Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VI (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)

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CalBear

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So noticed your little series. Why are the candidates nearly all female. You trying to get a woke reward?? Like dominatrix's?? Seems like a good dose of misandry and pretty daft....ugh
Here is your "unnecessarily rude to another member" Medal, 3rd class.

Probably want to avoid the 2nd class.
 
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The 1978 Czechoslovak parliamentary election was held on the 26th March 1978, with 300 members being elected to the National Assembly of Czechoslovakia. It was held at the end of the 4-year term of the Vaculík government.

As Prime Minister, Ludvík Vaculík and his Minister of Home Affairs Mojmír Povolný of the ČSNS worked to enact further constitutional reforms and redefine Czechoslovakia’s position on the world stage. After the controversy of Dubček’s close ties to Josip Bronz Tito, he worked to tie himself to less divisive neutral countries, establishing positive relations with Austrian President Rudolf Kirchschläger and Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme, though doing this continued to concern Czechoslovaks who were fearful of retaliation by the great powers.

The main constitutional project of Vaculík and Povolný was to counteract the controversy over the Czechoslovak presidency by turning it into a popularly elected position. Many in the ČSL were opposed to this, but President Toman Brod negotiated with Vaculík to implement it regardless, well aware of how it could improve his reputation with the public. Sure enough, in the run up to the first directly elected presidential election in 1975 Brod repaired his image and won a commanding victory.

This did not do much to improve the Vaculík government’s image, however. Its other major social policies, including acts to protect against gender and racial discrimination, proved controversial, and conservatives mocked the latter for its provisions for non-Slavic races that were seen as unnecessarily pandering and irrelevant. While these policies were passed, they gave the impression of Vaculík and the ČSSD as obsessed with niche political issues instead of ‘bread-and-butter’ ones. A prominent ČSL campaign in the 1978 election satirized this with a poster called ‘Their sandwich or our sandwich’, showing an empty plate and a well-prepared set of obložené chlebíčky (open-faced sandwiches).

The campaigning of the new ČSL leader Jan Petránek on this issue proved very shrewd, as he appealed to many voters angered by the severe difficulties caused by continued economic stagflation. Vaculík also damaged his own record on this by remarking that ‘the crisis is affecting many other countries besides Czechoslovakia’, which was widely seen as dismissive and defensive.

The ČSSD and ČSNS campaign focused heavily on the threat of austerity under a ČSL-DLS government, but Petránek chose his words carefully on economic policy and even avoided campaigning with DLS leader Ota Šik, knowing it would damage his party’s credibility with swing voters. This deft strategy paid off, as the two parties won 167 seats between them, the biggest right-wing majority since World War II. Furthermore, the DLS narrowly overtook the ČSNS for the first time ever.

This election is the last to date at which only four parties were elected to the Czechoslovak National Assembly, and is seen as the last before the ‘two-bloc system’ of Czechoslovak politics that had been in place since the mid-1950s started to diversify in the early 1980s.
 
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Production on
The Next Teaser For ASB Democracy, Now and Forever is slowly gaining traction again.
It's Coming in 2022.
For Now, here are some more looks at what the rise of a British republic would do

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Anarchy in the U.S.
or A Series of Unlikely Unfortunate Events


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In 1978, Iranian agents in Iraq discovered plans for a pro-Soviet coup d'état against Iraq's government. OTL Iran informed Saddam of this plot, but let's say this did not happen ITTL.

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(OTL)

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OTL in a similar situation, Carter removed only half of the cabinet.

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List of presidents pro tempore of the United States Senate
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(OTL)

List of speakers of the United States House of Representatives
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List of presidents of the United States
AmCTOKi.png

Ta-da! First-ever Presidency gap.​
 
Anarchy in the U.S.
or A Series of Unlikely Unfortunate Events


L6wHZpD.png

In 1978, Iranian agents in Iraq discovered plans for a pro-Soviet coup d'état against Iraq's government. OTL Iran informed Saddam of this plot, but let's say this did not happen ITTL.

xaSorCJ.png

(OTL)

K5yC0GP.png


T7e102m.png

OTL in a similar situation, Carter removed only half of the cabinet.

G78Li9Y.png


List of presidents pro tempore of the United States Senate
R8LY4KE.png

(OTL)

List of speakers of the United States House of Representatives
eco57KJ.png


List of presidents of the United States
AmCTOKi.png

Ta-da! First-ever Presidency gap.​
Yeesh
 
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The 1982 Czechoslovak parliamentary election was held on the 21st March 1982 to elect 300 members to the Czechoslovak National Assembly. Due to the significant upheaval of the old political system that resulted from it, it is often considered a major realigning election.

