America - Albion's Orphan - A history of the conquest of Britain - 1760

Chapter 186: Half-hearted measures
1808 - September

South of Rio Grande


With the onset of the local "winter" (very much a relative concept), General Henry Dearborn sprung into action. With his primary subordinates Gordon Drummond, the Guernsey-born Isaac Brock and Alexander Macomb, Dearborn sought to seize the land between the Rio Grande and San Fernando Rivers with an eye of cross the San Jose River to the east and eventually seizing Monterrey (the only town in New Spain of note within reasonable striking distance, if 10,000 or so residents made Monterrey significant).

As with much of the recent war, the Spanish would make no particular effort at halting the invaders as the land itself was lightly populated. Dearborn was as insulted as elated at the ease of his "conquest", as if the King of Spain deemed the land so worthless that it need not be defended or that the Americans were beneath his notice. Of course, merely walking in circles around the area wasn't practical. The Americans needed defensive fortifications and Dearborn opted to split his forces to build three new fortifications along the San Fernando to the south and one proximate to the Monterrey.

Dearborn was able to have cattle and some flour supplied to his men and the handful of local Spanish and Mestizo farmers were happy enough to sell food. The supply situation would not be quite as dire as expected.

It was only during one of the communications with these locals (Dearborn had picked up adequate if incomplete Spanish by now) that a revolt was occurring in the City of Mexico.

Uncertain of what to do, Dearborn sent scouts in all direction to gather more information. Though he dreamed of invading New Spain's more populated regions, the soldier knew that a march upon such a remote location was impossible even WITHOUT opposition, much less WITH it.

Mexico City

The August Mutiny, as history would record it, started with the rank and file Granadan soldiers protesting their lack of pay. Within weeks, this spread to the Peruvians whom had arrived to aid New Spain in its "peril" only to find that the soldiers dispatched from South America were largely dregs, criminals and anyone else the Viceroys could dig up to dispatch to New Spain. Though there were many patriotic Spanish colonials willing to fight, others were forced onto the ships at bayonet-point.

The Granadan commander, Francisco Miranda, whom sympathized with the peasant rebellion marching upon Mexico City, would seize the opportunity to join the rebellion. By July, New Spain had managed to summon 6000 troops upon their own means (no help from Spain) and had received only 400 regulars from Spain. These latter numbers included a handful of skilled artillerymen whom somehow misplaced their guns on the sailing over to the New World (in 1810, it would later be learned the cannon were loaded on an unmanned cargo ship still in the Cadiz docks) and the rest raw recruits impressed from the large collection of beggars on the streets of Madrid. In short, Spain had yet to do much about the "invasion" by the Americans.

Instead, the King's ministers ordered the other colonial Viceroyalties to dispatched (and pay for) regiments to aid New Spain's war effort. While 10,000 men had been demanded, by 1808, only about 3500 had arrived from Peru, Granada and Brazil (soldiers from Rio Plata were forced by a storm into Rio de Janeiro where their ships were declared unseaworthy. It would take six months before new vessels could be hired...to return them home). New Granada provided almost 2000 of these men.

During the mutiny, Francisco Miranda would avoid execution by encouraging the mutineers to "remember their King" (total independence was not yet a goal for most of the Spanish rebels or the Granadan Mutineers). Instead, he managed to resume command adequately enough to gain control over 1500 of the men...mainly Granadans and from the local regiments...and promptly joined the rebels whose demands ranged from lower taxes to democratic reform to esoteric reasons he could not fathom. Only later would Miranda learn of an unrelated Indian rebellion in the Yucatan (this was a common area of unrest throughout all of Spanish Imperial history).

Most of Miranda's officers refused to participate in this rebellion and would join the panicked government of New Spain. But the young Simon Bolivar, scion of a trading family, would opt to throw in his lot with Miranda in hopes of moderating the rebellion. The defection of so many "regulars" had a detrimental effect upon the local governor's confidence. When the mob of peasants arrived from the west and large numbers of the Spanish Imperial forces rebelling and forming a new army to the east, King Carlos IV"s men panicked and fled the capital, leaving Mexico City without a fight. Large quantities of treasure, powder, cannon and other goods fell into Miranda's hands as he welcomed his "allies", the Michelena brothers, to Mexico City. By this point, rebels from all over New Spain were flooding into the city, swelling the ranks of the "Army of Liberty" as it was grandiously called, to nearly 10,000 men.

