Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VI (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)

A Doctor Who infobox I put together. Some is made up, the rest comes from Series 2 and Series 3, particularly the last 3 episodes of Series 3.

Harold Saxon (10 July 1970 - 9 June 2008) was a British politician who served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom for two days in 2008 before his murder. He was a gifted, charismatic man who was elected as MP for Bromley and Chislehurst in a by-election in 2006 for the Labour Party, winning a Conservative safe seat and showing his ability. This showed when he was appointed Secretary of State for Defence shortly after by Prime Minister Harriet Jones. He grew to quickly be a large, popular voice in the cabinet, consistently bringing in successful policy moves but after a controversy surrounding the now-unpopular Jones, Saxon split from the Labour Party, forming the Harold Saxon Independents, which attracted numerous Conservative, Labour, Liberal Democrat and SNP MPs into joining it as a big-tent alliance. In the 2008 general election, Saxon’s party won a massive majority of 633 seats, the biggest in any British general election. He was sworn in as Prime Minister on 7 June 2008, appointing his cabinet. However, shortly after the cabinet’s first private meeting, the cabinet were all found dead in their chairs in what is believed to have been a gas attack perpetrated by Saxon. After this, Saxon became detested by the British public and the remaining MPs of his own party, and a grass-roots rebellion started to occur along with campaigns for him to resign. He was condemned as committing mass murder by the United Nations, who placed sanctions on Britain. Two days after the massacre, Saxon was shot dead by his own wife, Lucy, who had woken up to his crimes. The members of the Harold Saxon Independents soon went back to their own parties, and British politics began to continue as normal.
 
UEFA Euro 1992 in a TL where the expansion to 16 teams occurred in 1984 instead of 1996.

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Geez, it's been about a year since my last Thomas & Friends related infobox. Well time to add another one.

With recent information in the Thomas fandom coming out over the past year or so, I've decided that my next infobox will be about a class of British steam locomotives that in real life were all scrapped (though two replicas were later built) but one survives in Awdry's universe and works on the North Western Railway. Introducing, the LNWR Bloomer Class!


Bloomer class 1.png

Bloomer class 2.png

The LNWR Bloomer Class are a class 2-2-2 steam locomotives. 74 of them were built between 1851 and 1862. They were all withdrawn from service between 1866 and 1888.

NWR 13 Bloomer

All the members of the Bloomer Class were all thought to have been scrapped, however, in 1970, one was found in an old shed in Wigtownshire by the Sir Charles Topham Hatt (1914-1997), who served as the Controller of the North Western Railway on the Island of Sodor from 1954 to 1984. It would be taken to the Crovan's Gate Works on the Island of Sodor and would be restored. The locomotive would be named Bloomer (after the class itself) and would be numbered 13 for the North Western Railway.

Shortly after Bloomer had his restoration completed in 1975, he would attend the Shildon cavalcade to celebrate the 150 year anniversary of the Stockton and Darlington Railway.

Since the 1975 celebrations, Bloomer has been used on enthusiast special trains on the North Western Railway, usually along the Ffarquhar Branch Line. He has also been given a pair of observation saloon coaches for him to pull.

Sources
Awdry's Railways of Sodor Lecture (1972)
mentions info about Bloomer among several other things.
 
1916 and 1920
1932

"...fuck you - shut the hell up and fuck you - what those invalids don't understand is, their puppeteers aren't aiming for the - I said shut the hell up - they aren't after the President, they are after you - Dyer's just standing in their way!..."
-Leonidas C. Dyer's 1936 running-mate, speaking at a campaign rally after being interrupted by a heckler