The incumbent ČSL-DLS government led by Jan Petránek had pursued extreme monetarist reforms of the economy, privatizing large amounts of heavy industries and weakening unions and other workers’ rights protections. In combination with the ongoing economic stagflation at the time, this caused unemployment to significantly increase, and comparisons between the Petránek government and the ‘shock treatment’ economics of the early 1960s abounded. There were even death threats directed at extremely pro-monetarist Finance Minister and former PM Ota Šik.

Despite this, the feverently anti-monetarist opposition led by the ČSSD was having problems capitalizing on the government’s unpopularity. Its new leader, Pavel Bergmann, was Jewish and became a target of anti-Semitic rhetoric from the right, and his aggressively anti-totalitarian attitude and hostility to the Eastern Bloc countries that surrounded Czechoslovakia made him controversial with the left. He improved his reputation by helping Alexander Dubček’s successful campaign for the Presidency, but fell out with Dubček because as President he was unwilling to block most of Petránek’s policies.

Support for an alternative to the left and right coalitions of old had started to ferment during the Assembly’s term, and first came to a head with the entry into national politics of Václav Havel and Ján Čarnogurský in late 1979. Havel had served since 1972 as Prime Minister of Bohemia and Moravia (the head of the devolved government in the western provinces) first under the ČSL and later after falling out with the national party as leader of the Liberal Party (Czech: Liberální strana, LS), and had been a very popular premier able to pull the strings of coalition politics in the Czech National Council. Čarnogurský was more orthodox, having first been elected Prime Minister of Slovakia for the ČSL in the 1976 election capitalizing on the unpopularity of Ludvík Vaculík’s government at the federal level; he later admitted the main reason he sided with Havel was fear of a ČSSD victory in the following year’s federal election, which instead was won by his ally Ján Budaj.

Havel and Čarnogurský united due to a shared concern about the deep unpopularity and what they saw as the economic damage being wrought by the Petránek government, and by their fear of Bergmann taking control of the country. The electoral appeal they held was demonstrated when a by-election was held to fill one of the seats in Prague after a ČSL member there died and Havel won it resoundingly, under the new label of the Civic Liberal Party (Czech: Občanská liberální strana, Slovak: Občianska liberálna strana, OLS). During the rest of the term, four more by-election victories would be recorded by the OLS, including one in Bratislava that saw Čarnogurský enter the National Assembly.

The OLS was not the only anti-establishment party making waves during the parliament, however. Petránek had sought to suppress ‘distracting’ and ‘divisive’ conflicts over national identities and constitutional changes, and to try to improve the ČSSD’s image, Bergmann did not pledge to extend them either if elected. Ironically, with both parties now trying to ignore the country’s minority groups, they turned to political activism of their own.

Two parties emerged as the most prominent among such voters, one in Bohemia and Moravia (or more accurately just Moravia) and the other in Slovakia. The Moravian one was the Movement for Self-Government of Moravia and Silesia (Czech: Hnutí za samosprávu Moravy a Slezska, HMS), which resented the dominance of Bohemia in the Czech National Council and wished for a national council to be created representing Moravia and Silesia. The Slovak one was known as Coexistence (Slovak: Spolužitie, Hungarian: Együttélés, Polish: Wspólnota, Czech: Soužit, generally abbreviated to COEX for simplicity’s sake), and was a coalition representing the Hungarian minority in the region as well as openly advocating for democratic reform of the country; one of its most prominent supporters, and by 1982 its leader, was Sándor Kopácsi, who had fled to Slovakia after being a key figure in the Hungarian Revolution.

In addition to these liberal nationalist parties, for the first time since before World War II a far-right party had emerged in Czechoslovakia. The Slovak National Party (Slovak: Slovenská národná strana, SNS) was formed by Slovak ultranationalists who opposed more mainstream Slovak politicians like Dubček and Čarnogurský, and advocated for what they called a ‘true Slovak nation’, supporting Slovak separatism as well as using anti-Semitic, anti-Romani and anti-Hungarian rhetoric. While the party gained some success among the right, all the major parties made it clear they would not under any circumstances work with the SNS in government, and despite his generally conciliatory stance as President, Dubček fiercely condemned them, calling the party’s leader Víťazoslav Móric ‘Tiso by another name’, referencing the pro-Nazi Slovak puppet state of the 1930s and 40s. Some political scientists have even suggested that the SNS has helped undermine calls for Slovak independence with its extremist rhetoric.

The massive influx of support for the minor parties meant that all four of the parties which had been represented in the National Assembly in 1978 lost seats and votes; in 1978 they had taken all the seats and 97.4% of the vote between them, but in 1982 they only took 195 seats and 69.9%. The ČSL was particularly hard-hit, losing over 11% of its 1978 voteshare and 62 seats, as well as coming third in a Czechoslovak election for the first time since 1946. Similarly, the ČSNS lost 12 seats and 5.9% of its 1978 vote, and the DLS lost almost half its vote and seats, with Ota Šik even losing his own seat, the first time a party leader had failed to be re-elected since World War II.

