Yeah, true. I replaced him with diplomat Archer Blood, who served some kind of important role ITTL.
Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VI (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)
- Status
Not to nitpick, but how does Pomeroy get a VP?a - assassinated.
b - died of natural causes.
c - resigned.
I am surprised you didn't use a.lincoln/bush analogy.a - assassinated.
b - died of natural causes.
c - resigned.
Hell you could use a Roosevelt analogy for bush as well.
By this I mean you would have teddy R/robert Todd being 1901-1909 and have the senior roosevelt/Lincoln be 89-93.
Damn.
I guess the Constitution was amended to allow it in the late 1860s.
Lincoln would be 80 on inauguration day if I had him as GHWB. That just seemed too far. Theodore Roosevelt Sr. might have been a good choice, though. I didn't realize he had died so young. I mostly tried to keep dates of death the same, but that would have been a good option.
1948
By 1948, Huey Long had entered into a deep feud with his Vice President Paul McNutt, largely a clash of personalities and a distaste with Long’s increasingly authoritarian tendencies. He was replaced by Sidney P. Osborn. Long faced a declining economy, and an international situation where Global Democracy was increasingly rare. The people of America remained fairly isolationist, but Long’s Anglophobic pandering was misjudged. More were sympathetic to London and Pairs than Berlin.
Long had missed a step in controlling the opposition. Again the Republican was an obscure official from a small state, in this case a minor dynast from Vermont. But Ernest Gibson Jr. was a fighter. He had broken tradition in Vermont, and he broke tradition now. He embraced a progressive program, accepting some Government intervention in the economy. But he promised a return to Liberty. An end to agents breaking down doors at night, an end to the machines running state government. An end to the madness. Gibson toured the country, while Long remained in Washington
Had the machines not been so entrenched in the North, had local Longists not been more attentive than their boss, Long might have lost. But he did not. Gibson had come close, and might have won a free election. But he lost. He had exposed the cracks in Longism, but not enough to shatter it. And that, to Huey Long, was unacceptable.
On December 23rd, a group of armed men stormed Gibson’s home in Vermont. There was a “struggle”, although it seemed unlikely he had been able to do much before the machine guns ripped apart his body.
The gloves were off.
By 1948, Huey Long had entered into a deep feud with his Vice President Paul McNutt, largely a clash of personalities and a distaste with Long’s increasingly authoritarian tendencies. He was replaced by Sidney P. Osborn. Long faced a declining economy, and an international situation where Global Democracy was increasingly rare. The people of America remained fairly isolationist, but Long’s Anglophobic pandering was misjudged. More were sympathetic to London and Pairs than Berlin.
Long had missed a step in controlling the opposition. Again the Republican was an obscure official from a small state, in this case a minor dynast from Vermont. But Ernest Gibson Jr. was a fighter. He had broken tradition in Vermont, and he broke tradition now. He embraced a progressive program, accepting some Government intervention in the economy. But he promised a return to Liberty. An end to agents breaking down doors at night, an end to the machines running state government. An end to the madness. Gibson toured the country, while Long remained in Washington
Had the machines not been so entrenched in the North, had local Longists not been more attentive than their boss, Long might have lost. But he did not. Gibson had come close, and might have won a free election. But he lost. He had exposed the cracks in Longism, but not enough to shatter it. And that, to Huey Long, was unacceptable.
On December 23rd, a group of armed men stormed Gibson’s home in Vermont. There was a “struggle”, although it seemed unlikely he had been able to do much before the machine guns ripped apart his body.
The gloves were off.
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Wait a minute! You were around in that alternate 1948 and had clones that stormed Gibson’s home in Vermont?
I wonder how the citizens of Vermont and the rest of New England are going to react to Huey Long's agents shooting Gibson dead.
And this is why I tried to keep Huey Long away from the Presidency in Kaiserreich
LeinadB93
Monthly Donor
The 2020 Texan presidential election from Hail, Britannia:
The 2020 Texan presidential election was held on October 27, 2020 to elect the next President of the Republic for a six-year term. The presidential election was held concurrent with the elections for the 335 members of the House of Representatives, and 24 of the 48 members of the Senate.
