Alternate WW1-Realisitic (hopefully)

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Deleted member 1487

Ukraine

The situation on the Southwestern front had collapsed. Though Brusilov's front remained in the field, the increasing desertion rate was badly sapping his field strength and reducing his supplies. Furthermore, the advance of the Romanians had unhinged the entire front, causing the Russians to pull back quickly to avoid entrapment. This had several effects, namely, that morale, already low given the massive casualties and lack of success in the 1916 offensives, plummeted, causing even larger numbers of men to leave and just go home or surrender, thinking the Austrians would give them a meal. this hope would prove forlorn. Also, the rapid collapse of the Russian front and the entry of the Romanians boosted Austrian and German moral in the wake of the horrors of the 1916 campaign season. The Germans were the worst affected, as the battles at Verdun and on the Somme continued. Troops were being transferred west to meet manpower demands after September, as the Russians were no longer viewed as a major threat.

Also, though the Germans did not advance on their front with the Russians, they did contribute cavalry divisions to the Austrian advance. The rising morale was further bolstered, as the retreating Russians were not conducting massive sabotage or "scorched earth" tactics in their pull back. The men seemed more eager to leave than destroy parts of their country. This meant that large amounts of grains fell into the Central Powers' hands, further raising morale as men were able to eat to their hearts' content. There was significant trouble shipping the massive amounts of food west, given the poor rail system, the damage to the rail net in the recent battles, and the lack of sufficient rolling stock. The home front would only receive a trickle of the food coming in, but luckily this meant the Ukrainian peasants that did the hard work of producing it were not terribly deprived over the coming winter.

The final line of advance before settling down for winter quarters ran from Korosten-Zhytomyr-Vinnytsya in the north along the Austrian front to Uman-Pervomays'k-Mykolayiv on the southern Romanian front. This left large tracts of land in Central Powers' hands and this gave them an opportunity to set up a separatist regime, which would hopefully net them more men for the coming season among the Ukrainian patriots that wished for an independent country. They would not be disappointed in turnout, but the disturbing tendency for these men to set their own way and strive for independence from the Austrians was not boding well for continued control over the conquered area. The Romanians were not eager to join in on these activities, and kept the Ukrainians in line.

Despite the demands of certain members of Ober Ost (Ludendorff) Falkenhayn did not want to control the Ukraine and was simply willing to set up a friendly government and pull out, taking the front out of the fighting, enabling men to be transferred elsewhere. This opinion seemed to fit the majority of the German army and government well, as the pressure in the West and to the north of the Russian front was reaching a tipping point for the Germans. Luckily, the Russian Southwestern Front was unwilling or unable to fight back much during 1916, or, as it would later turn out, even be able to launch an offensive ever again. The Russian government was trying to put the army back together for 1917, still willing to fight in the war. The population, increasingly hungry as control over the Ukraine, even in parts nominally still in the Empire's borders, slipped, was far less enthusiastic. Poland had been declared a kingdom by the Germans and Austrians in November with an unnamed member of the Habsburg family as the monarch. Having set an example for others, nationalism was rising everywhere in the empire and various groups were preparing to set up new countries from the disintegrating corpse of the Russian empire. Though most would not be successful or even viable until much later, the process had begun.
 

Deleted member 1487

?How much higher are French, Russian, and British troop Losses ITTL as compared to OTL?


So far British loses are perhaps only 100,000 higher, due to being on the offensive longer and being pressured to retake the channel ports. The French at the end of 1916 are going to be about 100,000 higher too, mainly because Verdun ended badly. The Russians are actually far worse off with more than 600,000 more than OTL mainly due to earlier offensive action by the Germans in Galicia and the wasteful counterattacks in the north after Riga.
 
Just one question: why would the Germans want to set up a Polish kingdom? Woudn't that encourage the various Austro-Hungarian ethnic groups to demand independence?
 

Deleted member 1487

Just one question: why would the Germans want to set up a Polish kingdom? Woudn't that encourage the various Austro-Hungarian ethnic groups to demand independence?