After the 1932 elections, Leonidas C. Dyer entered office with sizable congressional majorities for Republicans (along with some other progressive pro-Fair Deal third party senators). He and his allies in Congress quickly took action to enact a wide array of agenda for economic relief via various public works projects and unemployment benefits, as well as financial industry reforms to prevent the issues that led to the great depression in the first place, an end to prohibition, and the establishment of federal old-age insurance. By 1934, the unemployment rate was still quite high but had dropped substantially, falling around 10 percentage points from a peak in 1932 of 25%. The full extent of the Fair Deal's role in that decline is debated among economists, but the general consensus is that the Fair Deal overall played at least some nontrivial role in the economic recovery, and back in the 1930s, this view was certainly common among the general public. Dyer and his allies in congress saw high popularity due to the Fair Deal legislation and programs. In the 1934 congressional midterm elections, the Republicans and their allies made gains in the senate and house, extending dominance outside of the south and, despite Democratic voter suppression and gerrymandering in the south, even made modest gains in the south, in part due to the Fair Deal having sizable crossover support among poor white people in the south

After the 1934 elections, Republicans initially intended in plans for the 1936 presidential election to focus on the same sort of strategy they ran with in 1932, to defend their gains in the upper south (and seeking to gain or increase control in those areas at the state legislature level) and perhaps also aim for Texas and Arkansas (both of which Democrats somewhat narrowly held in 1932) while ignoring the deep south. But certain developments had been occurring within the Democratic Party

The Democratic Party had been dominated by conservative voices since before the civil war, with the exception of the progressive era with the rise of William Jennings Bryan in the party and then Wilson's turn towards support for some progressive policies. The late 1910s and 1920s had seen the conservative wing of the party take back dominance, but the Great Depression had led to a resurgence of more moderate to progressive leaning Democrats. On one hand there were the "Me too Democrats", who generally supported many Fair Deal policies but attacked some for excess and corruption and campaigned saying they could administer the Fair Deal more efficiently. On the other hand, there was also a wing of the party that took things even further, with a populist argument that the Fair Deal didn't go far enough, that it and Dyer were too friendly to the interests of big business, too cautious in regards to deficit spending and regulations, and so on. The Democratic Party in the early 30s remained generally controlled by the conservative wing, but the rise of these moderate and populist factions caused a sizable amount of infighting, and helped the Republicans make gains in the south in the 1930, 1932, and 1934 elections. And after 1934, the south was more or less split three ways, with the conservative Democrats being the largest group, but with the populist Democrats having a sizable minority of support as well as outright control in a few southern states

The Governor of Louisiana, Huey Long, was the most prominent politician from that populist faction, and most prominent critic of Dyer from the left. Known by some to be an outspoken man of the people, and by others to be a corrupt and dangerous demagogue, he was at any rate the controller of a highly effective political machine in his own state, as well as influential among the progressive wing in several other southern states. Long was widely expected to make an attempt at the Democratic presidential nomination for 1936, to try and wrench the party away from the conservatives. He was, however, doubtful that the party establishment would allow a fair fight, and was privately becoming doubtful that his party had electoral viability at that point even with a potential sharp realignment, given Republican popularity

Shortly after the 1934 elections, Long put out feelers to the Republicans. Dyer and other high-level Republicans were highly skeptical, but were willing to engage in some preliminary discussions with the governor. Long came to the Republicans with proposals to essentially tear his own party in two, and ally his wing with the Republicans, giving the hypothetical Republican-Longist alliance the potential to sweep the south (and thus the country) and to rip the south from the conservative Democratic dominance. Of course, Long came with demands of his own, including extending the Fair Deal (he'd preferred his own Share Our Wealth Program but was willing to settle for Fair Deal extensions and a shift away from Dyer's insistence on balanced budgets rather than deficit spending), and of course the requirement that Long himself replace La Guardia for the Vice President nomination. Republicans were very weary of this proposal, with many being satisfied with their existing dominance of the north and being fearful of putting Long a heartbeat away from the Presidency (especially with the disabled Dyer) as well as potentially in the position to take control of the party after Dyer's two terms (surely, many thought, a cripple like Dyer wouldn't even want to try what Teddy Roosevelt did, to run for a third term, right?). But Long was able to throw in a major offer

