldiers returned home, they were not eager to go back to being treated as second class citizens. Black veterans began to demonstrate for equality not long after the war ended.
(Civil Rights Demonstration)
When the political leadership of the South figured out the consequences of the military voter legislation, laws many of them supported, they were horrified. Senator Ellison Smith of South Carolina called for a repeal military voter laws but they and everyone who came to their side ended up making fools of themselves. Segregationists were now painted as hating the troops. Moreover, southern cities and towns with Army and Navy bases became some of the first in the region to enforce voting rights. When delegates to the 1944 Democratic Convention in New York tried to bring up the issue of military voting, they were booed. Hoover had hoped that any agitation for civil rights would end so he could focus on other issues. He didn’t want to mire himself in controversy and hurt his massive approval rating. He tried to walk a fine line, appeasing everyone who could be appeased, but eventually, he could no longer hide from the controversy.
In the 1942 midterms, black veterans in the Mississippi town of Clarksdale wore their uniforms to the polls and demanded to vote. Heavily outnumbered, the white poll workers acquiesced. Black veterans alone were enough to outvote the white minority in that town and the majority of local officials up for reelection were replaced by black Republicans. The next day, the Mississippi National Guard was sent in to invalidate the local elections and put the town under what was close to martial law. The government of Mississippi claimed that people had voted twice and voted illegally and that new elections would be held the next year. Hoover was forced to do something. On one hand, he could ignore the incident, but that would be seen as betraying a lot of his supporters. And within a day of the Clarksdale Incident, pressure was already mounting on the president. He could intervene, but that option had the potential of destroying the party’s inroads in the South. After meeting with his cabinet, he determined that the only option was to get involved in some way. The way forward for the GOP in the South had to include black southerners. The “Lily White” faction that had been prevalent since the 19th century could get on board with that, or join the Democrats.
On November 8, three days after the incident, Hoover made an announcement on the radio. He said that the candidates elected on the 3rd would not be automatically reinstated, but that election observers from the US Army will be sent to Clarksdale to help the government of Mississippi monitor the elections. Governor Theodore Bilbo realized that his plan backfired. Black voters were registered in large numbers and this time Republicans took over almost every position in local government. A black sheriff was elected and the new government immediately set to work on reforming the criminal justice system. Nahum Johnson traveled to Mississippi and gave a speech in which he said “Jim Crow has been dealt a blow from which he will not recover!” Among supporters of civil rights there was cause for joy but also cause for concern. In 1944, the same situation would play out all over Dixie and this time blood would be shed.
It may be hard for some to think that there was once a serious challenge to the GOP’s hold on the black vote. But that was exactly what happened during the 20s and 30s. Both the Democrats and the Socialists took away votes from the Party of Lincoln among African-Americans. Joseph J. Davidson, a teacher turned writer from New Jersey, was one of the first famous black Democrats. In 1916, he urged African-Americans to pray for William Jennings Bryan to defeat Ben Tillman for the Democratic nomination. In the general election, he proudly cast his vote for William Jennings Bryan, sparking criticism from black community leaders. Bryan would win over 10% of the black vote in that election. Davidson was rewarded by being the first black delegate at a Democratic Convention in 1924, where he supported Charles W. Bryan.
-Excerpt from The Party of Lincoln, Jacinta Orlov, Patriot Publishers, 2005.
Davidson was a highly controversial figure. Many African-Americans criticized him for aligning himself with segregationists while many of his fellow Democrats hated him for his advocacy of racial equality. Nahum Johnson, the son of a clergyman from South Carolina, would often argue with Davidson, urging black voters to continue supporting the Party of Lincoln. William Louis Daniel, a sharecropper from Florida who also became a writer, argued for a rejection of capitalism and the two-party system. He was a supporter of the Socialist Labor Party. The three were invited to a debate at Howard University in DC, a historically black college, in 1927. Davidson argued that black people should support the Democrats as they are the party that is determined to help the poor and that Republicans hadn’t delivered much since reconstruction. Daniel made a similar argument with regards to his party. Johnson responded to Daniel by criticizing the situation in France under Adolphe Cartier, who was not yet universally despised. But he spent most of his time attacking Davidson. After Davidson praised the Democrats’ policies to help the poor and downtrodden, Johnson responded “I’d like to see you go and sell your message to those down in Dixie, I want you to go to South Carolina, and tell them why the people who work deny their God-given rights and their friends here in DC who let them get away with it are their true allies.”
Davidson, Johnson, and Daniel would argue with each other for over a decade. In 1932, 55% of black voters were registered Republicans, 15% were Socialists, and 10% were Democrats. While Republicans still had an overwhelming advantage, it was slipping. That Republican President Frank Hanly seemed to be more concerned with keeping people from drinking alcohol than with helping black people in their fight against injustice or even with fixing the economic depression, wasn’t helping the Grand Old Party. But there was some room for hope, the 1932 Republican Platform did call for civil rights legislation. And in 1935 Republicans were at the forefront of renewed efforts to protect voting rights. In 1936, Herbert Hoover ran on a pro-civil rights platform, though he also wanted to strike a balance between supporters of civil rights and the “Lily White” faction, who he thought could help him win parts of the South. And Hoover did win the former Confederate states of Tennessee, Virginia, and North Carolina. But in between the election and inauguration, war broke out. America wanted to mobilize their black population in their war effort. And there was fear among some that French and Spanish revolutionary ideology would appeal to marginalized elements of American society. It was determined that black soldiers would fight alongside white soldiers.
In 1938, laws were passed to make it easier for soldiers to vote from overseas. Many soldiers would mail ballots from Africa or the Pacific. They were registered directly through the Army and Navy, bypassing any methods of voter suppression enforced at the state or county level. For many black soldiers, it was the first time they cast a ballot. Of the black soldiers who did vote more than nine out of ten favored Republican candidates. The influx of Republican votes into the deep south was not as alarming as it may seem. Many southern whites, especially in the military, approved of President Hoover. In 1940, Even more soldiers voted as it was a presidential election. Hoover won 78% of the military vote as a whole, and 92% of the votes of black soldiers and sailors. When these black soldiers returned home, they were not eager to go back to being treated as second class citizens. Black veterans began to demonstrate for equality not long after the war ended.
(Civil Rights Demonstration)
When the political leadership of the South figured out the consequences of the military voter legislation, laws many of them supported, they were horrified. Senator Ellison Smith of South Carolina called for a repeal military voter laws but they and everyone who came to their side ended up making fools of themselves. Segregationists were now painted as hating the troops. Moreover, southern cities and towns with Army and Navy bases became some of the first in the region to enforce voting rights. When delegates to the 1944 Democratic Convention in New York tried to bring up the issue of military voting, they were booed. Hoover had hoped that any agitation for civil rights would end so he could focus on other issues. He didn’t want to mire himself in controversy and hurt his massive approval rating. He tried to walk a fine line, appeasing everyone who could be appeased, but eventually, he could no longer hide from the controversy.