Miranda did not at this point desire independence (nor did many) but more local autonomy for ALL of the Spanish Empire. Perhaps never before had the gentry and peasants of a Spanish colony been in such a good bargaining position. However, first a list of demands must be made.

Miranda effectively assumed the role of Generalisimo while leaving the Michelanas in charge of "drafting a Spanish Magna Carta". The "General", as he promoted himself to the rank, would offer the service of Simon Bolivar to the rebels. Bolivar had studied in Spain and had grown to loath the corruption, incompetence and inequity of the Spanish regime. Though Bolivar had been given a military commission, his colonial birth would always have hampered in Spain. Indeed, some even questioned Bolivar's "pure" Spanish blood may have been tainted by Indian or African stock at some point. It was enough for the prickly Bolivar to be willing to throw in with the rebels.

As Mexico City was under direct threat, the new National Assembly of New Spain would instead sit in Valladolid.

In the meantime, Miranda would attempt to forge this unwieldy mob into an army. The Spanish forces were hardly well led, paid, supplied or motivated but eventually they would reorganize and march upon Mexico City with all resources available.

Vienna

In November of 1808, Maria Beatrice of Italy would arrive in Vienna to prepare for her January wedding. An attractive young woman, she would be marrying a much older man. But when a girl would snag an Emperor, one couldn't complain. Prior to her departure, Maria Beatrice would have a long discussion with her father. As his younger brothers were childless as well, the King of Italy did not want to see the throne go to some distant cousin. He preferred to "keep Italy in the family".

Maria Beatrice would take this to heart as she believed that she could rule Italy as well or better than any man.
 
Chapter 187: Harsh Reality
December 1808

Manhattan


King Frederick of British North America (by now usually only called "British" North America in official documentation) was already tired of this war with Spain. Even if all the American land claims were to be "Won" in the final settlement, there would be few to no tangible benefits for generations. What was the use of gaining claim to thousands of square miles of empty land which the nation could hardly populate in the near future? If anything, the cost of suppressing the Indians (and the cost of carrying on the war) would not be repaid in local taxation for centuries.

Frederick never wanted the war and, like First Lord Adams, had never really expected it.

But the nation was stuck with it despite having little opportunity to strike a decisive blow against the enemy.

Thus far, the only gains made were conquering (for the moment) the lands north of the Rio Grande (the King would not know if Dearborn's foray south until Spring) as well as expeditions to conquer the islands of Providentia (Nassau) and Grand Turk in the Bahama Islands. Granted, these were the two most populated islands in the Bahama chain (though even these populations were negligible) but hardly justified the expense of a war. Judged against any conceivable tax revenues on the desert islands, it would take about a millennium to pay off the war.

Feelers were already being issued to Spain and, for the first time, the Spanish were sounding receptive. With word of a rebellion in the Yucatan and Mexico, the Portuguese insurgency in the Algarve and the threat to Naples by the King of Italy becoming more and more tangible, the Spanish Court was perhaps seeing reason. John Jay, a high-ranking member of the government, was dispatched to Spain to discuss the matter. Indeed, Jay had been Ambassador to Spain for several years in his younger days and had done yeoman's work with the difficult and proud Spaniards to keep the peace for a generation. Perhaps he was just the man to end this pointless insanity.

Transylvania and Serbia

After months of battle, the Imperial Habsburg armies, now fully armed and mobilized, had accomplished....effectively nothing. Years of heroic expenditure were wasted on an Austria which was effectively bankrupt even BEFORE the war. By 1808, Serbia and Transylvania had effectively fallen and Austria had no realistic possibility of regaining them. Even attempts to entice the Ottoman Empire to ally with Austria (something abhorred in Vienna) against Russia to distract the latter power came to nothing and displayed just how badly the Habsburg Empire had collapsed.

Francis II was exhausted mentally and wanted the nightmare to end.

By 1808, the Emperor was willing to discuss an armistice with the Russians Romanians and Serbs.

As it so happened, he was far more interested in what was happening in Italy.
 