The south had been dominated by white supremacist political leadership and broader social organization since the end of Reconstruction in the 1800s. Since the fall of Reconstruction, some among the Republicans had wished to make a renewed push for civil rights for Black Americans - indeed, Dyer had been one such Republican, having pushed very publicly for anti-lynching laws in the early 1920s. Now, Long was somewhat different from the average southern Democrat. He was no bold civil rights advocate, but nonetheless opposed the Klan, refused to utilize race-baiting as a political strategy, and enacted programs in his state for economic relief that Black people were actually allowed to benefit from (as opposed to in southern states with more conservative leadership) - he was not, then particularly opposed to the idea of racial equality, even if it wasn't chief among his political concerns. And he'd correctly guessed that Dyer's silence on racial issues as Missouri governor and in the 1932 campaign was more a matter of political pragmatism than any real shift in personal beliefs. So, in return for accepting his demands, he offered to do all he could after the 1936 elections to wrangle his populist Democratic allies in the south to vote for civil rights legislation, and (without publicly campaigning on it during the election) doing all he could before and during the 1936 elections to ensure the election in the south of more populist democrats who would be willing (or able to be pressured via carrot and/or stick) to vote for civil rights legislation. Despite complaints from advisors and Republican leadership, Dyer accepted this deal, intensely craving to achieve civil rights victories, as well as to simply punch back hard at the people who had nearly killed him. La Guardia accepted Dyer's deal, having frankly been rather bored by the office of the Vice President, being willing to return to New York politics and appreciating the potential political ramifications of the deal

As the 1936 elections drew closer, some predicted (and in the case of conservative democrats, shrieked and frothed at the mouth over the idea) that Dyer would make a push for civil rights if he won a decisive victory. The Republican admission of three states (AK, HI, and DC) further fueled those fears among some, with the admissions of those states being seen as a potential means to shift Congressional control further in favor of progressive Republicans and potentially overcome a filibuster by southern democrats and the remnant conservative faction of Republicans (which was the actual intent), but publicly Republicans opposed this suggestion, instead just defending the admissions with nationalistic rhetoric of American expansion. Furthermore, in an attempt to maximize potential to expand political support in the south (and with some inspiration from Lincoln's own run on the "National Union" ticket rather than "Republican" ticket in 1864), Dyer himself ran with Long as independents, and organized a "Share Our Fair Deal" coalition of the willing including the Republicans, the emerging Longist faction of the Democrats, and several other smaller parties and independent candidates, on which supporters of the Fair Deal and Dyer-Long ticket could run without having to be quite so attached to the Republican name (which was not well loved in the south). The mainline Democratic nomination also benefitted the Dyer-Long ticket: it was predicted that a moderate "Me too Democrat" would win the nomination, given the national mood, but with the rupture with the Longists, the Democrats instead nominated an ardent anti-Fair Dealer (and one who even went so far as criticizing former President Copeland's relief measures as having been too much government intervention), former North Carolina senator Josiah Bailey

As such, with the popularity of the Fair Deal, the crossover support Long was able to pull, and the unpopularity of mainline Democratic conservatism, the Dyer-Long ticket was able to absolutely crush the mainline Democratic ticket. The 1932 Republican victory had already been the largest landslide since 1820 (in the popular vote, at least), but the Dyer-Long 1936 win was even larger, winning nearly 70% of the vote and all but two states. And their coalition rode their coattails to further increase their numbers in Congress and the state level. In the south, as Long had promised, the conservative democrats had been dealt a heavy blow

1936 election ib.png


After the elections, the Dyer administration quickly worked to pass legislation to implement various expansions of the Fair Deal that the Longists had demanded, and quickly did an about-face on civil rights, shifting from previous silence to an aggressive push for major legislation. The administration succeeded on both fronts, passing the Civil Rights and Voting Protections act to ban discrimination (on the basis of race, and in what some historians suggest was a failed "wrecking amendment", also on the basis of sex, along with other factors like religion and national origin) and ban measures intended to suppress the nonwhite vote, while also significantly expanding the Fair Deal