In the 1942 midterms, black veterans in the Mississippi town of Clarksdale wore their uniforms to the polls and demanded to vote. Heavily outnumbered, the white poll workers acquiesced. Black veterans alone were enough to outvote the white minority in that town and the majority of local officials up for reelection were replaced by black Republicans. The next day, the Mississippi National Guard was sent in to invalidate the local elections and put the town under what was close to martial law. The government of Mississippi claimed that people had voted twice and voted illegally and that new elections would be held the next year. Hoover was forced to do something. On one hand, he could ignore the incident, but that would be seen as betraying a lot of his supporters. And within a day of the Clarksdale Incident, pressure was already mounting on the president. He could intervene, but that option had the potential of destroying the party’s inroads in the South. After meeting with his cabinet, he determined that the only option was to get involved in some way. The way forward for the GOP in the South had to include black southerners. The “Lily White” faction that had been prevalent since the 19th century could get on board with that, or join the Democrats.
On November 8, three days after the incident, Hoover made an announcement on the radio. He said that the candidates elected on the 3rd would not be automatically reinstated, but that election observers from the US Army will be sent to Clarksdale to help the government of Mississippi monitor the elections. Governor Theodore Bilbo realized that his plan backfired. Black voters were registered in large numbers and this time Republicans took over almost every position in local government. A black sheriff was elected and the new government immediately set to work on reforming the criminal justice system. Nahum Johnson traveled to Mississippi and gave a speech in which he said “Jim Crow has been dealt a blow from which he will not recover!” Among supporters of civil rights there was cause for joy but also cause for concern. In 1944, the same situation would play out all over Dixie and this time blood would be shed.
Always nice to see early progress on civil rights. Though that said, that last line worries me.
Here's the partisan control of governors' mansions on the eve of the 1944 election:
As for the election, I'm calculating the results by alphabetical order and I've finished South Carolina. I also have a little bit of a chapter on the rebuilding of Spain written.
As for the election, I'm calculating the results by alphabetical order and I've finished South Carolina. I also have a little bit of a chapter on the rebuilding of Spain written.
Less, actually, though there are still a lot that come. There is no draft and America sends less men to the war than in OTL. China also sends some laborers to the United States.
For the next update or two, we're going back in time, far enough back that William Jennings Bryan is still alive.
Puerto Rico: Home Away from Home
Alfonso XIII, King of France and Spain is a beloved figure in modern European History. He is most associated with the victory of the Alliance in the Second Great War. While his final years were marked by success, much of his reign was marked by setbacks, Pyrrhic victories, and defeat. Alfonso’s reign as King of Spain began as his life began, he never knew a time when he was not king. As a boy he watched his country lose the Cuban War. But the victorious Americans were merciful, and allowed Spain to keep Puerto Rico. America’s decision, Alfonso would later write, proved to be the salvation of Spain. Then Spain would be consumed by a war against Philippine insurgents while the ultra-nationalist Dos Equis movement took control of the government. Left-wing protests and riots threatened to tear the nation apart. Eventually Spain withdrew from the Philippines, the riots subsided, and ultra-nationalists lost power. But before the Dos Equis movement faded away they purchased a concession port in China’s Hainan Island, the now infamous Aichow.
Spain had a decade of peace. During this time the government forged closer relations with Germany, though much of the populace held a negative view of the rising power. The peace was fragile, as Spain had constant tensions with France, who viewed the Spanish port at Aichow as rightfully French. This erupted into war in 1915. The war should have been a quick and decisive French victory. But then Germany entered the conflict and the war expanded. For over two years, millions of soldiers died on almost every continent. Spain was barely able to advance against France, despite the fact that the best French soldiers were fighting the Germans. Spain would find itself under attack by France, Britain, Portugal, and Morocco. To make matters worse, the US President was a Cuban War veteran and the pro-war movement in America was using anti-Spanish propaganda to justify joining the war. Puerto Rico had been captured and Cuba helped set up an independent government. Spain was under blockade and resources were dwindling. Spain also had the strongest anti-war movement in all of Europe.
Though Spain was relieved by Roosevelt’s defeat in 1916, many were concerned by the election of William Jennings Bryan, their old enemy, despite his anti-war stance. 1917 brought new challenges for Spain as Portuguese and British troops were operating in Spain itself, and winning victories. In addition to foreign armies, Spain now had to deal with rebels at home. If Paris had held out for another month or two, Spain might very well have surrendered. But, by virtue of its allies, Spain was on the winning side of the war, and even gained territory in the peace talks. But back home, the situation was spiraling out of control. The people were starving, the only thing preventing famine was American grain shipments. But Alfonso and much of the Royalist command was confident of victory over the revolutionaries as they had greater numbers and most of the generals remained loyal. These loyal generals, however, began to run Spain as a military dictatorship.
The Royalists went on the offensive in late 1917 and gained ground. But they suffered high casualties along the way and were eventually pushed back. Many soldiers switched sides. In 1918 Royalists were playing defense while there were plots against the king from within his own government. Madrid fell in August. The Royalists continued the fight from Cordoba until November, at which time they realized defeat was certain and fled the country. In December 1918, the Kingdom of Spain still controlled Gibraltar, the Balearic and Canary Islands, African colonies, concession ports, minority shares in the Suez and Panama Canals, and Puerto Rico. These were to be defended against any attack. Puerto Rico was determined to be the safest place to retreat to and in 1919 the Kingdom of Spain set up its government in exile in San Juan. From here, he would prepare for an invasion of the Republic of Spain and a restoration of the monarchy in Madrid. Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, the Ottoman Empire, Romania, Serbia, Finland, Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Bulgaria, Colombia, and Nicaragua continued to recognize Alfonso’s government. Britain would make the occasional attempt to diplomatically persuade Alfonso to give up his claims to Madrid.
In February 1919, Alfonso entered San Juan with generals, government officials, and soldiers. Six months earlier, Germany had to send its navy to dislodge the Entente puppet government that continued to rule over the island. Juan Ríus Rivera tried to rally his men to fight but failed, he left for Cuba along with over 1000 supporters of independence. The period from 1898 to 1915 had seen a significant amount of immigration from Spain to Puerto Rico. Many of them supported Alfonso, but others didn’t. The native population was largely ambivalent about the arrival of the king. There were those who didn’t want him there. In April 1921 a small rebellion broke out, most likely instigated by Cuban agents (though many in San Juan thought America was also to blame). Some in America called on President Bryan to help the rebels. King Alfonso was immensely worried of a repeat of the Cuban War, this time with an even greater American advantage. In his diary he wrote “I worry that the Kingdom of Spain may be in its last days. They say Bryan in a man of peace but his cabinet is filled with many of the same men who were present in 1897. I feel like he could go either way on this.”