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regency_Kingdom_of_Poland_(1916-1918)
They did OTL in 1916. It essentially was supposed to be a puppet state that would serve as an auxiliary to the Germans in the future with their resources and means of production under German control. Here things will be a bit different, as Falkenhayn and Hoffmann both did not want to annex any more of Poland into Germany. Much of the Polish policy OTL was influenced by Ludendorff, who was essentially a proto-nazi. The Poles obviously did not like this, which is part of the reason that the regency also functioned as a precursor to the Polish state of 1919, giving some experience in managing a state before full independence was won. The Habsburgs were considering adding it to their kingdom, but that really was only a pipe dream. That fantasy will not live on as long for reasons that I will explain a bit down the road, but perhaps I should write a bit more about the fate of Poland and the eastern states. There are significant changes in the Austrian and German motivations and leadership by this point, especially as Franz Josef has lived longer than OTL.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poland_during_World_War_I
 
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Deleted member 1487

Poland

The Polish question had been an ongoing issue between Austrian and Germany since before the war, but with the capture Congress Poland negotiations had taken on a new and bitter tenor. Austria had become firmly subordinate to Germany in since 1915, but diplomatic formalities required that the Germans pretend it hadn't. This made the situation much more difficult, as the Austrians took full advantage of this posture, demanding compensation for their efforts in the war.

The German position was actually a convoluted mess of competing interests from the government annexationists and moderates, Ober Ost, and OHL. Falkenhayn just wanted the eastern front to be wrapped up and did not really consider any annexations to be particularly necessary or desirable. Hoffmann, still the driving force behind Ober Ost, was of a similar mind, but still considered captured territories as prime ground for puppet states beholden to Germany. Ludendorff began to rear his ugly head yet again, as he had been administering the Baltic and Polish territories since their capture and had a different vision for the East, which he had been diligently preparing for colonization. He still had allies in the government, who wanted to incorporate the Baltic states and a large strip of Poland into the Reich.

The Austrians were also confused in their goals for their Empire. Some elements wanted a triple crown with Poland forming the third leg of the tripod, but others, such as the Hungarians, were worried that this would give the Slavs too much power in the empire, completely marginalizing them in the process. The other option was to put a Habsburg on the Polish thrown after setting them up as a puppet state. This government would be subordinate to the Germans, but the realists in Austria realized that this was the best that could be hoped for, as they no longer really had any power incorporate this land into the empire. Further, it was hoped that a Polish kingdom could be used to raise soldiers for the war, meaning more Germans and Austrians could be freed up for duty elsewhere. There were still fears among the Habsburgs that even by setting up a Polish puppet state, that nationalistic desires would be inflamed among the Polish provinces in the empire.

Decisive action was going to be needed by the end of 1916, because leaving the matter too long would mean locking down troops that were needed elsewhere in occupation duties and giving Ludendorff and his allies time to set up their vision for the Polish lands. Falkenhayn, though wrapped up in the end phase of the Somme battles, finally decided to intervene in November, meeting with Franz Josef and persuading him to finally select a member of his family to take the crown. Going over the heads of everyone in his government, except the Kaiser, who supported Falkenhayn wholeheartedly, OHL declared the Polish regency and shortly thereafter the monarch who would take the crown. Archduke Charles Steven, a man that spoke fluent Polish, would marry his two daughters to Polish nobles and ascend to the thrown in December. Though this move further inflamed extremists in both Germany and Austria, it settled an important question of German war aims. There would be no land strip annexed from Poland, though a number of Polish citizens of Prussia would be forced out of the country in the coming years to take up residence in Poland, a policy of ethnic cleansing to replace the now forlorn desire to push Poles out of their own land in Congress Poland.

In the meantime, OHL pushed for more autonomy for the Polish state, not out of a desire to see the Poles liberated from German control, but to convince the Poles to join their new army and take some of the burden from the Central Powers. German troops would still control the new kingdom's resources, a fact that the new king hated, but would cede control of the factories to the new government. The recruiting drive would be subpar for quite a while, but the establishment of school and other government institutions using the Polish language helped recreate a sense of patriotism that had been suppressed for generations. This would ultimately work against German control, especially as the king began to identify with his subjects more than the Western neighbors. The death of Franz Josef in December also weakened the bonds that many felt for the German alliance within Austria and Poland.

The effect of this policy resonated with other eastern ethnic groups, namely the Ukrainians, who the Central Powers were trying to set up in a similar capacity. Recruiting for that effort was much more successful, as they were had much more land to liberate from the Russians. However, the Ukrainians were also planning to throw out the Romanians and Austrians when they were strong enough. Their loose control and the lack of a strong German presence helped embolden these men. But both the Poles and Ukrainians had designs on Austrian Galicia, and the establishment of separate governments had essentially laid the foundations for later conflicts in the east that would not be resolved for years.