The south saw a swift and major backlash against the administration with the passage of civil rights, but the effect of millions of nonwhite people finally being able to vote provided something of an electoral counterbalance against that. Furthermore, the expanded Fair Deal measures were successful in dragging unemployment down even further, largely returning the economy to a state of normalcy (albeit with a much larger government), which served as another nail in the coffin for the mainline Democratic Party outside of the south, and also helped the Fair Deal coalition maintain decent support among poorer (or poorer-until-very-recently) southern white people and remain competitive throughout the south even in areas Republicans hadn't dreamed of standing a chance in immediately after the 1932 elections

crvpa 1937 ib.png


The Republican Party and its allied Fair Deal coalition felt on top of the world, having saved the economy and having achieved a huge victory for civil rights 60 years after the death of Reconstruction, and a victory that seemed likely to be rather more durable than Reconstruction itself was. But there were still concerns. Long's demagoguery had certainly helped politically in the short term, but many in the Republican Party and other allied parties feared the potential for Long to use his position as a stepping-stone to greater power, and that he might take the country in a rather more authoritarian direction. After all, as many whispered, Dyer wouldn't live forever... could the crippled man even make it to the end of his second term, some wondered. And while America saw a bright recovery that didn't need to trample on civil liberties, in the rest of the world, various countries saw an increasing slide to authoritarianism and totalitarianism, with fascism and fascist powers on the rise. America had a solid isolationist lean since the Great War, but even if things did go ideally domestically, a growing number of Americans worried that the country might be dragged into foreign conflicts, regardless of what the general public wished. There was much uncertainty in regards to the future...
 
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Very cool wikiboxes and timeline! My only note is that in the previous 1932 page you have Leonidas Dyer as a Republican (as he was IOTL), but under "President Before Election" in the 1936 Presidential election wikibox, you have him as a Democrat. Did I miss something?
Oops, fixed (that was just a leftover from the otl 1936 base that I forgot to change)

And thanks!
 
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The 2000 Czechoslovak parliamentary election was held on the 24th September 2000 to elect 300 members to the National Assembly. It was the second time Czechoslovakia had held a parliamentary election concurrently with a popularly elected presidential one after 1985.

The election saw Prime Minister Vladimír Špidla of the ČSSD running for a second term. Špidla had overseen a period of moderate economic growth combined with a much better relationship with President Havel, as he and Havel saw eye to eye on foreign policy much more than Zeman and Havel had. Despite this, he was hurt by aggressive criticism from the opposition for implementing tax increases on the rich and was seen by many on the left as a dry technocrat, as well as incurring criticism from the backbenches from figures like Zeman.

Causing further problems for the ČSSD-led government was the organization of an agreement between Václav Klaus and Ján Čarnogurský, who had taken over as OLS leader after its disastrous performance in 1996. Čarnogurský made sizeable policy concessions to Klaus’s ČKLS that moved the OLS to the right in exchange for Klaus’s party merging back into the OLS; despite this, the OLS was subsequently hurt by the decision of President Havel to resign his membership of the party after its new ČKLS-influenced constitution was approved by the membership in 1998.

One of the biggest concessions made during the negotiations was that Klaus would be made the OLS’s candidate in the 2000 presidential election. Since Klaus was still a deeply contentious figure, this led Špidla and Havel to decide to postpone dissolving the National Assembly until it would be elected concurrently with the new President, ostensibly because this would make the campaign less expensive and more efficient but also because it would emphasize anti-Klaus and pro-government voting.

In order to maximize the chance of victory in the 2000 presidential election, several anti-Klaus parties united in standing down their own parties’ candidates in favour of the ČSNS’s popular leader and Cabinet member Rudolf Schuster. As a Slovak, socially fairly liberal and economically moderate politician, he stood out in stark contrast to Klaus and defeated him easily, the first time in 40 years the ČSNS had controlled the presidency.