But Bryan made it clear that he was for peace. Though he would continue to recognize the government in Madrid, against the counsel of Secretary of State Milford Howard. The rebellion died out within a month. Though few in Puerto Rico supported violent action against the regime, there was clear dissatisfaction among the native population. Well-to-do Puerto Ricans were angry that the recent arrivals from Spain were taking the best jobs. There was general opposition to the new standards for education which were introduced. Only Castellan could be spoken in schools. Curriculum was introduced emphasizing Spanish history, literature, and culture. Some accused the government of trying to erase the Puerto Rican identity. All students were taught to be prepared for a war against the Republic of Spain. Few actually believed that the Kingdom had the means to take on the Republic, but many went along with it anyway. It was not all negative, however. The exile period did see a rise in literacy and standard of living on the island.
From San Juan, Alfonso began to amass actual power, much more than he ever had in Madrid. He limited the power of the generals to the other side of the Atlantic. He ruled with help from the legislature, a body that included all those members of Parliament who came over. Politicians representing cities in Continental Europe would be making decisions for the Kingdom of Spain, some of them until the return to Europe in 1939. In 1924 hopes of taking back Madrid were renewed as starving citizens revolted and captured Cordoba. Royal Spain sent its navy across the Ocean. Planes from Northern Morocco helped the rebels and bombed enemy positions. But by the time the Royal Spanish Navy arrived the rebellion was mostly crushed. Royal possessions in the Eastern hemisphere were falling. Gibraltar had fallen in less than a year after the Royalist retreat from the continent. Alejandro Lerroux took over after the death of Pablo Iglesias in 1925 and resumed offensives against remaining Royal strongholds. The Balearic Islands were captured in 1929 after the Republic rapidly built up a sufficient navy. In 1930 an assault on the Canary Islands was launched but was repelled. And from 1930 to 1932 Morocco conquered all Spanish territory in North Africa. Sweden, Finland, the Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria withdrew recognition of the San Juan government. Italy was forced to recognize the government in Madrid after their defeat in the Franco-Italian War. Royal Spain was continually denied membership in the Alliance of Nations by Britain.
(Royal troops in the Canary Islands)
Despite setbacks, there were still strong movements in the US, UK, Japan, and Russia to recognize the Kingdom of Spain. Milford Howard, a supporter of Alfonso, became president in 1926. In 1928 though, Congress narrowly voted against diplomatic recognition. However, Secretary of State George McClellan Jr. also promised that the US would keep Puerto Rico safe from the government in Madrid. Unfortunately for Spain, Frank Hanly defeated Milford Howard in 1928 and opposed any attempt to recognize Alfonso XIII as King of Spain. Royal Spanish diplomacy would shift towards the Western hemisphere. In 1929, the Haitian government cut off all ties with both France and the Spanish Republic. In return, Haiti received military and financial aid. The Dominican Republic followed suit. Mexico and Venezuela were easy to convince due to anger at Cartier and Lerroux. Guatemala, Costa Rica, and Uruguay were bribed to kick out diplomats from Madrid and replace them with diplomats from San Juan. Chile and Brazil would eventually switch sides on their own initiative. The new nation of Dai Nam in Southeast Asia would also recognize Alfonso as King of Spain. There were accusations that Alfonso was personally funding candidates in the United States.
The US, Britain, and Russia, would not recognize Alfonso’s government until the Second Great War. Britain tried to get Alfonso to drop him claims in Europe and declare independence with him as King of Puerto Rico. Alfonso repeatedly rejected these proposals and reaffirmed his commitment to invading Spain. By the mid-1930s he started to believe that the invasion might take place after his death. Then, in 1936, war broke out and Alfonso now had a chance to get back to Madrid. Alfonso announced in 1937 that Puerto Rico will gain increased autonomy after an Allied victory. That promise was followed through in 1941. Over twenty-five thousand people left Puerto Rico to return to Spain. Entire neighborhoods became empty. There was a shortage of teachers, lawyers, bankers, and bureaucrats. Most of this took place in San Juan, the countryside was relatively unaffected. There would be an economic downturn in Puerto Rico that lasted for several years after the war ended.
Spain had a decade of peace. During this time the government forged closer relations with Germany, though much of the populace held a negative view of the rising power. The peace was fragile, as Spain had constant tensions with France, who viewed the Spanish port at Aichow as rightfully French. This erupted into war in 1915. The war should have been a quick and decisive French victory. But then Germany entered the conflict and the war expanded. For over two years, millions of soldiers died on almost every continent. Spain was barely able to advance against France, despite the fact that the best French soldiers were fighting the Germans. Spain would find itself under attack by France, Britain, Portugal, and Morocco. To make matters worse, the US President was a Cuban War veteran and the pro-war movement in America was using anti-Spanish propaganda to justify joining the war. Puerto Rico had been captured and Cuba helped set up an independent government. Spain was under blockade and resources were dwindling. Spain also had the strongest anti-war movement in all of Europe.
Though Spain was relieved by Roosevelt’s defeat in 1916, many were concerned by the election of William Jennings Bryan, their old enemy, despite his anti-war stance. 1917 brought new challenges for Spain as Portuguese and British troops were operating in Spain itself, and winning victories. In addition to foreign armies, Spain now had to deal with rebels at home. If Paris had held out for another month or two, Spain might very well have surrendered. But, by virtue of its allies, Spain was on the winning side of the war, and even gained territory in the peace talks. But back home, the situation was spiraling out of control. The people were starving, the only thing preventing famine was American grain shipments. But Alfonso and much of the Royalist command was confident of victory over the revolutionaries as they had greater numbers and most of the generals remained loyal. These loyal generals, however, began to run Spain as a military dictatorship.
The Royalists went on the offensive in late 1917 and gained ground. But they suffered high casualties along the way and were eventually pushed back. Many soldiers switched sides. In 1918 Royalists were playing defense while there were plots against the king from within his own government. Madrid fell in August. The Royalists continued the fight from Cordoba until November, at which time they realized defeat was certain and fled the country. In December 1918, the Kingdom of Spain still controlled Gibraltar, the Balearic and Canary Islands, African colonies, concession ports, minority shares in the Suez and Panama Canals, and Puerto Rico. These were to be defended against any attack. Puerto Rico was determined to be the safest place to retreat to and in 1919 the Kingdom of Spain set up its government in exile in San Juan. From here, he would prepare for an invasion of the Republic of Spain and a restoration of the monarchy in Madrid. Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, the Ottoman Empire, Romania, Serbia, Finland, Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Bulgaria, Colombia, and Nicaragua continued to recognize Alfonso’s government. Britain would make the occasional attempt to diplomatically persuade Alfonso to give up his claims to Madrid.
