Plus Debris - Part Four
By 1991, the Soviet Union was finished. It's leadership did not know that at the time, and Mikhail Gorbachev instead set on with creating a new constitution for the Union. It took some influences from the manifestos the famous dissident Andrei Sakharov published over 1989 and 1990, even as Sakharov and many other dissidents and liberals inside the Communist Party were losing faith in Gorbachev, who increasingly acquiesced to the demands of conservative figures in government with violent crackdowns on dissent.
But by the summer of 1991, after the passing of the New Union Treaty, it was clear to the hardliners in the Communist Party that without an aggressive crackdown on dissent and and a rollback of the freedoms re-established over the past few years, the Soviet Union and the Communist project was dead. The liberalisations of the Gorbachev era had done little but further empower democratic and nationalist movements across the Soviet Union, and they had swept legislative elections in the Soviet legislatures the previous year. Unconvinced that their leader would do the necessary emergency measures, elements of the armed forces, security services and the cabinet conspired to take matters into their own hands.
Coming back from a summit in Washington with President Biden, the conspirators sprung into action. The Soviet President was held under house arrest as soon as he made it to his summer
Dacha by the Crimean Sea, his Vice President was detained in Moscow and Premier Pavlov announced that he was taking charge on national television, as thousands of troops streamed into Moscow. But things stopped going to plan after that.
Western leaders uniformly denounced the coup, and the loyalty and effectiveness of the soldiers enforcing it soon collapsed. This collapse of legitimacy only further increased when it emerged that Mikhail Gorbachev had been killed.
The most commonly accepted story, the only accepted by the official enquiry, is that an irate Gorbachev confronted one of the troops detaining him, and that this confrontation escalated until this jittery soldier accidentally discharged his weapon into the deposed head of state. It is hard however not to be suspicious of some sort of cover-up, and many senior politicians in Moscow have to this day openly suggested that he was deliberately killed on the orders of the coup leaders.
When the news of Gorbachev's death reached Moscow, things escalated. Skirmishes broke out in the streets, panicked soldiers fired into crowds. A fortnight into the coup, which was now collapsing, Andrei Sakharov returned to the capital. He had fled at the start of the coup, having been tipped off about his imminent arrest, and now the image of the elderly professor standing in front of an abandoned Red Army tank was beamed across the world. The coup was finished, and so was the regime it had sought to save.
After the coup collapsed, Vice President Nazarbayev was sworn in as the legitimate President of the Soviet Union. It by this stage was a hollow crown. Ukraine, and the Baltic States swiftly declared independence and other Soviet Republics soon followed. Across the Union, Soviet legislatures quickly moved to curtail and marginalise the powers and responsibilities of the Union and the Communist Party. President Nazarbayev himself appeared to be more interested in securing his own wealth and consolidating power in his native Kazakhstan than trying to save his own party.
In this environment, furious negotiations were in progress to determine the leadership of what was left of the Soviet Union. The New Union Treaty initially called for a strong Prime Minister to lead the Russian Republic but as the Union itself was currently in the full throes of collapse it became apparent that something stronger was needed and the post of President was soon established. Over summer there were further negotiations as to the role and powers such a president would have, but these debates were settled by the time it was established that elections for the post of President of the Russian Republic (soon to be Federation) would take place in November.
Andrei Sakharov, a national and international hero following the collapse of the coup, was the obvious candidate the post. While he had been heavily involved in the post-coup constitutional negotiations over the future of Russia (the presidency becoming more powerful than he had initially favoured) he was reluctant to stand for office himself, conscious of his advanced age and weak health. But he soon came to recognise that he had far more legitimacy for the post than perhaps anyone else in the country, and feared that leaders less committed to democracy might step into his place if he chose not to run.
The election campaign was mostly free and relatively calm. Sakharov did not campaign heavily, making speeches that largely focused on his vision for Russia: constitutionally-guaranteed freedoms, open government, a proper welfare state and dignity above all else. Sakarov's criticism of Nursultan Nazarbayev's continued half-hearted authoritarianism only earned him more votes at the time but brought him perilously close to arrest and detainment. The main "regime" candidate, if it could be called that, was former Gorbachev ally Vadim Bakatin, who ran a similarly subdued campaign that spoke of the need for socialism going forward into the 20th century. The suspiciously well-funded campaign of former Olympic wrestler Yury Vlasov gained some international attention for his previous celebrity and his tendency towards conspiracy-mongering, anti-Semitism and generally outrageous behavior, frequently challenging his opponents to tests of physical prowess. In the face of these and other less credible opponents, there was little doubt as to the final result.
On New Year's Day of 1992, Nursultan Nazarbayev handed over the nuclear codes to newly inaugurated President Sakharov, and flew home to Astana, whose legislature had near-unanimously elected him President. The Soviet Union had been formally dissolved the day previously. A new era had begun.