Since this thread is closing soon, I'd better get a move on with this TL!
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The 2014 German federal election was held on the 8th June 2014 to elect the 18th Bundestag. Incumbent Chancellor Thomas de Maizière of the CDU/CSU was seeking a second term for his government.
When the incumbent government was elected in 2010, the CDU/CSU’s Christian Wulff had become Chancellor, and his policy stances proved controversial due to largely deepening the austerity measures of the previous government. From December 2010 onwards, Wulff was also under investigation by
Der Spiegel and later
Bild due to allegations of loans from entrepreneurs with whom he was friends, and though the requests to access Wulff’s documentation were initially denied, they were granted on appeal and appeared to show Wulff had accepted a €500,000 loan for a house in his home state while Minister-President. Many Germans felt Wulff’s commitment to austerity measures was deeply hypocritical considering he was accused of using a sizeable loan to buy a house in the middle of a housing crisis.
This scandal dominated the news throughout December 2011 as questions arose as to whether Wulff had misled Lower Saxony’s state parliament over related financial issues and whether the BW-Bank in Baden-Wurttemberg were aware of the loan, severely compromising Wulff’s credibility and causing the CDU/CSU to fall to unprecedented lows in the polls. The performance of the SPD’s new leader in the Bundestag, former Mayor of Berlin Klaus Wowereit, when questioning Wulff over the issue in the Bundestag provided a major boost to his leadership of the party.
During January 2012 Wulff tried to prevent himself from having to resign by admitting personal wrongdoing, both for the scandal and for his attempt to prevent
Bild publishing articles on the loan scandal by calling and threatening its editor Kai Diekmann, but as it became clear Wulff was involved with another financial scandal involving the
Nord-Süd-Dialog event between Lower Saxony and Baden-Wurttemberg, his position was rendered untenable. The government made it clear they would not continue to support him, and so Wulff resigned in February 2012, the shortest-serving Chancellor in modern German history.
Succeeding him as CDU/CSU leader and Chancellor was Thomas de Maizière, who had come to prominence as Defence Minister by reducing troop numbers and bureaucracy in his ministry and ended conscription of all forms, as well as condemning the use of drones for targeted killings. De Maizière’s ascent allowed the CDU/CSU to recover in the polls somewhat, helped by unemployment starting to gradually fall during his term, but despite this he still proved far less popular than Wowereit and trailed behind him in projections of who would make the better Chancellor.
Further hurting the government was the massive decline in popularity of the FDP. As Vice-Chancellor and Foreign Minister, Guido Westerwelle had been seen as ineffectual, for issues from his PA being revealed to spy for the US (who were notably sceptical of Westerwelle) to his cautious stance on the Arab Spring to his poor command of English. The FDP’s surge during his time in opposition had also subsided because it had lost its anti-establishment credentials in government, and after it suffered severe losses and even failed to win representation in several state elections, Westerwelle resigned; Philipp Rösler succeeded him as Vice Chancellor and FDP leader.
Despite the SPD being severely routed in the 2010 election, it narrowly remained the Opposition and Klaus Wowereit used this position, as well as his opposition to the austerity measures of the Gabriel, Wulff and de Maizière governments, to recoup much of the support the party had bled to the NL, culminating in the party’s victory in the 2012 Saarland election which led DPA leader Oskar Lafontaine to resign and the alliance to slowly fall apart. By the time the 2014 election came around, many DPA members (though Lafontaine was not one of them) had returned to the SPD or were choosing not to run for re-election, and ultimately the remnant of the DPA would contest the 2014 election separately from the KPD.
During the campaign, the CDU/CSU developed a contradictory stance on immigration and the emerging migrant crisis which became a major sticking point. CSU leader and Minister-President of Bavaria Horst Seehofer argued that Germany needed to limit its admission of migrants, trying to prevent it bleeding votes to the Republicans (
Die Republikaner, REP), an anti-immigrant party with a history of marginal representation in German politics which had risen in popularity after Jörg Meuthen became leader in 2013. Meuthen denounced the ‘traditional’ German far right while also attacking the major parties for their economic policies and stances on immigration. The issue of whether Republicans would pass the threshold in any states and elect members to the Bundestag became a prominent topic of coverage of the election.
On the left, Wowereit advocated a renewed coalition of parties with sympathetic interests, speaking of the possibility of a ‘
vier-coalition’ (‘four-coalition’) incorporating the PPD if it successfully returned to the Bundestag. This was considered a conciliatory move and earned him praise by some quarters, though the CDU/CSU attacked him for it by claiming it would produce an ideologically fragmented government. During the Chancellor candidate debate, de Maizière raised the topic with Wowereit, who countered him by suggesting the CDU/CSU would recruit the support of the Republicans if they held the balance of power.
The CDU/CSU suffered significant losses compared to 2010 and ended up on its worst voteshare since the party was founded, while the SPD made massive gains compared to its 2010 rout, becoming the largest party in the Bundestag once again thanks to gains it made from both the CDU/CSU and the KPD (though many of its gains were in the list seats; in the constituency seats the CDU and CSU combined still held more).
Among the other parties, the FDP was also punished for the public’s hostility to the governing coalition, and it lost more than half its seats and votes from 2010. The KPD actually suffered an even steeper decline than the CDU/CSU compared to the NL’s 2010 performance, but still retained a decent foothold in the Bundestag, while the Greens made significant gains from their 2010 rout, helped by the high-profile leadership of Renate Künast, who gave a well-received speech condemning hate speech. The PPD increased its Bundestag membership and the Republicans also entered it, though the right-wing party only secured 8 seats, significantly fewer than had been projected.
While the SPD, KPD and Greens held enough seats for a majority between them, Wowereit also invited the PPD to join the government to cushion its majority and unify its support on the left, marking the first time in history a pirate party had entered a national government. With 392 votes out of 658, Wowereit was sworn in as Chancellor in July 2014, becoming the first openly gay German Chancellor.