In February 1919, Alfonso entered San Juan with generals, government officials, and soldiers. Six months earlier, Germany had to send its navy to dislodge the Entente puppet government that continued to rule over the island. Juan Ríus Rivera tried to rally his men to fight but failed, he left for Cuba along with over 1000 supporters of independence. The period from 1898 to 1915 had seen a significant amount of immigration from Spain to Puerto Rico. Many of them supported Alfonso, but others didn’t. The native population was largely ambivalent about the arrival of the king. There were those who didn’t want him there. In April 1921 a small rebellion broke out, most likely instigated by Cuban agents (though many in San Juan thought America was also to blame). Some in America called on President Bryan to help the rebels. King Alfonso was immensely worried of a repeat of the Cuban War, this time with an even greater American advantage. In his diary he wrote “I worry that the Kingdom of Spain may be in its last days. They say Bryan in a man of peace but his cabinet is filled with many of the same men who were present in 1897. I feel like he could go either way on this.”
But Bryan made it clear that he was for peace. Though he would continue to recognize the government in Madrid, against the counsel of Secretary of State Milford Howard. The rebellion died out within a month. Though few in Puerto Rico supported violent action against the regime, there was clear dissatisfaction among the native population. Well-to-do Puerto Ricans were angry that the recent arrivals from Spain were taking the best jobs. There was general opposition to the new standards for education which were introduced. Only Castellan could be spoken in schools. Curriculum was introduced emphasizing Spanish history, literature, and culture. Some accused the government of trying to erase the Puerto Rican identity. All students were taught to be prepared for a war against the Republic of Spain. Few actually believed that the Kingdom had the means to take on the Republic, but many went along with it anyway. It was not all negative, however. The exile period did see a rise in literacy and standard of living on the island.
From San Juan, Alfonso began to amass actual power, much more than he ever had in Madrid. He limited the power of the generals to the other side of the Atlantic. He ruled with help from the legislature, a body that included all those members of Parliament who came over. Politicians representing cities in Continental Europe would be making decisions for the Kingdom of Spain, some of them until the return to Europe in 1939. In 1924 hopes of taking back Madrid were renewed as starving citizens revolted and captured Cordoba. Royal Spain sent its navy across the Ocean. Planes from Northern Morocco helped the rebels and bombed enemy positions. But by the time the Royal Spanish Navy arrived the rebellion was mostly crushed. Royal possessions in the Eastern hemisphere were falling. Gibraltar had fallen in less than a year after the Royalist retreat from the continent. Alejandro Lerroux took over after the death of Pablo Iglesias in 1925 and resumed offensives against remaining Royal strongholds. The Balearic Islands were captured in 1929 after the Republic rapidly built up a sufficient navy. In 1930 an assault on the Canary Islands was launched but was repelled. And from 1930 to 1932 Morocco conquered all Spanish territory in North Africa. Sweden, Finland, the Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria withdrew recognition of the San Juan government. Italy was forced to recognize the government in Madrid after their defeat in the Franco-Italian War. Royal Spain was continually denied membership in the Alliance of Nations by Britain.
(Royal troops in the Canary Islands)
Despite setbacks, there were still strong movements in the US, UK, Japan, and Russia to recognize the Kingdom of Spain. Milford Howard, a supporter of Alfonso, became president in 1926. In 1928 though, Congress narrowly voted against diplomatic recognition. However, Secretary of State George McClellan Jr. also promised that the US would keep Puerto Rico safe from the government in Madrid. Unfortunately for Spain, Frank Hanly defeated Milford Howard in 1928 and opposed any attempt to recognize Alfonso XIII as King of Spain. Royal Spanish diplomacy would shift towards the Western hemisphere. In 1929, the Haitian government cut off all ties with both France and the Spanish Republic. In return, Haiti received military and financial aid. The Dominican Republic followed suit. Mexico and Venezuela were easy to convince due to anger at Cartier and Lerroux. Guatemala, Costa Rica, and Uruguay were bribed to kick out diplomats from Madrid and replace them with diplomats from San Juan. Chile and Brazil would eventually switch sides on their own initiative. The new nation of Dai Nam in Southeast Asia would also recognize Alfonso as King of Spain. There were accusations that Alfonso was personally funding candidates in the United States.
The US, Britain, and Russia, would not recognize Alfonso’s government until the Second Great War. Britain tried to get Alfonso to drop him claims in Europe and declare independence with him as King of Puerto Rico. Alfonso repeatedly rejected these proposals and reaffirmed his commitment to invading Spain. By the mid-1930s he started to believe that the invasion might take place after his death. Then, in 1936, war broke out and Alfonso now had a chance to get back to Madrid. Alfonso announced in 1937 that Puerto Rico will gain increased autonomy after an Allied victory. That promise was followed through in 1941. Over twenty-five thousand people left Puerto Rico to return to Spain. Entire neighborhoods became empty. There was a shortage of teachers, lawyers, bankers, and bureaucrats. Most of this took place in San Juan, the countryside was relatively unaffected. There would be an economic downturn in Puerto Rico that lasted for several years after the war ended.
I just did a search and it appears that I first mentioned him in chapter 3. The only other people that are mentioned before him that are still alive are William Randolph Hearst (mentioned earlier in the same chapter), William Jennings Bryan's children, and Arthur Sewall's grandson.
The Rebuilding of Spain and Portugal
In some respects, the government transition in Spain was much smoother than in France. After all, there was a government in exile that had made plans for the fall of the Republic of Spain. Many of the government officials that left in 1918 were still alive when Alfonso XIII made his triumphant return to the mainland in 1939. But Spain also had unique challenges. For one, there was an alternate government in exile and some of its forces had been active in the liberation of Spain. And then there was the issue of French chemical attacks on Spanish cities in 1940. In addition, the Kingdom of Spain hadn’t been on continental soil for over two decades, causing a disconnect between the liberators and the liberated. For Portugal, things were much simpler due to the much shorter time in exile for the Portuguese government.
Although the troops that crossed from Portugal into Spain in July 1939 were officially Spanish troops, most of them were born in Puerto Rico. And many of the Spanish born soldiers hadn’t been in Spain since they were young children (their families had escaped in 1918 or 1919). And there were also soldiers born in the Canary Islands, Sanya or Spanish Africa. Of course there were some soldiers who had lived half of their lives in Spain, but they were middle-aged by then. Some of these people had been in the Royal Spanish Army since the Great War. But they were a small minority of the enlisted men, though they made up the majority of officers. The older men rejoiced when they crossed into Extremadura, some even kissing the ground. For the average soldier, the feeling was similar to a WASP visiting England at best. For many of them, their last ancestors may have left Spain over four centuries earlier.
Shortly after Royal Spanish troops began their push to Madrid, rebels loyal to an alternative government of the Republic of Spain began liberating the Northwestern parts of the country. They were loyal to Álvaro de Figueroa, a man who fought against Alfonso in 1918 and then led an unsuccessful coup against Pablo Iglesias in 1919 and was subsequently exiled. The Spanish Republic in exile had dozens of politicians that first set up camp in Lisbon but had moved to Canada by 1939. After the fall of Madrid on October 23, Alfonso met with leaders of the alternate resistance. He told them that “I have seen my country plagued by war for five decades. There has been enough bloodshed.” Members of the alternative rebels would be given positions in the new government and in 1940 a referendum on the monarchy would be held. The two forces would unite to free the country and then bring the fight to France.