At the front for the coming year, the establishment of the Polish state and reinstitution of local Polish controls with the creation of a constabulary and other local controls required less troops for occupation, meaning that more men were freed up to be used elsewhere. Though many of the occupation troops were older or less healthy men, they were still useful for holding the increasingly quiet front in Russia while more fit men of combat units were transferred West. It seemed that Falkenhayn's decision was warrented and already bearing fruit, but the troubles had not yet begun. For now, at least, the creation of a Polish state seemed to ease some of the Germans burden.
 
Poland

What is Pilsudski up to? If you move this TL postwar I see Poland being less of a puppet than either Hohenzollern or Habsburg wanted. You may want to start thinking about Lithuania. There were some Slavic voices wanting a restoration of the union of Poland and Lithuania. I don't see Germany wanting that and may instead be open to a moderately strong Lithuania to counterbalance Poland. You might want to research Mindaugas.
 

Deleted member 1487

What is Pilsudski up to? If you move this TL postwar I see Poland being less of a puppet than either Hohenzollern or Habsburg wanted. You may want to start thinking about Lithuania. There were some Slavic voices wanting a restoration of the union of Poland and Lithuania. I don't see Germany wanting that and may instead be open to a moderately strong Lithuania to counterbalance Poland. You might want to research Mindaugas.

Oh, I fully intend to go postwar, the question is if I want to go to a ww2 analogue. I don't expect Lithuanians are really going to want to be part of Poland; they certainly did not OTL and were quite pissed about Vilnus. Lithuania was slated as becoming part of the Reich OTL, and I am strongly considering that. If Germany wins/stalemates that is...
 

Deleted member 1487

Planning for the Somme

The Somme offensive, better known simply as Roye, was the defining battle on the Western Front in 1916 and for some historians, the watershed moment of the war. There is no doubt that it overshadowed events elsewhere in the war by a large margin and the casualties were the highest of any single battle of the year (though to call something so drawn out and disjointed a single battle is stretching the use of the word). It ended on a whimper, the weather cancelling further actions by November, and was succeeded by its conjoined twin at Verdun, but its significance went much deeper than the superficial events would indicate. It was Attrition, expressed in its full and most horrific form. Men and munitions were fed into the grinder and came out gristle. It caused the degradation of all three armies thrust into it and changed the course of the war. Joffre would lose his job, Asquith’s government would fall, and both Allied and German generals would proclaim new paths to victory after it ended.

The planning for the offensive was a constant struggle between the French and British, but also within their own respective staffs. Objectives changed as time went on, as the French were primarily concerned with getting the British to take pressure off what Joffre considered the primary front at Verdun. Haig was also under pressure, as the British government was demanding that the Channel ports be taken to reduce pressure on the Royal Navy in their supply mission for the BEF. Embarrassing casualties continued to mount as nearly half of his supply had to routed through Cherbourg and reinforcements and casualties sometimes even had to be brought in as far as Brest to avoid the immensely painful troopship sinkings. The French were even frustrated by the mining of the Seine and the occasional German raid down the river. Something had to be done, and the Somme offensive would have to be it.

The Allies possessed several advantages during planning. The London conference with all major nations in attendance had planned a series of joint offensives across all fronts. The Russians were supposed to launch their massive offensive against the Austrians in the Ukraine while the Italians promised more attacks by along the Isonzo. The Serbs, who were now deployed to Italy, would also participate, adding another 100,000 men to the Italian OOB. The Germans were pinned down in Verdun, further drawing men away from the designated sector in northern France and several new innovations were ready, including the landships, which would be able to deploy later in the year. Gas would also be available in large quantities now that the Germans had broken the taboo at Verdun. Also, new aircraft had been deployed to the continent, meaning that the Fokker scourge was over and the Allies had aerial superiority. They could deprive the Germans of aerial observation, which, in the relatively flat area where the offensive would be conducted, gave them the advantage of surprise and more effective artillery preparation and counterfire.


When the Germans took Riga in May and were further drawn in to the fighting on the Eastern Front, conditions looked bright for the Allies. With four separate fronts being attacked simultaneously, it seemed that the Central Powers would implode. Confident about the outcome, both Joffre and Haig made grandiose promises and plans. After much bickering about the details of the offensive, the French and British compromised. Their fronts would be separted by the highway leading to Roye, though near Le Cessier the British would cross the road leaving the city and highway in their sector. The British front ran from Montmartin through Tricot to Cantigny. The French sector would run from Baugy to the hills and plateaus to the north and northeast of Compiegne.