Chapter 188: Blood Ties
February, 1809

Vienna


The Imperial marriage was a reserved affair by Habsburg standards. Maria Beatrice of Italy would marry the Emperor with the latter's daughters carrying her train (with some resentment by the Archduchesses). With the war ongoing...and not terribly well...the wedding was private, not public and the new Empress would forebear ordering any new jewels for the occasion.

The marriage itself would prove both fruitful (the Empress would be pregnant by spring) and harmonious. However, events cascaded after the marriage would shock Europe. The King of Italy, from his new throne in Rome, would pronounce an edict ending Salic Law in the Kingdom of Italy. As his Kingdom was no longer technically in the Holy Roman Empire, he felt more than empowered to do so.

Of course, that meant his heiress was now...the Empress of the Holy Roman Empire.

Among those nations immediately concerned with this development were Spain (whom suddenly had a far more powerful state along the northern border of Naples), those of the Protestant German Confederation and France, which would face the prospect of once again having a border with the Habsburgs.

The backlash would be as much theological as political as, by Spring, those predominantly Catholic nations which had been slowly degrading Church authority in their lands would act without hesitation.

The German Confederation, mainly Protestant with a generous among of Catholics in the mix, would meet in May to discuss the implications of this dynastic marriage. Some urged war as a Habsburg Empire united with the northern and more populous half of Italy would threaten Germany even more. Others believed that the Habsburgs were less than dangerous at the moment and adding Italy, non-contiguous to any Confederation member, didn't materially alter the military situation in the foreseeable future. In the end, the German Confederation would determine to declare independence from the Holy Roman Empire, ending centuries of nominal affiliation.

Saxony, which was negotiating with Prince Maximilian to assume the throne from his elder brother, the King of Poland, would have more to fear and swiftly agree to Maximilian's terms in which HE would remain Catholic (not changing the Protestant laws dominating Saxony) for his lifetime while placing his sons (but not daughters) under Lutheran religious practice. A pragmatic man, Maximilian was willing to compromise. He also promised to negotiate entrance into the quasi-military alliance of the German Confederation. This would result in the severance of the House of Wettin into the Polish Catholic and Saxon Protestant branches in the future.

The Assorted Prince-Bishoprics of north and northwestern Germany would, having long desired an end to the fealty to the Emperor and Church (the latter being the bigger problem in recent years than the Emperors), would spontaneously declare themselves sovereign nations. Several Prince-Bishops, including the Arch-Bishops of Trier, Cologne and Mainz (all Electors), would pronounce themselves or their relatives as "Princes", "Dukes" or whatever.

The Court of Spain would care little about the defacto dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire. That hadn't mattered to Spain in decades. But the proposed unification of Italy and Austria may have dire consequences upon the future independence of Naples. Already embroiled in rebellions and what was increasingly looking like a pointless war with America, the Spanish monarchy rapidly commenced reinforcing Naples and Sicily and agreed to receive Ambassador John Jay of America for quiet peace talks.

The Kingdom of France, facing the prospect of having a Habsburg border, was perhaps more silent than expected. In truth, France had spent generations seeking to fortify their borders from invasion and, for the most part, succeeded. With the annexation of the former Austrian Netherlands, Liege, Luxembourg, the western Swiss Cantons, Savoy and Nice, the French people had a nice barrier against invasion.

With Britain but a memory (now divided into small Kingdoms), a distant but polite relationship with the German Confederation and the Dutch Republic and the southern border faced only the dysfunctional and incapable Spain, France wasn't exactly terrified of what was left of the Habsburg Empire merging with Italy. Indeed, both the expanding German Confederation and Spain/Naples looked like natural allies to France, the latter being the only nation NOT holding any further ambitions in Italy or Germany, thus giving France the advantage and incentive to play one side against the others while picking its own moment.

Also, with King Louis XVI ill and his heir something of a weak-willed ninny, there was not a naturally strong voice in court. Instead, the King would send his advisor Tallyrand to negotiate on France's behalf over the coming year.
 
Chapter 189: Limits to Ambition
March, 1809

5 miles east of Monterrey

250px-Monterrey_entre_el_Obispado_y_el_Cerro_de_la_Silla_1904.jpg


Henry Dearborn still could not help but wonder if the Spanish inaction was not part of some fiendish trap to draw him out and then cut his army off from his fortification. Granted, the region's land was hardly ideal but surely SOMEONE would want to live there...wouldn't they?