Ildefonso Álvarez, the 79-year-old mayor of Zaragoza, was the only person that the French could find to lead a puppet government. The government seemed to only have authority where French troops were. Spanish soldiers would often defect. On January 21, 1940, the final city held by the puppet government, Pamplona, fell. Spain was liberated. But before the war ended, France launched biological weapons against the cities of Zaragoza, Pamplona, and Barcelona. Sympathy for France (which was already low) almost disappeared overnight. Later that year, 74% of Spanish voters approved of the monarchy. There would be trials for people affiliated with the old government, albeit much smaller than the French trials. 4 Spanish VR were rounded up (the rest had hidden or were shot) and executed. Álvarez was questioned but no specific deaths could be traced to the old man. He was given a five-year sentence and after his time was up he wrote about the secrets of the Republic of Spain, while warning against repeating that low point in Spanish history. He died at the age of 109 in 1968.
Alfonso XIII would exert a great deal of influence on the Spanish government. The left, like in France, was effectively disenfranchised. Leftist parties were finally able to compete in Spanish politics in 1949. Catholicism was enshrined as the official religion of the country as it was in France. The government passed a law funding Catholic schools. When the same bill was proposed in France there were protests and it was decided that Protestant and Jewish schools would be included. In 1951, Spain allowed a Protestant-run school in Madrid to receive government funding. There were two different spiritual reactions to the horrors of the Second Great War. One was to lose faith in any God, while the other was to be more faithful. Since the Cartier regime was associated with atheism, the second one was more prevalent. Atheists were viewed with suspicion throughout the world, but France, Spain, and Portugal passed laws against the advocacy of atheism. There were rarely enforced, however. By 1970 they were repealed.
While Spain was allied to France, the situation with the Spanish government in exile and the mass defections of Spanish soldiers cast Spain in a much more favorable light. The US, Britain, Russia, and even Germany was willing to spend money to help get the Spanish economy back on track. Hoover, a fiscal conservative, signed a generous aid package in 1941. Food shipments from all over the Americas kept Spain from starving. In 1950, the Spanish economy was stronger than the French economy, and the country was a hotspot for European tourists. Foreigners were much more willing to do business with Spain than with the hated French. Though the scars of war remained, Spain had a bright future in front of it. Alfonso had gone from being seen as a hopeless idealist clinging to a lost cause in 1935 to one of the most popular people in the world in 1945. Sadly, the King of France and Spain was shot in 1946 while visiting Versailles. He was paralyzed from the waist down and had to use a wheelchair for the rest of his life. He spent the rest of his life writing books about his life and reign as well as his vision for the future. When he died in 1950 his funeral was attended by dignitaries from around the world, including former US President Herbert Hoover.
Due to a large number of Spanish men losing their lives in the war, there were labor shortages. Spain solved this problem by enacting the policy of El Retorno, “The Return.” People of the former Spanish colonies were given a chance to have Spanish citizenship if they agreed to work on rebuilding the country. Peruvians, Ecuadorians, and Bolivians made up the largest group of immigrants, as their countries had been fraught with instability since the 1920s. Many Northern Mexican farm workers, some recently kicked out of the US and eager to escape gang violence, accepted the offer as well. Over 250,000 Latin Americans and Filipinos would become Spanish citizens in the ‘40s and ‘50s. They settled all over the country, though Madrid and Northeastern Spain were the most common destinations. Chinese workers from Hainan Island also came, bringing with them rich cultural traditions from their homeland. El Retorno was criticized by some as an attempt to bring outsiders in to displace the Basques and Catalans. Many of the Chinese immigrants became actors and actresses. For decades, Chinese people in Spanish cinema would speak the Min dialect.
(Madrid, 1940s)
The Portuguese were seen as heroes, as the Defenders of Liberty. The time of occupation was short, so fortunately the damage from the war was not as extreme as in other countries. Portugal received an aid package after the war as well. Manuel II made his triumphant return in 1939 and the country was quickly liberated. Portuguese troops would continue to fight all the way to Paris. In Paris, the dreaded Fúlvio Gaspar and 33 Vanguards were captured. They were brought to Lisbon to be tried. The people of Portugal yearned for revenge against the man who had been the French puppet ruler. Portuguese citizens listened to the trial on their radios. Gaspar attempted to hang himself before the trial but was stopped by the prison guards. Gaspar, as leader of the VV, was accused of causing the deaths of 12,000 Portuguese civilians, 5,000 Spanish civilians, and 1,000 French civilians. The VVs were also charged with involvement in the Satanic sacrifices at the Notre Dame. Gaspar, known for ordering the execution of those he deemed cowardly, broke down and begged for mercy. His underlings claimed they were only following orders, but that defense wouldn’t save them. They were all executed by firing squad on December 31, 1940.
Portugal never actually banned leftist parties. And in 1950, a center-left government came to power, though it was only able to win because it was led by a devout Catholic former officer. The Portuguese government would continue to hunt down VVs until the 2000s. Over the next 50 years 40 VVs were captured, and 31 were executed. In 1990 an old former Vanguard was extradited from Hungary and executed in 1992. Portugal abolished the death penalty in the following year, making this the last execution in Portuguese history. As recently as 2010 a former VV was given a 50-year sentence in Braga. Portugal would spend the next few decades trying to keep its African colonies. It would turn out to be an effort in vain.
Although the troops that crossed from Portugal into Spain in July 1939 were officially Spanish troops, most of them were born in Puerto Rico. And many of the Spanish born soldiers hadn’t been in Spain since they were young children (their families had escaped in 1918 or 1919). And there were also soldiers born in the Canary Islands, Sanya or Spanish Africa. Of course there were some soldiers who had lived half of their lives in Spain, but they were middle-aged by then. Some of these people had been in the Royal Spanish Army since the Great War. But they were a small minority of the enlisted men, though they made up the majority of officers. The older men rejoiced when they crossed into Extremadura, some even kissing the ground. For the average soldier, the feeling was similar to a WASP visiting England at best. For many of them, their last ancestors may have left Spain over four centuries earlier.
Shortly after Royal Spanish troops began their push to Madrid, rebels loyal to an alternative government of the Republic of Spain began liberating the Northwestern parts of the country. They were loyal to Álvaro de Figueroa, a man who fought against Alfonso in 1918 and then led an unsuccessful coup against Pablo Iglesias in 1919 and was subsequently exiled. The Spanish Republic in exile had dozens of politicians that first set up camp in Lisbon but had moved to Canada by 1939. After the fall of Madrid on October 23, Alfonso met with leaders of the alternate resistance. He told them that “I have seen my country plagued by war for five decades. There has been enough bloodshed.” Members of the alternative rebels would be given positions in the new government and in 1940 a referendum on the monarchy would be held. The two forces would unite to free the country and then bring the fight to France.