This left the French with the task of pushing through the high ground to deny the Germans observation of the flat ground below to the northwest where the British would be mainly operating. After clearing these objectives, they were to continue north to Noyon and Lagny to satisfy their June objectives. They were then to redirect northeast to turn the German’s Aisne line, allowing for Soissons to completely fall into French hands. The British were to focus on Montdidier, an objective that had frustrated them for some time. Along the main line of advance on the plains further southeast were the villages of Rollot, Mortemer, Hainvillers and a slew of others that contained high ground the Germans could observe the advance from. The June objectives were to take Roye and cross the branch of the Somme that terminated in the city. From there, the only goal was to push north out into open ground, crossing the other branches of the Somme when they were reached and rolling back the Germans into Belgium.

Within the British staff, there were a number of opinions of how to achieve these goals. Rawlinson, the commander of 4th army, would bear the brunt of the early action, therefore having a disproportionate influence on the conduct of the battle. Convinced that artillery should set the pace of the advance, reducing defense lines completely before sending in the infantry, who would then wait for the artillery to move forward, he clashed with Haig’s conception of the battle. Haig still remembered the decisive effect of the hurricane bombardment and quick advance at Neuve Chappelle, and, being under intense pressure to break through rather than break in, wanted to launch a short, sharp, stunning bombardment before sending the infantry and cavalry in to smash through the German line, moving through the subsequent lines of resistance before the enemy could react.

A further wrinkle was the principle of attrition, which had been gaining stock in the allied camp as well. Part of the modern offensive action would have to include a “wearing out” phase to grind down the enemy’s reserves to affect a breakthrough. Given the fighting at Verdun and on the Eastern Front, British and French calculations, based on faulty assumptions about allied casualty producing abilities, caused them to believe that the Germans had been suffering much more losses than was actually the case. This led to the adoption of the infamous fire support plan for June 1st, which would have over 1,000 guns firing over 1 million shells into the German lines. However, the large frontage meant that the necessary concentration of firepower was not possible. This was instead compensated for by the increased duration of bombardment-1 week. In effect, the worst of both Haig’s and Rawlinson’s ideas were combined-lengthy destructive bombardment followed by an all out breakthrough attack. Correspondence with Joffre reinforced this notion, as by May the French army chief agreed to favor the Somme offensive over Verdun for the month of June. It was decided that the British were to be the primary thrust, with the French supporting their attack by seizing the flanking heights north of Compeigne. Though Haig was less than enthusiastic about taking the burden of breaking through, his own government was pressuring him for decisive action.

Foch and Joffre were also disagreeing about the conduct of the coming offensive, but their arguments were strategic in character, rather than tactical. The lessons of Verdun had been well learned, but the problem of Verdun remained. Attacks in the area had been unsuccessful up until May and a new approach was needed. Foch was adamant that the Somme be given precedent, as a new thrust with British support had a greater chance than continued attacks around Verdun. Joffre was under pressure to make gains in that sector, rather than start a new thrust. Though fully agreeing that another attack made primarily with British manpower was necessary, he did not want to contribute extra resources to it. But after Petain could not make headway by mid-May, Joffre had become much more amenable to Foch’s option. Taking away some of the resources focused at Verdun, the sector fell quite as men and guns were moved to the Somme for the offensive there. After obtaining a break in, Verdun would be given full support once again, which should be after Nivelle’s limited attacks over the Meuse. His latter stunning success would deprive the Somme sector of necessary support, as Joffre reinforced his attacks. But later developments would force the French to once again limit support for Verdun after July, as the British demanded larger commitments to the Somme.

On the German side of the lines, OHL was confounded by British inaction. Falkenhayn had anticipated a hasty attack to relieve the French, but when none was forthcoming, he found himself buffeted by pressures to attack the Russians. When this resulted in massive counterattacks, he was forced to commit large number of his reserve divisions, causing considerable worry about having enough men left to counter the British. With the winding down of French attacks in Verdun toward mid-May, there were worries that the French were going to abandon the Verdun sector, leaving their army intact. In fact, the specific worry was that French would launch a mutual attack with the British on the Somme, a thrust that there might not be enough reserves to counter. Having at his disposal 25 infantry divisions by May, some of which were retraining and taking on replacements after being rotated out of the Eastern Front.