Under the provisions of the Texan Constitution, the office is held for a single six-year term which is non-renewable, therefore incumbent President Susana Martínez was ineligible for re-election. The centre-right Christian Democratic Party nominated Louie Gohmert, the incumbent Representative for the district of Tyler, Sabine, as their candidate, defeating academic Lisa Fritsch[12] and former prime minister David Dewhurst in a tight fought primary. Despite initial rumours that one of the Castro twins[1] would announce their candidacy, Prime Minister Wendy Davis announced her candidacy on July 22, 2019. No major primary challenges emerged, as Davis presided over a strengthened and unified party, and the centre-left Reform Party nominated her as their candidate.
Notably, the 2020 presidential election saw the breakdown of the traditional "electoral fusion"[3] system on the political right. The national and socially conservative National Renewal Party, despite sharing many policy positions with Gohmert, refused to endorse him. Styling themselves as the true party of the Texan Christian right, they nominated longtime state and federal representative John Carter. The moderate conservative Constitutional Union, seeking to further establish themselves as a separate entity from the CDP and shake off the image as "Reform's little buddy", nominated incumbent Deputy Prime Minister Will Hurd of Nueces. Having long harboured ambitions of the presidency, Senator Gary Johnson[4] ran for the Libertarians, marking the first time the party had run its own presidential candidate.
Despite some on the far left in both the Liga Chicano, the left-wing Hispanic rights party, and the Ecology Party , both parties subsequently agreed to nominate Davis in exchange for economic stimulus packages aimed at Hispanic Texans and extensions to certain environmental protections. As is their custom, the Native Alliance, did not formally nominate a candidate in the election, giving party members and elected officials the freedom to campaign and support their preferred candidate.
The 2020 presidential election was the most divided election since 1996, with five candidates facing off in the general election. The planned televised debates were heavily criticised for only inviting Reform and the CDP, but relented and invited all candidates. Gohmert refused to attend the first debate in protest, which cost him valuable votes, although he did attend the two other group debates. Davis ran a strong socially liberal and fiscally responsible campaign, benefitting from the 2019 legalisation of same-sex marriage and the strong economy under her premiership. Gohmert struggled to articulate a coherent policy agenda, and suffered from the fracturing of the political right, which had traditionally dominated Texan politics, due to the campaigns of Hurd, Johnson and Carter.
In the final result, no candidate secured a majority, although Davis won the popular vote in six states and nationally, precluding the need for a joint congressional vote, becoming the fourth woman to be elected to the office of President. Gohmert received the worst share of the popular vote for a CDP candidate since 1996, only winning the states of Llano, Pecos and Comancheria, with vote splitting on the right delivering New Mexico to Reform. In Pecos, a traditionally Blue state[5], Davis came within 5 points of Gohmert. Hurd performed strongly, taking the Federal District, a traditionally strong Orange state.
Wendy Davis was sworn in as the 33rd President of the Republic of Texas on December 8, 2020.
Under the provisions of the Texan Constitution, the office is held for a single six-year term which is non-renewable, therefore incumbent President Susana Martínez was ineligible for re-election. The centre-right Christian Democratic Party nominated Louie Gohmert, the incumbent Representative for the district of Tyler, Sabine, as their candidate, defeating academic Lisa Fritsch[12] and former prime minister David Dewhurst in a tight fought primary. Despite initial rumours that one of the Castro twins[1] would announce their candidacy, Prime Minister Wendy Davis announced her candidacy on July 22, 2019. No major primary challenges emerged, as Davis presided over a strengthened and unified party, and the centre-left Reform Party nominated her as their candidate.
Notably, the 2020 presidential election saw the breakdown of the traditional "electoral fusion"[3] system on the political right. The national and socially conservative National Renewal Party, despite sharing many policy positions with Gohmert, refused to endorse him. Styling themselves as the true party of the Texan Christian right, they nominated longtime state and federal representative John Carter. The moderate conservative Constitutional Union, seeking to further establish themselves as a separate entity from the CDP and shake off the image as "Reform's little buddy", nominated incumbent Deputy Prime Minister Will Hurd of Nueces. Having long harboured ambitions of the presidency, Senator Gary Johnson[4] ran for the Libertarians, marking the first time the party had run its own presidential candidate.
Despite some on the far left in both the Liga Chicano, the left-wing Hispanic rights party, and the Ecology Party , both parties subsequently agreed to nominate Davis in exchange for economic stimulus packages aimed at Hispanic Texans and extensions to certain environmental protections. As is their custom, the Native Alliance, did not formally nominate a candidate in the election, giving party members and elected officials the freedom to campaign and support their preferred candidate.