Ildefonso Álvarez, the 79-year-old mayor of Zaragoza, was the only person that the French could find to lead a puppet government. The government seemed to only have authority where French troops were. Spanish soldiers would often defect. On January 21, 1940, the final city held by the puppet government, Pamplona, fell. Spain was liberated. But before the war ended, France launched biological weapons against the cities of Zaragoza, Pamplona, and Barcelona. Sympathy for France (which was already low) almost disappeared overnight. Later that year, 74% of Spanish voters approved of the monarchy. There would be trials for people affiliated with the old government, albeit much smaller than the French trials. 4 Spanish VR were rounded up (the rest had hidden or were shot) and executed. Álvarez was questioned but no specific deaths could be traced to the old man. He was given a five-year sentence and after his time was up he wrote about the secrets of the Republic of Spain, while warning against repeating that low point in Spanish history. He died at the age of 109 in 1968.
Alfonso XIII would exert a great deal of influence on the Spanish government. The left, like in France, was effectively disenfranchised. Leftist parties were finally able to compete in Spanish politics in 1949. Catholicism was enshrined as the official religion of the country as it was in France. The government passed a law funding Catholic schools. When the same bill was proposed in France there were protests and it was decided that Protestant and Jewish schools would be included. In 1951, Spain allowed a Protestant-run school in Madrid to receive government funding. There were two different spiritual reactions to the horrors of the Second Great War. One was to lose faith in any God, while the other was to be more faithful. Since the Cartier regime was associated with atheism, the second one was more prevalent. Atheists were viewed with suspicion throughout the world, but France, Spain, and Portugal passed laws against the advocacy of atheism. There were rarely enforced, however. By 1970 they were repealed.
While Spain was allied to France, the situation with the Spanish government in exile and the mass defections of Spanish soldiers cast Spain in a much more favorable light. The US, Britain, Russia, and even Germany was willing to spend money to help get the Spanish economy back on track. Hoover, a fiscal conservative, signed a generous aid package in 1941. Food shipments from all over the Americas kept Spain from starving. In 1950, the Spanish economy was stronger than the French economy, and the country was a hotspot for European tourists. Foreigners were much more willing to do business with Spain than with the hated French. Though the scars of war remained, Spain had a bright future in front of it. Alfonso had gone from being seen as a hopeless idealist clinging to a lost cause in 1935 to one of the most popular people in the world in 1945. Sadly, the King of France and Spain was shot in 1946 while visiting Versailles. He was paralyzed from the waist down and had to use a wheelchair for the rest of his life. He spent the rest of his life writing books about his life and reign as well as his vision for the future. When he died in 1950 his funeral was attended by dignitaries from around the world, including former US President Herbert Hoover.
Due to a large number of Spanish men losing their lives in the war, there were labor shortages. Spain solved this problem by enacting the policy of El Retorno, “The Return.” People of the former Spanish colonies were given a chance to have Spanish citizenship if they agreed to work on rebuilding the country. Peruvians, Ecuadorians, and Bolivians made up the largest group of immigrants, as their countries had been fraught with instability since the 1920s. Many Northern Mexican farm workers, some recently kicked out of the US and eager to escape gang violence, accepted the offer as well. Over 250,000 Latin Americans and Filipinos would become Spanish citizens in the ‘40s and ‘50s. They settled all over the country, though Madrid and Northeastern Spain were the most common destinations. Chinese workers from Hainan Island also came, bringing with them rich cultural traditions from their homeland. El Retorno was criticized by some as an attempt to bring outsiders in to displace the Basques and Catalans. Many of the Chinese immigrants became actors and actresses. For decades, Chinese people in Spanish cinema would speak the Min dialect.
(Madrid, 1940s)
The Portuguese were seen as heroes, as the Defenders of Liberty. The time of occupation was short, so fortunately the damage from the war was not as extreme as in other countries. Portugal received an aid package after the war as well. Manuel II made his triumphant return in 1939 and the country was quickly liberated. Portuguese troops would continue to fight all the way to Paris. In Paris, the dreaded Fúlvio Gaspar and 33 Vanguards were captured. They were brought to Lisbon to be tried. The people of Portugal yearned for revenge against the man who had been the French puppet ruler. Portuguese citizens listened to the trial on their radios. Gaspar attempted to hang himself before the trial but was stopped by the prison guards. Gaspar, as leader of the VV, was accused of causing the deaths of 12,000 Portuguese civilians, 5,000 Spanish civilians, and 1,000 French civilians. The VVs were also charged with involvement in the Satanic sacrifices at the Notre Dame. Gaspar, known for ordering the execution of those he deemed cowardly, broke down and begged for mercy. His underlings claimed they were only following orders, but that defense wouldn’t save them. They were all executed by firing squad on December 31, 1940.
Portugal never actually banned leftist parties. And in 1950, a center-left government came to power, though it was only able to win because it was led by a devout Catholic former officer. The Portuguese government would continue to hunt down VVs until the 2000s. Over the next 50 years 40 VVs were captured, and 31 were executed. In 1990 an old former Vanguard was extradited from Hungary and executed in 1992. Portugal abolished the death penalty in the following year, making this the last execution in Portuguese history. As recently as 2010 a former VV was given a 50-year sentence in Braga. Portugal would spend the next few decades trying to keep its African colonies. It would turn out to be an effort in vain.
Nice look at how these countries rebuilt. I especially like Alfonso and the alternate resistance teaming up. Nice little bit of realpolitik there.
1944, The Republican Convention
The Republican Convention of 1944 in Salt Lake City, Utah would prove to be one of the most pivotal in American History, almost as much as the Democratic Convention of 1896. This was not because it was such a hotly contested convention, the fight for the platform was more important. Though there were multiple issues in contention, the most important one was the issue of America’s oldest problem. Civil Rights was quickly becoming the most divisive issue in the country. Despite the fact that many in both parties wanted to ignore it, it wasn’t going away. The Republican Party faced a dilemma. On one hand, Republicans were conservative, opposed to radical changes. The popularity of Herbert Hoover had also brought many white Southerners into the fold. On the other hand, the Republican Party was the Party of Lincoln, and turning their backs on civil rights would be a betrayal of their legacy. Black voters were also increasingly active in GOP politics, and were losing patience with half-measures.
-Excerpt from The Party of Lincoln, Jacinta Orlov, Patriot Publishers, 2005.