Dearborn once again had divided his limited resources, leaving 2000 men in various fortifications along the San Fernando River (under command of Generals Brock, Drummond and Macomb) while marching west across the San Jose River to the isolated town of Monterrey. Like much of the region, Monterrey was very much a desert or plains, however here with mountains in the background including the famous "Saddle Mountain". With 1800 of his better men (chosen for their mobility should the force need to make a hasty retreat), Dearborn crossed the San Jose and within a short march found himself approaching Monterrey

Finally, Dearborn found an enemy force worth fighting. The local governor, supported by Spanish Peninsulars and local gentry, had gathered roughly 2000 peasants together into a makeshift army. Though the Spanish held the advantage in artillery, much of this was squandered by ill-chosen defensive locations and the artillery was seldom effective. That allowed Dearborn, with his cavalry and light infantry, to maneuver his enemy into a poor position and swept the Spanish from the field. Much of the artillery would be captured, something Dearborn needed desperately.

The city of Monterrey offered no resistance, the defenders fleeing and leaving the civilians to negotiate the occupation. Dearborn was determined to win over the locals by being magnanimous. He assured the locals that all provisions would be paid for (despite having no significant funds) and, should the region be annexed, that they locals would enjoy full voting rights in America (again, with no authorization from Manhattan). Fortunately, the American commander managed to capture a large quantity of governmental gold bafflingly left in a vault. This allowed him to pay reasonable (but not exorbitant) prices for beef and grain for his army. There were adequate quarters to be found in the governmental buildings and warehouse as to not require direct quartering of soldiers in civilian homes. Dearborn also issuing dire warnings against looting and aggression against the locals up to and including execution.

This was the first major American occupation of a foreign city (such as it was) since the "Seven Years War" of 1756. Dearborn was intent that America's forces act with honor. For the most part, the American troops were just happy to be out of the saddle and lying upon piles of hay under a roof. Dearborn knew his diminished army could go no further. Already spread out along hundreds of miles to San Antonio to the north and along the San Fernando to the east, leaving a garrison large enough to hold Monterrey would leave him with nothing with which to attack.

Worse, the Spanish managed, in one minor raid, do more to cripple his army than they had in the entire Battle of Monterrey. The night after the battle, a small force of Spanish cavalry would attach his supply column throwing torches upon his wagons. This went poorly for the Spanish as they happened upon the American powder caissons. Several of the Spanish were nearly vaporized, parts of their bodies landing as far as 300 yards away. But the already precarious powder situation for Dearborn became desperate. Even seizing a number of barrels from the Spanish Army and those in Monterrey did not make up for the losses of the raid (not to mention the battle itself). Indeed, much of the Spanish powder was already spoiled (another reason for the poor Spanish performance in battle) and Dearborn feared he lacked enough powder for a single major battle.

No, he would advance no further until reinforcements arrived.

Transylvania

By spring of 1809, the annual hopes of an effective campaign were dashed as much of the Habsburg armies mutinied for lack of pay (over 6 months in arrears), poor provisions (starvation rations) and after the death of over a thousand men directly to exposure over the winter. Little of this had been rectified by the commissariat and quartermaster not did anyone expect such to change in the future.

Austria was broke and controlled only a small portion of Transylvania. Rumors of the armistice were rife and eventually formalized as negotiations took place.

Serbia

The armistice with the Habsburg troops occurred in Serbia as well but this did nothing to help the Bosniak and Muslim Albanian populations under assault by the vengeful Serbs. The Bosniaks had been instrumental in maintaining first Ottoman and then Habsburg domination over Serbia. As Bosniaks were effectively Serbs whom converted to Islam for their own advancement in the Ottoman Empire, they were also traitors and apostates in many Serbian eyes.

The war for liberation became a fratricidal massacre.
 
Spain's defense is comical to say the least. If it is even there. :) although I wonder how future historians will record the attacks. Dearborn's advances against an increasing number? Or perhaps more likely that the people viewed him as a liberator because those south of them we're rebelling at the same time.

Either way, I suspect that America will reach an agreement with the rebels that they will be recognized as the rightful government in return for the Border being at Monterrey.
 