The 2020 presidential election was the most divided election since 1996, with five candidates facing off in the general election. The planned televised debates were heavily criticised for only inviting Reform and the CDP, but relented and invited all candidates. Gohmert refused to attend the first debate in protest, which cost him valuable votes, although he did attend the two other group debates. Davis ran a strong socially liberal and fiscally responsible campaign, benefitting from the 2019 legalisation of same-sex marriage and the strong economy under her premiership. Gohmert struggled to articulate a coherent policy agenda, and suffered from the fracturing of the political right, which had traditionally dominated Texan politics, due to the campaigns of Hurd, Johnson and Carter.
In the final result, no candidate secured a majority, although Davis won the popular vote in six states and nationally, precluding the need for a joint congressional vote, becoming the fourth woman to be elected to the office of President. Gohmert received the worst share of the popular vote for a CDP candidate since 1996, only winning the states of Llano, Pecos and Comancheria, with vote splitting on the right delivering New Mexico to Reform. In Pecos, a traditionally Blue state[5], Davis came within 5 points of Gohmert. Hurd performed strongly, taking the Federal District, a traditionally strong Orange state.
Wendy Davis was sworn in as the 33rd President of the Republic of Texas on December 8, 2020.
1 - Lisa Fritch would subsequently run as the Constitution candidate in the Silicon Hills district of Austin F.D. and win.
2 - Julián Castro is the incumbent Governor of Nueces, having been elected in 2016 and re-elected in 2019. Joaquin Castro is a Texan Senator from Nueces, having been elected in 2014 and re-elected in 2020.
3 - This system, more a gentleman's agreement, sees the minor congressional parties backing one of the two main party candidates, in exchange for some legislative or regulatory concessions. The system has largely been in place since the abolition of the Electoral College in 1972, with the exception of the contentious 1996 election.
4 - As previously alluded to, there was some debate as to whether Johnson, as a dual Texan-British national, was eligible for the presidency. A January 2020 ruling by the Supreme Court (7-2) confirmed that he was eligible as a dual national, as he owed no allegiance to a foreign power, with the ruling stating that Commonwealth countries were not foreign powers. However as the filing deadline was 8 January, Johnson renouned his British citizenship on 29 December 2019.
5 - In Texan politics there are "Blue and orange states" - whose voters predominantly choose either the Christian Democratic Party (blue) or Reform Party (orange) presidential and senatorial candidates. Llano, Comancheria and Pecos are traditional blue states, although Pecos elected a Reform governor in 2018 and its two senators elected in 2020 were Reform and National Renewal. Austin FD, Nueces, Sonora and Navajo are traditional orange states. Sabine, Matagorda and New Mexico are the swing states.
Thanks to @Wolfram as my resident Texas political expert for giving this the once over for me.
2 - Julián Castro is the incumbent Governor of Nueces, having been elected in 2016 and re-elected in 2019. Joaquin Castro is a Texan Senator from Nueces, having been elected in 2014 and re-elected in 2020.
3 - This system, more a gentleman's agreement, sees the minor congressional parties backing one of the two main party candidates, in exchange for some legislative or regulatory concessions. The system has largely been in place since the abolition of the Electoral College in 1972, with the exception of the contentious 1996 election.
4 - As previously alluded to, there was some debate as to whether Johnson, as a dual Texan-British national, was eligible for the presidency. A January 2020 ruling by the Supreme Court (7-2) confirmed that he was eligible as a dual national, as he owed no allegiance to a foreign power, with the ruling stating that Commonwealth countries were not foreign powers. However as the filing deadline was 8 January, Johnson renouned his British citizenship on 29 December 2019.
5 - In Texan politics there are "Blue and orange states" - whose voters predominantly choose either the Christian Democratic Party (blue) or Reform Party (orange) presidential and senatorial candidates. Llano, Comancheria and Pecos are traditional blue states, although Pecos elected a Reform governor in 2018 and its two senators elected in 2020 were Reform and National Renewal. Austin FD, Nueces, Sonora and Navajo are traditional orange states. Sabine, Matagorda and New Mexico are the swing states.
Thanks to @Wolfram as my resident Texas political expert for giving this the once over for me.