Alf Landon was the clear front-runner. But he faced a challenge from general and former Vice President Joseph Stilwell of New York, Senate Majority Leader Frederick Hale of Maine, Senator Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan, and Robert M. LaFollette Jr. of Wisconsin. LaFollette Jr. wasn’t taken very seriously as most progressive Republicans had left the party by that point. Hale would have been a more serious threat had he not been 70 years old. Landon won the first primary, North Dakota, with 80% of the vote. He went on to defeat Stilwell in New York 47-33%. He defeated La Follette Jr. in Wisconsin 43-25%. He did, however, lose New Hampshire to Hale, 52-39%. By April, Landon had a sizable lead. La Follette Jr. and Vandenberg were in a hopeless situation. Two southern states held Republican Primaries, Virginia and Arkansas. Hundreds of white supporters of civil rights came down to help blacks register to vote. Some polling places allowed them to vote, others resorted to vioslence to stop them from doing so. The majority of black voters favored Frederick Hale, the man responsible for the recent civil rights victories. White voters favored Landon or sometimes Stilwell.
Republicans had come to power in Virginia by riding the coattails of Hoover’s popularity. The government there was very cautious about civil rights, not wanting to upset people. The leaders of the Republican Party of Virginia were not thrilled when Hoover decided to intervene in Mississippi. When violence erupted during the primaries, the state government did very little to bring anyone to justice. Throughout the South, violence was used to keep blacks from voting. Sometimes, black veterans would fight back. During the “Spring of bloodshed” as it would be called, more than 40 people died and hundreds were injured. Of the remaining states that held primaries, Landon won every state except Massachusetts. Landon was virtually assured the nomination. The question at the convention was not Landon v. Hale. The question was what course to take with regards to civil rights.
States in Blue voted for Landon, states in red voted for Hale.
Hale won the delegations of Massachusetts and New Hampshire from the primaries. He also won the delegations of Vermont, Maine and Rhode Island. Mississippi and South Carolina supported him as well, the GOP in both of those states was majority-black. Nahum Johnson of South Carolina spoke strongly in favor of Hale. But every other state delegation went to Landon. Landon selected Conservative Senator Robert Taft of Ohio as his running mate and the delegates agreed. Then the time came for the platform. Pro-tariff language was rejected, which was a departure from the traditional Republican position. The convention also decided to largely ignore foreign policy. When it came to civil rights, vague platitudes were given. Black delegates from the South balked at this and were joined by many pro-civil rights white delegates. In the North, delegates from urban areas and New England generally were pro-civil rights while others were often disinterested in the matter. In the former Confederacy, most states were opposed to a more comprehensive civil rights plank on the platform. Mississippi and South Carolina had mostly black delegations and thus supported civil rights. Louisiana and Arkansas were divided.
When some delegates suggested that black Republicans needed to be more patient and take a gradual approach, Nahum Johnson was furious. He had heard that message for his entire life. He and other black delegates made it clear that their support of the GOP was not unconditional. Shortly afterwards, Alf Landon threw his support behind a comprehensive civil rights plank in the platform. It passed. The GOP would be committed to enforcing voting rights, fighting against racial violence, and desegregating many public accommodations (though the issue of school desegregation was not mentioned). Some Southern Republicans threatened to become Democrats, but most decided not to. Hoover had won Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas. Landon would now have very little hope of winning these states. Before the convention, 50% of those polled said they would vote for Landon. After the convention, the number dropped to 44%. It looked like a terrible mistake. However, there was a silver lining. His stance on civil rights would increase black turnout. Though voter suppression would easily keep the South under Democratic control, the situation was different in Northern cities. It was also no secret that many Northern progressives were uncomfortable with the racial policies of the Democratic Party. So maybe the gamble would pay off.
-Excerpt from The Party of Lincoln, Jacinta Orlov, Patriot Publishers, 2005.
Alf Landon was the clear front-runner. But he faced a challenge from general and former Vice President Joseph Stilwell of New York, Senate Majority Leader Frederick Hale of Maine, Senator Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan, and Robert M. LaFollette Jr. of Wisconsin. LaFollette Jr. wasn’t taken very seriously as most progressive Republicans had left the party by that point. Hale would have been a more serious threat had he not been 70 years old. Landon won the first primary, North Dakota, with 80% of the vote. He went on to defeat Stilwell in New York 47-33%. He defeated La Follette Jr. in Wisconsin 43-25%. He did, however, lose New Hampshire to Hale, 52-39%. By April, Landon had a sizable lead. La Follette Jr. and Vandenberg were in a hopeless situation. Two southern states held Republican Primaries, Virginia and Arkansas. Hundreds of white supporters of civil rights came down to help blacks register to vote. Some polling places allowed them to vote, others resorted to vioslence to stop them from doing so. The majority of black voters favored Frederick Hale, the man responsible for the recent civil rights victories. White voters favored Landon or sometimes Stilwell.
Republicans had come to power in Virginia by riding the coattails of Hoover’s popularity. The government there was very cautious about civil rights, not wanting to upset people. The leaders of the Republican Party of Virginia were not thrilled when Hoover decided to intervene in Mississippi. When violence erupted during the primaries, the state government did very little to bring anyone to justice. Throughout the South, violence was used to keep blacks from voting. Sometimes, black veterans would fight back. During the “Spring of bloodshed” as it would be called, more than 40 people died and hundreds were injured. Of the remaining states that held primaries, Landon won every state except Massachusetts. Landon was virtually assured the nomination. The question at the convention was not Landon v. Hale. The question was what course to take with regards to civil rights.
States in Blue voted for Landon, states in red voted for Hale.
Hale won the delegations of Massachusetts and New Hampshire from the primaries. He also won the delegations of Vermont, Maine and Rhode Island. Mississippi and South Carolina supported him as well, the GOP in both of those states was majority-black. Nahum Johnson of South Carolina spoke strongly in favor of Hale. But every other state delegation went to Landon. Landon selected Conservative Senator Robert Taft of Ohio as his running mate and the delegates agreed. Then the time came for the platform. Pro-tariff language was rejected, which was a departure from the traditional Republican position. The convention also decided to largely ignore foreign policy. When it came to civil rights, vague platitudes were given. Black delegates from the South balked at this and were joined by many pro-civil rights white delegates. In the North, delegates from urban areas and New England generally were pro-civil rights while others were often disinterested in the matter. In the former Confederacy, most states were opposed to a more comprehensive civil rights plank on the platform. Mississippi and South Carolina had mostly black delegations and thus supported civil rights. Louisiana and Arkansas were divided.
When some delegates suggested that black Republicans needed to be more patient and take a gradual approach, Nahum Johnson was furious. He had heard that message for his entire life. He and other black delegates made it clear that their support of the GOP was not unconditional. Shortly afterwards, Alf Landon threw his support behind a comprehensive civil rights plank in the platform. It passed. The GOP would be committed to enforcing voting rights, fighting against racial violence, and desegregating many public accommodations (though the issue of school desegregation was not mentioned). Some Southern Republicans threatened to become Democrats, but most decided not to. Hoover had won Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas. Landon would now have very little hope of winning these states. Before the convention, 50% of those polled said they would vote for Landon. After the convention, the number dropped to 44%. It looked like a terrible mistake. However, there was a silver lining. His stance on civil rights would increase black turnout. Though voter suppression would easily keep the South under Democratic control, the situation was different in Northern cities. It was also no secret that many Northern progressives were uncomfortable with the racial policies of the Democratic Party. So maybe the gamble would pay off.
