View attachment 595286
The 1960 British presidential election was the third election for the President of Britain, held on the 7th July 1960. Incumbent President Rab Butler, a Conservative, was running for re-election to a second term.
From the beginning, Butler was strongly favoured to win re-election, but despite this the Labour Party were eager to try and defeat him, not least because of rumours that if Butler were to win convincingly enough, Macmillan would take it as a sign to call a general election to try and bolster his small parliamentary majority.
It was also seen by Labour leader Hugh Gaitskell as an important opportunity to enact his authority by funding and endorsing the campaign of his favoured candidate, Anthony Crosland. Since the main opponent to Crosland from the left was Richard Crossman, the right-wing papers predictably joked that Labour’s parliamentary party was ‘cross-eyed’.
Overcoming the Bevanites was to prove surprisingly easy for Gaitskell on this occasion, though, given that Bevan himself was seriously ill (he would ultimately die the day before the election, which led to campaigning being ceased prematurely) and since he had split his supporters by advocating against unilateral nuclear disarmament. Consequently, Crosland won the nomination and proved surprisingly adept at unifying the party against Butler, though this only really managed to narrow his deficit in the polls rather than get him to the point of having a chance to beat Butler.
The big surprise of the 1960 election came from neither of the major parties, but from the Liberals, fighting their first ever presidential election campaign. From their small 6-seat grouping in the Commons, only one was convinced to run a presidential campaign: Mark Bonham Carter, MP for Torrington elected in a shock victory over the Tories in a 1958 by-election who held his seat narrowly at the general election held 4 months later. Bonham-Carter’s family were strongly involved with Liberal politics and he was himself a close friend of then-leader Jo Grimond, plus at 38 he was younger and more telegenic than Butler or Crosland. Thanks to all this, for the first time the Liberals felt able to mount a proper campaign. It certainly helped that they could accumulate many protest votes, and they benefitted far more from the view of the election as a foregone conclusion than Labour did.
Once the votes were counted, it was clearly a second blowout for Butler, who took 53.4% of the vote to 36.3% for Crosland (the poorest share for Labour in a national election since 1935), but Bonham Carter achieved a staggering 10% of the vote, the highest for the Liberals in any election since 1929. Even if it didn’t amount to any electoral gain, it was a huge morale boost for the Liberals.
The one silver lining for Labour, so it seemed, was that perhaps at least Bonham Carter had taken so much wind out of the Tories’ sails that Macmillan wouldn’t want to risk an election. This proved not to be the case- Macmillan did indeed call an election for the 8th September, impressing voters by his unflappable response to the Liberal surge. While the Liberals held their six seats and gained a seventh as Jeremy Thorpe took North Devon for the first time, the big news of the election was the Tories bolstering their majority from 24 to 106.
Almost immediately after these two major electoral victories, though, things started to go horribly wrong for the Tories. When Butler pushed through reform on obscene publication law and the first curbs on immigration from the Indian subcontinent, he incurred the wrath of the Tory right and Labour supporters respectively, and three major crises would end up occurring that caused major damage to Macmillan’s government- the ‘Night of the Long Knives’ reshuffle (which Butler’s office leaked to the
Daily Mail), the veto of British entry into the EEC, and the Profumo affair. Butler managed to remain distant from these, but relations between him and Macmillan subsequently became very cold, particularly as Macmillan started promoting people at odds with him such as Reginald Maulding (to Butler’s right economically) and Edward Heath (more pro-European than him).
Another major conflict arose when Macmillan was taken ill just before the 1963 Conservative conference. His three major favoured successors, and those of the parliamentary party, were Lords Home and Hailsham and Reginald Maulding. Butler, who was fond of none of these options (not least because neither Home nor Hailsham were MPs and Home had not even offered to seek the leadership), allegedly tried to urge Macmillan to stay on and avoid a constitutional crisis, especially given it would be the third major crisis of the year; ultimately, however, Home resigned his peerage (becoming Sir Alec Douglas-Home) and won a by-election in Kinross & Western Perthshire to become leader.
Ultimately, Douglas-Home would do little to improve the faltering fortunes of the Tories; a few months after his election, it lost a by-election in the safe seat of Dumfriesshire to Labour (now led by Harold Wilson after Gaitskell’s death), and famously lost Bury St Edmunds, Devizes and Rutherglen to Labour all in the same day in May 1964. Sensing that his odds of re-election in 1965 were poor, and given his relationship with Douglas-Home was poor, Butler ultimately decided not to seek a third term.
As if the Tories hadn’t had enough crises in the 1960-65 Parliament, one more hit them in late 1964, as Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith held an independence referendum that November which resulted in 90% support for independence. Despite the Commonwealth, UN and Labour all seeing the vote as illegitimate, Douglas-Home settled with Smith and Butler allowed Rhodesia to become independent, citing the consensus of the Victoria Falls Conference of July 1963 that led to Malawi and Zambia becoming independent.
The Tories hoped the controversy around this would wear off by the time an election had to be called, but ultimately it became a rallying point for Labour and a huge black mark on both Butler and Douglas-Home. Labour’s policy pledges, including sanctions on Rhodesia, socially liberalizing reforms and other policies popular with younger voters sick of the Tories after 12 years, made them far more popular and in tune with national popular opinion than Douglas-Home’s Tories, and 1965 would turn out to be a golden year for Labour…
View attachment 595284
(results by county close-up. I've changed the colour scheme since the Liberals are involved now, and the margins are consequently lower)