There was no secret where the Allies would attack, as the other British sectors along the Somme lay on the river line, which was backed up by strong defenses developed since September 1914. The only land favorable for an advance was the Montidider-Compeigne area. This area had been constantly assaulted since the British had taken over the line in 1915, so was well prepared in depth for a sustained defense. The limited high ground was festooned with reinforced concrete bunkers and pillboxes, the ground itself having been excavated to the point of forming underground cities. Montdidier was also heavily prepared, being an anchor of German defenses. The city had been bombarded heavily since Cantigny had been captured last year, leaving much in ruins. But this only aided defenses, with cellars and other foundations used to construct steel and concrete reinforced bunkers. The rubble further helped protect and hid positions. Originally part of the final line of resistance in 1915, the defenses of the city had now become a centerpiece of the main line of resistance as the British had pushed closer.

German defense doctrine had changed dramatically after experiences in 1914-15, meaning that the first line of defenses had become outposts with few linear trench lines. This outpost line was to break up a major attack so that the main line of resistance would be able to fight against an uncoordinated enemy when they finally broke in the German line. Further lines were prepared farther back in case of a penetration. Allied success in pushing the Germans back in the Somme area had taught them the benefits of defense in depth, but the British attacks of 1915, with a higher force density than anywhere else in the war, caused a further shift in German doctrine away from trenches to strong point, zonal defense. Mainly due to the work of Fritz von Lossberg, but disseminated by Wetzell’s operations office, the doctrine had taken special significance in this sector, held by the 6th and 1st armies. Seeing the greatest mobility since trench war began, thinking had shifted quickly as the British and French were able to commit more men and resources to the area in attempts to breakthrough. To preserve the line and their men’s lives, the command staff of these two German armies had come to realize that holding all ground to the last man with packed trenches would only result in ground being taken by superior allied munitions and numbers. By preserving their men by temporary retreats and quick counter attacks, the allies could be halted more cost efficiently. As the minds of OHL’s operations office continued to refine doctrine, the Somme front was at the forefront of debate and innovation.
After all the haggling and planning, on May 26th, the British lines lit up with a fire of 1,000 guns battering the Somme front. The French held back for a hurricane bombardments set for June first, but the Germans were readying themselves for the onslaught of the much-anticipated British attack. The weak German first line was in many cases pulverized, but the second line remained mostly untouched. The British had not noticed the shift in doctrine in response to their attacks the pervious year, meaning that the main German defenses remained intact and alerted.
 
It seems the british will get a rude suprise when they try to storm the trenches.... Will the french part of the offensive do, at least a little, better?

Keep up the good work!
 
Did Smith-Dorrien get sacked by French here? In OTL it occurred during Second Ypres which is clearly not in your TL, though many historians believe it was the straw broke the camel's back as French had unjustly disliked Gen Anger Management for a long time.

I would not see the full blown defense in depth concept emerging here so soon. It was the shock of the enemy bombardment at the Somme that compelled OHL to adopt those tactics. I would see a doctrine more intermediate and transitional being in place at the beginning of the battle though with the full blown version being adopted before long.
 

Deleted member 1487

Did Smith-Dorrien get sacked by French here? In OTL it occurred during Second Ypres which is clearly not in your TL, though many historians believe it was the straw broke the camel's back as French had unjustly disliked Gen Anger Management for a long time.

I would not see the full blown defense in depth concept emerging here so soon. It was the shock of the enemy bombardment at the Somme that compelled OHL to adopt those tactics. I would see a doctrine more intermediate and transitional being in place at the beginning of the battle though with the full blown version being adopted before long.

I haven't really considered Smith-Dorian's fate. There really isn't an analogue for Ypres here, so perhaps he did make it until Haig's command. However, if he fails in one the offensives that take place in 1915, perhaps that makes a difference. I might need to flip a coin.

Now, German doctrine is heavily influenced by the action at the front. The lack of German attacks in the west from September 1914 to Verdun means that the Allies are attacking more often and with greater zeal, given that the Channel Ports are now in German hands and there is heavy pressure to obtain results.