1944 Democratic National Convention
Like the Republicans, Democrats faced a dilemma on civil rights. On one hand, they were the party of the poor and downtrodden, and had been so ever since Andrew Jackson. On the other hand, the party had also been home to wealthy planters since its inception. It was a contradiction that outlived slavery. Former slaveholders held influence over the Democratic Party until the early 20th century. John Tyler Morgan, a former slaveholder and Confederate general who advocated for an all-white army, was United States Secretary of War from 1897 to 1905. Other than disagreement over civil rights policy, there were few similarities between the Republican and Democratic conventions. There was no certainty over the nominee, and the party was much more divided than the GOP.
Al Smith was probably the most famous Democrat running for President. But he was very polarizing. He was loved in the Northeast but hated in the South. This was due to his Catholicism, his wet stance during prohibition, association with Tammany Hall, and stance on civil rights. He was also 71, meaning that this was his last chance at the Executive Mansion. Senators Robert Kerr of Oklahoma and Harry Byrd of Virginia were also strong contenders. Progressives rallied behind Representative Henry Wallace of Iowa. Former Vice President Henrik Shipstead of Minnesota, Senator Scott Lucas of Illinois, and Mississippi governor Theodore Bilbo were also contenders, but were not seen as likely nominees. Of the three living former Democratic Presidents, only David Walsh made an endorsement (Al Smith). What was left of William Randolph Hearst’s media empire supported Robert Kerr. Charles W. Bryan stayed out of the Convention entirely.
Smith, Shipstead, Kerr, and Lucas represented the wing of the party that was progressive but pragmatic. Shipstead, however, was harmed by his opposition to war against France in 1936. Diehard progressives favored Wallace. Byrd was the candidate for Southerners and moderates. Bilbo was like Byrd in some ways, but more extreme on race. He was one of those who had opposed military voting on the grounds that it made it easier for Southern blacks to vote. Smith was hurt by the fact that the early primary states were not the places where his support was strongest. He lost the Dakotas Robert Kerr and he lost Illinois and Wisconsin to Scott Lucas, who gained serious momentum. Smith did, however, win Nebraska with 31% of the vote due to support from some members of the Bryan family. In April, it looked as if Smith was making a comeback. He won Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire. Byrd captured Florida while narrowly edging out Smith in Maryland. Byrd and Kerr narrowly lost to Bilbo in Alabama. Washington and Oregon fell to Lucas. Kerr won Colorado, Idaho, and Montana. In May, California fell to Lucas along with Iowa, Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana. Smith won New York and New Jersey. Kerr won Kansas. In June, Byrd won West Virginia and North Carolina, Shipstead won Minnesota, and Kerr won Utah. Wallace did not win any states.
Smith
Lucas
Byrd
Kerr
Bilbo
Shipstead
There would be no clear front-runner at the convention. This remained the case after Shipstead endorsed Lucas and Bilbo endorsed Byrd. But gradually, Smith’s delegates shifted to Lucas. Then Kerr endorsed Lucas, who now had more than enough delegates for an outright majority. Kerr was then selected as Lucas’ running mate. The party platform advocated for progressive policies, putting an emphasis on workers’ rights. When it came to civil rights, there was no way to avoid a fight. Some delegates supported the actions of the Hoover administration. This was especially true for Democrats in large urban areas. There were more opposed, however. In the end, the Democratic platform declared its support for the equality of all Americans regardless of race. And even this was seen as going too far by some. The consensus among Democratic leaders was to not run a campaign about race. This would alienate many in the Northeast and Midwest. It was determined that the people who were going to vote based on opposition to civil rights were going to vote in large numbers anyway. Lucas and Kerr would focus on the economy.
Al Smith was probably the most famous Democrat running for President. But he was very polarizing. He was loved in the Northeast but hated in the South. This was due to his Catholicism, his wet stance during prohibition, association with Tammany Hall, and stance on civil rights. He was also 71, meaning that this was his last chance at the Executive Mansion. Senators Robert Kerr of Oklahoma and Harry Byrd of Virginia were also strong contenders. Progressives rallied behind Representative Henry Wallace of Iowa. Former Vice President Henrik Shipstead of Minnesota, Senator Scott Lucas of Illinois, and Mississippi governor Theodore Bilbo were also contenders, but were not seen as likely nominees. Of the three living former Democratic Presidents, only David Walsh made an endorsement (Al Smith). What was left of William Randolph Hearst’s media empire supported Robert Kerr. Charles W. Bryan stayed out of the Convention entirely.
Smith, Shipstead, Kerr, and Lucas represented the wing of the party that was progressive but pragmatic. Shipstead, however, was harmed by his opposition to war against France in 1936. Diehard progressives favored Wallace. Byrd was the candidate for Southerners and moderates. Bilbo was like Byrd in some ways, but more extreme on race. He was one of those who had opposed military voting on the grounds that it made it easier for Southern blacks to vote. Smith was hurt by the fact that the early primary states were not the places where his support was strongest. He lost the Dakotas Robert Kerr and he lost Illinois and Wisconsin to Scott Lucas, who gained serious momentum. Smith did, however, win Nebraska with 31% of the vote due to support from some members of the Bryan family. In April, it looked as if Smith was making a comeback. He won Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire. Byrd captured Florida while narrowly edging out Smith in Maryland. Byrd and Kerr narrowly lost to Bilbo in Alabama. Washington and Oregon fell to Lucas. Kerr won Colorado, Idaho, and Montana. In May, California fell to Lucas along with Iowa, Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana. Smith won New York and New Jersey. Kerr won Kansas. In June, Byrd won West Virginia and North Carolina, Shipstead won Minnesota, and Kerr won Utah. Wallace did not win any states.
Smith
Lucas
Byrd
Kerr
Bilbo
Shipstead
There would be no clear front-runner at the convention. This remained the case after Shipstead endorsed Lucas and Bilbo endorsed Byrd. But gradually, Smith’s delegates shifted to Lucas. Then Kerr endorsed Lucas, who now had more than enough delegates for an outright majority. Kerr was then selected as Lucas’ running mate. The party platform advocated for progressive policies, putting an emphasis on workers’ rights. When it came to civil rights, there was no way to avoid a fight. Some delegates supported the actions of the Hoover administration. This was especially true for Democrats in large urban areas. There were more opposed, however. In the end, the Democratic platform declared its support for the equality of all Americans regardless of race. And even this was seen as going too far by some. The consensus among Democratic leaders was to not run a campaign about race. This would alienate many in the Northeast and Midwest. It was determined that the people who were going to vote based on opposition to civil rights were going to vote in large numbers anyway. Lucas and Kerr would focus on the economy.
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