G-6

Banned
I think what we are looking is the start of the domino effect of the collapse of spanish empire.
 
Are we hinting at a Dual Monarchy of Austria-Italy? Or better said, a war of Italian succession? I am totally intrigued.
 

Thande

Donor
Not read the whole thread, but glad to see someone writing about this. I nearly did a TL myself on this subject about fifteen years ago, before settling on doing Look to the West instead.
 
Chapter 190: Not with a Bang but a Whimper
1809 - June

Vienna


With his wife announcing her pregnancy, Emperor Francis II would move to end the war. Peace feelers were sent and received in short order. In truth, the Habsburg position was not quite as terrible as the events of 1809 hinted.

1. Transylvania, though long associated with the Crown of St. Stephen since taking the region from the Turk over a century prior, remained the poorest and most backward region in the Habsburg Empire. Very little was collected in taxes, certainly not considering the costs of maintaining control. Francis was willing to cede the land under one condition: that Romania absorb the region entirely with no further Russian advancement. Vienna had little to fear from Romania and it was likely that the Russians would soon wear out their welcome among their Orthodox cousins (though Romanians were more closely related to the west, at least linguistically) and perhaps a strong Romanian would serve Austria better as a buffer than the endless friction Habsburg Transylvania caused the Kings of Wallachia and Moldavia.

2. Serbia could be viewed in the same light. Only a generation or two had passed since Serbia fell to the Habsburgs and had proven to be nothing but trouble. Wars suppressing rebellions cost many multitudes more than any tax revenue. Like Romania, Serbia had provided little taxation or manpower to the Empire. Once Austria withdrew from the region, there seemed little reason for future conflict in the Balkans. If anything, again, the Russians would soon make themselves unbearable to the Serbs, turning the Orthodox against the Czar. If, and only if, Russia attempted to gain direct control over the region would Austria intervene....and then likely with Serbia and Romanian as allies.

3. The apparent dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire was a problem more of prestige than anything else. The Holy Roman Emperor collected a few token taxes and theoretically could call upon his subjects in the Empire...but in practice this was only nominal. In truth, the Habsburg Hereditary domains were often bled white settling problems in the Empire, which cost Austria far more than it ever received back. The fact that half of Germany formed an open Protestant alliance against him while many of the remaining Catholic states (Baden and Wurttemberg, for example) happily acted in their own best interests. The title was increasingly token and largely more trouble than it was worth.

Plus, the mooted demise of the Empire would indirectly lead to opportunity for all the "Great Powers" of Germany. Large numbers of petty little Principalies, Free Cities and Ecclesiastical states were only granted independence due to the existence of the Holy Roman Empire. In short order, these little patches of territory would be fallen upon by the larger German nations.

By July of 1809, even some of the Catholic states of Germany were formally seceding from the Empire. Baden, Wurttemberg and the Palatinate were also moving in that direction. As Austria lacked the capacity to enforce its structure, the Holy Roman Empire simply dissolved overnight.

In some regions, this was orderly. The German Confederation members would agree among themselves as to who got what. Hamburg and Bremen fell to the King of Denmark/Hanover/etc and much of Thuringia (the tiny Saxon Duchies) would find themselves invaded by the new King of Saxony, Maximilian. Prussia would receive little beyond some petty overlordships of Anhalt.

Perhaps the most surprising event was that the assorted Prince-Bishoprics were granted their independence by both the Emperor and the German Confederation. The latter had promised Trier, Cologne and Mainz sovereignty if they sided with the Confederation.

The left the largest prize, Munster, to the Emperor's brother, Anton. A Catholic region largely surrounded by Protestants, there was no local Prince strong enough to hold it. An attempt by one of the Protestant states of Germany to impose its will over the large and populous Prince-Bishopric would not be received well by France. Seeing Archduke Anton, now in his twenties, granted full Sovereignty was acceptable to all.

Austria was not above taking its share.

With the blatant refusal of the Habsburg armies to move in the spring of 1809, it became blindingly obvious to all sides that the end of the war was near. Therefore neither Austria nor Russian armies in the field acted. However, the partisans were another matter. Surrounded by Habsburg territory (or adjacent) were large Bishoprics like Wurzburg, Salzburg and Passau as well as some Imperial cities like Regensburg. The populations of these regions were German (and it was axiomatic that a German was worth 10 Transylvanians or Serbs) as well as much more developed. It was likely that these regions would offset the loss of Transylvania.

