dcharles
Banned
Some wikiboxes I put together for The Kennedy Curse: WI JFK Jr had lived?
“Ronald Reagan’s 11th Commandment was ‘do not speak ill of another Republican,’ and I’m not about to break it here this morning. But I’ll say this much: a lot of mud was flying through the air in Iowa, and John’s got an ironclad alibi--he was here in New Hampshire, talking to you folks at town halls all over the state. If you think you’re going to get straight talk from any of the other candidates in this race, get real. John is the only candidate with a chance to win who can restore honor and integrity to the White House.”
-----Steve Forbes, Jan 29th, 2000.
“I think we finally have a poll without a margin of error…”
-----John McCain, Feb 1st, 2000.
“Koppel: John McCain has won the New Hampshire primary in a landslide. Nearly sixty percent of the vote, Peter, that’s better than two to one over Governor Bush. Has McCain destroyed Bush’s air of inevitability? Is there a new front-runner in town?
Jennings: Well, Ted, McCain has certainly made a statement here tonight, and his brand of retail politics is certainly very popular with Republicans here in New Hampshire. But Governor Bush does have substantial advantages in fundraising and endorsements. The question is, can McCain translate his retail appeal to South Carolina, a much larger state with a very different culture?”
-----Nightline, Feb 1st, 2000.
“Schieffer: Mr. Rove, this past Tuesday we had a shockingly close result in Delaware, a state where John McCain hardly campaigned at all. There, we’ve got the graphic up on the screen. Exactly one-hundred and fifty votes, Mr. Rove. Some of our sources in the Republican Party are saying that people associated with the Bush campaign are starting to look for the emergency exits.
Rove: A win is a win, Bob. We won in Iowa, we won in Delaware, and we’re going to win this nomination. We’ve always known that McCain was strong in some of the smaller, more liberal states. That’s not what the rest of the map looks like.”
-----Bob Schieffer and Karl Rove, on Face the Nation, February 13th, 2000.
“While Rove denies any connection to the infamous push-polls or “Negro child” flyers that came to dominate coverage of the South Carolina primary, even he admits that South Carolina was a turning point. ‘New Hampshire was bad,’ said Rove. ‘We knew John would do well...for our part, we were expecting mid-to-high thirties, maybe even low forties. The Forbes endorsement killed any hope of that. Twenty-eight percent? Worst loss of George’s career. He was pretty despondent. It was clear that the gentleman’s agreement between him and John had to go.’”
----- The Dangers of Faction: Election 2000 and the End of the Sixth Party System, by Douglas Brinkley, 2008.
“I’ve gotta give you some background on this one. So, we’re talking early 2000. I’m working over at ABC, and me and Juju Chang are anchoring World News Now, the overnight news broadcast. And I’m also working at 20/20 during the day. So I’m sleeping in like, three hour blocks, tired all the time. It was grueling shit.
Probably why I went gray so early.
Anyway, that specific night--the night of the debate--I had been up for twenty-nine hours or something. I was practically hallucinating, I was so tired, and during one of the breaks, I noticed this fax. It’s the flyer. The fucking “McCain has a Negro love child flyer.”
We get in touch with the correspondent who sent the fax. Apparently, during the debate, while Bush was inside talking about “restoring honor and dignity to the White House” and acting offended about some negative spot that McCain had run, his goons--his supporters at least--were outside in the parking lot putting these racist flyers on people’s windshields.
Especially back then, you wanted to avoid bringing up another network unless you really needed to--using their footage, anything like that. So from our standpoint, it was perfect. That debate had been on CNN, Larry King moderating, and it was a snoozefest. I mean, if you knew what to look for, you could tell that McCain and Bush hated each other, but they were keeping it under control. With the flyer, we get to talk about the debate without blowing up CNN.
So do we run the flyer?
Of course we do. Let’s put it this way.
It’s 1:30 in the morning, you’ve got two anchors who are tired and bored. One of your anchors is a gay guy, one is a Korean-American woman. Of course, we’re trying to be objective, but we’re human beings. We’re covering a candidate who is talking about compassionate conservatism, but at the same time is trying to profit from all these really old, ugly forces in American society. Homophobia, racism, all that. And it’s in the public interest to show that.
So I sign off at 3:30, catch a couple of hours of sleep, and at 6 am, I’m on the phone to Lindsey Graham to see if he wants to comment. Graham was a McCain surrogate, a South Carolinian, and an early riser. He says he’s willing to comment, but he wants to do it on GMA. Well unbeknownst to me, Juju, who was on the air all night, had continued to reference the story, and Antonio Mora, who was the newsreader for GMA, had already decided to put the flyer story in the morning news update. So by the time I talk to Shelly, the EP over at GMA, they’re already primed and looking for commentary.
It just fell into place after that. Graham went on GMA on Wednesday morning, and the vote was that Saturday. It was the last big story before the primary. Did it affect the outcome in South Carolina? Maybe. But it sure as hell didn't make Bush look good in Washington, Michigan, or Arizona.”
-----Anderson Cooper, 2017, in Burned: the Rise, Fall, and Undeath of the Reform Party, by Matt Taibbi.
“But Rove’s account stretches credibility. Forbes had already shown himself to be an electoral nonentity in Iowa. To claim his endorsement in New Hampshire was responsible for McCain’s landslide victory is refuted by Bush’s own strong showing in Iowa…
...Rove’s efforts to distance himself notwithstanding, it must be noted that the ‘dirty tricks,’ whether in Iowa, South Carolina, or elsewhere, always seemed to redound to the benefit of his candidate.”
-----The Dangers of Faction: Election 2000 and the End of the Sixth Party System, by Douglas Brinkley, 2008.