I don't mean to imply that full elastic post-Passchendaele defense doctrine is in place, but doctrinal debates are far advanced due to the course of the war. The Allies have a shorter line to defend than OTL meaning they can concentrate guns and men more effectively. This means that losses for the Germans have been higher from the beginning of trenchwarfare, not something reflected in my casualty results, because they are not worse than the Ypres debacles. However, this means that the extra experience in defensive fighting has forced a reevaluation of doctrine earlier.

Even by the Somme OTL there was a focus on strong points rather than packed linear trenches, though the latter still existed of course. Here, the defenders are close to the post-Somme OTL doctrine than the pre-Somme by a large margin. Hide-bound tradition still of course rears it ugly head, as the course of the battle will later show, and Falkenhayn will want to hold the line just as doggedly, as, unlike OTL, the line is already as straight and economical as possible. Any bulge is going to increase frontage, requiring more troops than he would like to spare.
 
I haven't really considered Smith-Dorian's fate. There really isn't an analogue for Ypres here, so perhaps he did make it until Haig's command. However, if he fails in one the offensives that take place in 1915, perhaps that makes a difference. I might need to flip a coin.

Now, German doctrine is heavily influenced by the action at the front. The lack of German attacks in the west from September 1914 to Verdun means that the Allies are attacking more often and with greater zeal, given that the Channel Ports are now in German hands and there is heavy pressure to obtain results.

I don't mean to imply that full elastic post-Passchendaele defense doctrine is in place, but doctrinal debates are far advanced due to the course of the war. The Allies have a shorter line to defend than OTL meaning they can concentrate guns and men more effectively. This means that losses for the Germans have been higher from the beginning of trenchwarfare, not something reflected in my casualty results, because they are not worse than the Ypres debacles. However, this means that the extra experience in defensive fighting has forced a reevaluation of doctrine earlier.

Even by the Somme OTL there was a focus on strong points rather than packed linear trenches, though the latter still existed of course. Here, the defenders are close to the post-Somme OTL doctrine than the pre-Somme by a large margin. Hide-bound tradition still of course rears it ugly head, as the course of the battle will later show, and Falkenhayn will want to hold the line just as doggedly, as, unlike OTL, the line is already as straight and economical as possible. Any bulge is going to increase frontage, requiring more troops than he would like to spare.

I like Smith-Dorrien though he did have a temper and would need a better than average chief of staff to be fully effective.

Second Ypres was not a debacle for the Germans. The casualty ratio was nearly 2:1 in their favor. The problem at Second Ypres was that the Germans were at several points in the battle too conservative about advancing and missed opportunities to take the town.
 

Deleted member 1487

I like Smith-Dorrien though he did have a temper and would need a better than average chief of staff to be fully effective.

Second Ypres was not a debacle for the Germans. The casualty ratio was nearly 2:1 in their favor. The problem at Second Ypres was that the Germans were at several points in the battle too conservative about advancing and missed opportunities to take the town.


Any suggestions?
 
Any suggestions?
If Smith-Dorrien is not sacked he would remain with Second Army and so be irrelevant for the current battle. He may pop up in later battles.

I see the German control of the Channel Ports causing LoC for a large BEF. By early 1916 I think nearly half of Haig's supplies would come through Brest due to KM pressure on Cherbourg and still more the mouth of the Seine. This will put added strain on France's rails and degrade Haig's ability to continue the battle OTL duration.

With a sharper failure than OTL Haig might throw in the towel more readily. This could delay the intrduction of tanks.
 
I just got finished reading this, and I have to say this is preatty amazing. Just one thing, what's happened to the British offesives out from Egypt and the attacks on Mesopatania?
 

Deleted member 1487

I just got finished reading this, and I have to say this is preatty amazing. Just one thing, what's happened to the British offesives out from Egypt and the attacks on Mesopatania?


Roughly the same as historical. I am not sure yet how I am going to make up for the eariler presence of more troops released from Gallipoli. Their presence won't make a difference immediately, as they need to be rehabilitated and retrained after that disaster, though more men on both sides survived than OTL. I am taking a break from this TL for now, as RL has gotten in the way. I hope to be back eventually, but may start another TL based on a similar concept: What if Conrad von Hoetzendorff died pre-war?
 

Deleted member 1487

I am working on a redux for the eastern front ATM, which I will have posted tonight or tomorrow. And yes I plan to write a companion piece that has Conrad die before the war instead, but that will take some time before I post it. I actually think that POD is more interesting. Once I finish the war in this POD I will stop and work the other before doing the post war situation.
 
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