Prior to the war, if given the option of trading Transylvania for these regions in full sovereignty, the Emperor would have leaped upon it.

In truth, Francis II never thought much of Serbia as it was not a historic "Habsburg Land" like Silesia had been, thus prompting Maria Theresa to fight so hard to get it back. Serbia had a been a thorn in Vienna's collective side since nominally acquiring and the Empire could no longer afford it.

Giving up Serbia for a potential dynastic union with Italy was also a win by any measure.

While the formal peace would not be declared until 1810, the war effectively ended in 1809. The suffering, however, would not as the Russians and Romanians fell upon the Hungarian and German settlements in western Transylvania and commenced a three year campaign to evict over two hundred thousand people west to Hungary and Austria/Bavaria.

The Balkans would see even more bloodshed. The Bosniaks and Muslim Albanians would be abandoned by Austria, left to their fates. The Serbians, augmented by Russian regulars, would wipe entire villages and their populations from the map. An estimated 100,000 civilians were murdered from 1808 to 1811. The old Serbian region of Kosovo, now predominantly Albanian Muslim, was leveled to the ground, virtually depopulated.

In 1810, a concerted effort to "resettle" the Balkan Muslim population was being considered by Russia.

Out of an estimated 500,000 Bosniaks and 250,000 Albanian Muslims (and some Turks still in the region), perhaps 20% were killed during the five year period of 1808 to 1813. When the Russian ships began arriving along the Adriatic to carry them away, the Czar's minions had already selected a new home for these peoples.

By 1810, Russia had turned Mesopotamia, Kurdistan and Syria into defacto clients. The latter had only occurred recently when Russian forces aided a sympathetic Syrian claimant to the throne in a recent civil war. With a resentful Ottoman to the north, a dangerous Kurdistan to the east and an ambitious Egypt to the south, the new Sultan would remain a Russian puppet for the foreseeable future.

Thus when Russian wanted a place to stick a half-million or so Bosniaks and Albanian Muslims, Syria seemed the best place. Southern Syrian regions like Jaffa, Haifa, Jerusalem, Amman and others regions were lightly population and could no doubt benefit from European presence.

However, there was a problem: the region was already settled by local Arabs (and small quantities of Jews, Christians and esoteric religions).

But that didn't matter to Russia at all and not much to the new Sultan of Syria (it was a title the man himself picked out). If he wanted Russian support, this was what would happen.

Soon the refugees from Europe would supplant the native Arabs in most prestigious professions, eventually taking over demographically and politically as well to the great resentment of the Arabs. Blood would once again stain the Holy Lands.

The Muslim influence in the Balkans, after years of bloodshed, would finally end. This would leave much of Serbia depopulated and backwards for generations for the Muslims were vital to the local economy. An estimated 1-200,000 Muslims would remain, usually by staying quiet about their faith, often converting or just feigning as much. Others would cross into Montenegro, "Christian" Albania (meanly the Catholic part which had been annexed by Austria and, in the peace, granted independence) or Greece where, while not welcome, were at least tolerated.

After the initial orgy of violence and dislocation, the remaining Muslim population would stagnate due to a steady trickle of emigration to the "Promised Land" of the east.
 
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Did Adam Smith publish Wealth of Nations or did the sack of England butterfly that?

Because that combined with Bentham being dead and David Ricardo quite possibly MIA, the field of economics would be possibly crippled for decades. Even heterodox figures like Marx will probably be butterflied.

Edit: Nevermind, it apparently Adam Smith is safe and sound in America:

I think I used Edmund Burke in a previous TL so I thought I'd go with John Wilkes and, in a few chapters, I'll be adding Adam Smith.
 
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Did Adam Smith publish Wealth of Nations or did the sack of England butterfly that?

Because that combined with Bentham being dead and David Ricardo quite possibly MIA, the field of economics would be possibly crippled for decades. Even heterodox figures like Marx will probably be butterflied.

Edit: Nevermind, it apparently Adam Smith is safe and sound in America:

I did have Karl Marx in a previous timeline becoming a rabbi.
 
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