Meanwhile in the parliamentary election, the ČSSD had retained a lead in the polls despite the OLS’s growth after the merger, but Špidla was not popular with the public and the DSS leader Miroslav Grebeníček withdrew his party’s support of the government after seven years, attracting more support from left-wing protest voters to the DSS. Despite this, after negotiations between Špidla and the new ČSL leader Cyril Svoboda (who had succeeded Josef Lux after his death from leukaemia in 1999) saw Svoboda pledge that his party would support the largest party after the election, the OLS was isolated by its traditional ally taking a more centrist position, and Čarnogurský and Klaus started to conflict over their respective pro-Europeanism and Euroscepticism.

The presidential election helped the mainstream left-wing and right-wing parties and isolated the ethnic parties, with Coexistence losing seats and the SNS and SPR-RSČ both dropping out of the Assembly, the first time since 1978 the far right had not won any seats in a Czechoslovak election. The OLS won over 100 seats for the first time since 1989 and the ČSL enjoyed its best result since 1982, though it did not come close to the two main parties in seat count. Despite a significant decline in its voteshare and seat total the ČSSD once again came out of the election the largest party, and formed a renewed coalition with the ČSNS, Coexistence and the Greens, though this time it was a minority government supported by the ČSL.
 
"The Senate? Who needs THAT?! That is, like, sooo 18th century!"

"Well, Bobby Kennedy, what are you thinkin' instead of an upper house with lots of powers?"

"Um... Oh! I've got it. How about we put the old farts that were in the White House and stick them here. We'll even give 'em fancy titles n' stuff. Come on ol' Johnson, you'd like to be President again, right?"
"..."
"Johnson?"
"You're fired."

Conversation between U.S Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson and Robert F. Kennedy, sometime in 1969.
__

xwMnrv9.png
 
"The Senate? Who needs THAT?! That is, like, sooo 18th century!"

"Well, Bobby Kennedy, what are you thinkin' instead of an upper house with lots of powers?"

"Um... Oh! I've got it. How about we put the old farts that were in the White House and stick them here. We'll even give 'em fancy titles n' stuff. Come on ol' Johnson, you'd like to be President again, right?"
"..."
"Johnson?"
"You're fired."

Conversation between U.S Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson and Robert F. Kennedy, sometime in 1969.
__

xwMnrv9.png
How fun!
 
"The Senate? Who needs THAT?! That is, like, sooo 18th century!"

"Well, Bobby Kennedy, what are you thinkin' instead of an upper house with lots of powers?"

"Um... Oh! I've got it. How about we put the old farts that were in the White House and stick them here. We'll even give 'em fancy titles n' stuff. Come on ol' Johnson, you'd like to be President again, right?"
"..."
"Johnson?"
"You're fired."

Conversation between U.S Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson and Robert F. Kennedy, sometime in 1969.
__

xwMnrv9.png
I want to see more infoboxes from this universe.
 
"The Senate? Who needs THAT?! That is, like, sooo 18th century!"

"Well, Bobby Kennedy, what are you thinkin' instead of an upper house with lots of powers?"

"Um... Oh! I've got it. How about we put the old farts that were in the White House and stick them here. We'll even give 'em fancy titles n' stuff. Come on ol' Johnson, you'd like to be President again, right?"
"..."
"Johnson?"
"You're fired."

Conversation between U.S Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson and Robert F. Kennedy, sometime in 1969.
__

xwMnrv9.png
"Electoral gladiatorial combat in 7 states"
Well.
 
Newne, I can't say that I quite understand any of your infoboxes, but hot damn are they always interesting! And the quality of the infoboxes is always impeccable too!
 
(A semi-shitpost idea I spent way too much time on.)

"Spider-Man: No Way Home has been released in cinemas, and...it's surely...is something."

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