“Ronald Reagan’s 11th Commandment was ‘do not speak ill of another Republican,’ and I’m not about to break it here this morning. But I’ll say this much: a lot of mud was flying through the air in Iowa, and John’s got an ironclad alibi--he was here in New Hampshire, talking to you folks at town halls all over the state. If you think you’re going to get straight talk from any of the other candidates in this race, get real. John is the only candidate with a chance to win who can restore honor and integrity to the White House.”
-----Steve Forbes, Jan 29th, 2000.
“I think we finally have a poll without a margin of error…”
-----John McCain, Feb 1st, 2000.
“Koppel: John McCain has won the New Hampshire primary in a landslide. Nearly sixty percent of the vote, Peter, that’s better than two to one over Governor Bush. Has McCain destroyed Bush’s air of inevitability? Is there a new front-runner in town?
Jennings: Well, Ted, McCain has certainly made a statement here tonight, and his brand of retail politics is certainly very popular with Republicans here in New Hampshire. But Governor Bush does have substantial advantages in fundraising and endorsements. The question is, can McCain translate his retail appeal to South Carolina, a much larger state with a very different culture?”
-----Nightline, Feb 1st, 2000.
“Schieffer: Mr. Rove, this past Tuesday we had a shockingly close result in Delaware, a state where John McCain hardly campaigned at all. There, we’ve got the graphic up on the screen. Exactly one-hundred and fifty votes, Mr. Rove. Some of our sources in the Republican Party are saying that people associated with the Bush campaign are starting to look for the emergency exits.
Rove: A win is a win, Bob. We won in Iowa, we won in Delaware, and we’re going to win this nomination. We’ve always known that McCain was strong in some of the smaller, more liberal states. That’s not what the rest of the map looks like.”
-----Bob Schieffer and Karl Rove, on Face the Nation, February 13th, 2000.
“While Rove denies any connection to the infamous push-polls or “Negro child” flyers that came to dominate coverage of the South Carolina primary, even he admits that South Carolina was a turning point. ‘New Hampshire was bad,’ said Rove. ‘We knew John would do well...for our part, we were expecting mid-to-high thirties, maybe even low forties. The Forbes endorsement killed any hope of that. Twenty-eight percent? Worst loss of George’s career. He was pretty despondent. It was clear that the gentleman’s agreement between him and John had to go.’”
----- The Dangers of Faction: Election 2000 and the End of the Sixth Party System, by Douglas Brinkley, 2008.
“I’ve gotta give you some background on this one. So, we’re talking early 2000. I’m working over at ABC, and me and Juju Chang are anchoring World News Now, the overnight news broadcast. And I’m also working at 20/20 during the day. So I’m sleeping in like, three hour blocks, tired all the time. It was grueling shit.
Probably why I went gray so early.
Anyway, that specific night--the night of the debate--I had been up for twenty-nine hours or something. I was practically hallucinating, I was so tired, and during one of the breaks, I noticed this fax. It’s the flyer. The fucking “McCain has a Negro love child flyer.”
We get in touch with the correspondent who sent the fax. Apparently, during the debate, while Bush was inside talking about “restoring honor and dignity to the White House” and acting offended about some negative spot that McCain had run, his goons--his supporters at least--were outside in the parking lot putting these racist flyers on people’s windshields.
Especially back then, you wanted to avoid bringing up another network unless you really needed to--using their footage, anything like that. So from our standpoint, it was perfect. That debate had been on CNN, Larry King moderating, and it was a snoozefest. I mean, if you knew what to look for, you could tell that McCain and Bush hated each other, but they were keeping it under control. With the flyer, we get to talk about the debate without blowing up CNN.
So do we run the flyer?
Of course we do. Let’s put it this way.
It’s 1:30 in the morning, you’ve got two anchors who are tired and bored. One of your anchors is a gay guy, one is a Korean-American woman. Of course, we’re trying to be objective, but we’re human beings. We’re covering a candidate who is talking about compassionate conservatism, but at the same time is trying to profit from all these really old, ugly forces in American society. Homophobia, racism, all that. And it’s in the public interest to show that.
So I sign off at 3:30, catch a couple of hours of sleep, and at 6 am, I’m on the phone to Lindsey Graham to see if he wants to comment. Graham was a McCain surrogate, a South Carolinian, and an early riser. He says he’s willing to comment, but he wants to do it on GMA. Well unbeknownst to me, Juju, who was on the air all night, had continued to reference the story, and Antonio Mora, who was the newsreader for GMA, had already decided to put the flyer story in the morning news update. So by the time I talk to Shelly, the EP over at GMA, they’re already primed and looking for commentary.
It just fell into place after that. Graham went on GMA on Wednesday morning, and the vote was that Saturday. It was the last big story before the primary. Did it affect the outcome in South Carolina? Maybe. But it sure as hell didn't make Bush look good in Washington, Michigan, or Arizona.”
-----Anderson Cooper, 2017, in Burned: the Rise, Fall, and Undeath of the Reform Party, by Matt Taibbi.
“But Rove’s account stretches credibility. Forbes had already shown himself to be an electoral nonentity in Iowa. To claim his endorsement in New Hampshire was responsible for McCain’s landslide victory is refuted by Bush’s own strong showing in Iowa…
...Rove’s efforts to distance himself notwithstanding, it must be noted that the ‘dirty tricks,’ whether in Iowa, South Carolina, or elsewhere, always seemed to redound to the benefit of his candidate.”
-----The Dangers of Faction: Election 2000 and the End of the Sixth Party System, by Douglas Brinkley, 2008.