The OSL was not quite able to win the most seats, coming 8 seats behind the ČSSD, but it was clear that Bergmann could not command a majority of the National Assembly’s support. Furthermore, Havel managed to agree a ‘Czechoslovak coalition’ of the OLS, ČSNS, HMS and Coexistence, which would command 121 of the 150 National Assembly seats- not enough for a majority, but well ahead of any feasible alternative given Bergmann had failed to court the nationalists.

Negotiations over a new government lasted for 5 weeks, with both the ČSSD and the ČSL offering to drop Bergmann and Petránek so a less divisive leader could take over. However, opinion polls showed that 46% of the public believed that Havel should be made the new Prime Minister, more than any other candidate for the office. Ultimately, the new interim ČSL leader Václav Benda (who was subsequently made permanent leader after a leadership election in June 1982) offered to support an OSL-led government, and Havel formed the ‘Czechoslovak coalition’ with the support of Benda and Dubček, the first Prime Minister not from the ČSL or ČSSD for 25 years.
 
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Hello, The-English-Alexander. I'm a recent member of the site, and I would just like to use my first forum post to thank you for the teasers for your new timeline. I have an interest in looking as many PODs as I can find, and I've come to think republican Britain, whether from the Commonwealth of the Age of Revolt, is an underappreciated possibility of history in the community of writers; it all too often simply continues by extending the Protectorate past its expiration date or assuming revolution will automatically follow the French model. If you're interested in good timeline threads which avoid this, I suggest the wikibox thread "Fear Nothing but God" for an alternative to anti-Jacobite action as well as "Dreams of Liberty: A Failure at Princeton" for how a revolt against the House of Hanover would affect the rest of the empire. If you want a map of the British republic that's contemporary to your vision, the one hundred fourth MOTF challenge shows a fully fleshed out island of French style departements you could look at for your consolidated state.

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kirbopher15

Kicked
Hello, The-English-Alexander. I'm a recent member of the site, and I would just like to use my first forum post to thank you for the teasers for your new timeline. I have an interest in looking as many PODs as I can find, and I've come to think republican Britain, whether from the Commonwealth of the Age of Revolt, is an underappreciated possibility of history in the community of writers; it all too often simply continues by extending the Protectorate past its expiration date or assuming revolution will automatically follow the French model. If you're interested in good timeline threads which avoid this, I suggest the wikibox thread "Fear Nothing but God" for an alternative to anti-Jacobite action as well as "Dreams of Liberty: A Failure at Princeton" for how a revolt against the House of Hanover would affect the rest of the empire. If you want a map of the British republic that's contemporary to your vision, the one hundred fourth MOTF challenge shows a fully fleshed out island of French style departements you could look at for your consolidated state.

View attachment 706874
I actually was inspired by @The-English-Alexander to create my timeline
 
Hello, The-English-Alexander. I'm a recent member of the site, and I would just like to use my first forum post to thank you for the teasers for your new timeline. I have an interest in looking as many PODs as I can find, and I've come to think republican Britain, whether from the Commonwealth of the Age of Revolt, is an underappreciated possibility of history in the community of writers; it all too often simply continues by extending the Protectorate past its expiration date or assuming revolution will automatically follow the French model. If you're interested in good timeline threads which avoid this, I suggest the wikibox thread "Fear Nothing but God" for an alternative to anti-Jacobite action as well as "Dreams of Liberty: A Failure at Princeton" for how a revolt against the House of Hanover would affect the rest of the empire. If you want a map of the British republic that's contemporary to your vision, the one hundred fourth MOTF challenge shows a fully fleshed out island of French style departements you could look at for your consolidated state.

View attachment 706874
Thank you for posting your first post in reply to mine. the POD (though asb) is the American war for independence war going much much worse for England but I won't give too much away atm. I will check out these threads at some point.
I actually was inspired by @The-English-Alexander to create my timeline
Glad to have inspired you.
 
"We may have nuked the Russians and gotten a taste of some soviet goodies ourselves, but at least we can hold an election with half the country...
r-right?

...
G-guys?"
Anonymous American after the end of the Six Hours War and announcement of the Ceasefire of Lisbon, sometime in November 1968.

U3OPlBz.png
 
"We may have nuked the Russians and gotten a taste of some soviet goodies ourselves, but at least we can hold an election with half the country...
r-right?

...
G-guys?"
Anonymous American after the end of the Six Hours War and announcement of the Ceasefire of Lisbon, sometime in November 1968.

U3OPlBz.png
This almost looks like the United States from Ghost in the Shell.
 
"We may have nuked the Russians and gotten a taste of some soviet goodies ourselves, but at least we can hold an election with half the country...
r-right?

...
G-guys?"
Anonymous American after the end of the Six Hours War and announcement of the Ceasefire of Lisbon, sometime in November 1968.

U3OPlBz.png
At least Americans will be well feed.
 
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