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Part of a series based on my inactive timeline "Better dead than Red!" A Red Alert timeline, which will get rebooted
The Soviet Warmachine has overrun all of eastern Europe. They now look west, knowing the Western states are their strongest enemies. As the Soviets steamrolled most of Germany, only the Rhine remains. The Soviets knew the rhine was important, as it would lead to the Low and French lands. The western nations fought hard, knowing the Soviets advanced tech could destroy entire nations in a week. The soviets would eventually break through, however, they suffer a much large death toll than the Western allies. This battle also helps confirm the creation of the Soviet puppet state German Democratic Federation.
The 1872 Columbian Presidential Election was held on July 19, 1872. Incumbent President Susan B. Anthony was defeated by Lucrecita Mott following a contentious electoral battle. The 1872 shares the distinction along with the 1950 Columbian Presidential election to be determined in the bicameral chambers of both the lower National Assembly and the upper Universal Congress, and is noted for the only result in which the President and Vice President came from different parties.
Incumbent President Susan B. Anthony enjoyed strong support among the poor farming communities of the deep south, though there was strong contention between herself and Vice President Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who disagreed as to the role that women ultimately played in Columbian society. The largest of these issues was the military draft proposal. The Anthony administration never gave too strong a leaning either in supporting the move or opposing it, instead attempting to focus on social issues such as the abolishment of child labor and the advancement of prohibition.
However, in their attempts to remain neutral on the issue of the draft, it enraged a very vocal group of women that came together under the Conservative Peace Alliance. They nominated the Former Collector of the Port of New York Lucreita Mott. To balance the ticket, the nominating committee selected Frances Willard, who agreed to the vice-presidential slot.
Famed civil war nurse, botanist and scientist Clara Barton was chosen unanimously by the female delegates to the Colombian Reconciliation Association, whose main complaints were a need to bolster civil-war era pensions for the female soldiers and their male spouses. They advocated a moderate racial policy where black women would be gradually integrated, and wished to continue the ongoing Self-Constructive Movement within the former states of the Daughter's Patriotic Federation, whose succession sparked the Second Columbian Civil War. In a bold move, Barton was persuaded by a more progressive wing of the CRA to the choice of african-american Josephine Ruffin. It was hoped that Ruffin's presence on the ticket would drive up votes in minority areas, though this proved to have a limited effect.
Finally, there was the rowdy and ill-tempered Pioneer Women of Colombia, derided as "nothing more than a bunch of restless illiterates", at least in private letters from President Anthony to a longtime friend. Following many scuffles, confusing votes and numerous riots within the PWC, they nominated the first man in the history of Columbia, George Francis Train, whose controversial racial views it was hoped, would draw away potential supporters within the South and Midwestern Columbia. The Party's coffers, already deep in the red, also had another, more desperate ploy that Train's rumored considerable financial fortunes would be enough to save the party from the intense threat of female mercenaries and debt collectors. While Train did promise to contribute "significantly", upon his death it was revealed that he only spent a fraction of his actual wealth to the PWC's coffers, instead taking the investment "fees" of the PWC and simply running off with it. In order to at least have some female representation on the ticket, Anthony, who was drunk during the closing hours of the convention, shouted out that Stanton would be "tolerable." While it had been laughed off as a joke, when Anthony sobered up, he seriously pursued either Stanton or thought to pick PWC chairman Charles Guiteau. Deciding to balance the ticket, he tentatively sent her a telegraph, and was even more surprised when she accepted his proposal.
During the general campaign, much to the detriment of Anthony, the Conservatives spoke again and again of the military draft, arguing that Anthony's silence on the issue was tantamount to numb acquiescence to violence and the glorification of war. However, the Conservatives were met with a stiff choice, speak out agaisnt the popular soldier's pensions that the CRA was bringing up constantly, or stay silent and risk the same attacks levied on Anthony onto Mott? They opted to pick a middle approach, applauding the sacrifice of the soldiers while condemning the millionaires, war profiteers and murderers in an attempt to appease that powerful voting group. The Conservatives soon recoiled at the loss of their more radical pacifist wing, who split off and formally agreed to endorse the rough and ready PWC.
By the time of the election, the results were unclear on the first few hours, but as states were called, it came to the realization that no-one garnered an outright majority. Mott managed to carry North Carolina, a traditionally solid CEF state, while the drunken efforts of the PWC saw just Ohio, Ross and Tubman vote for them. As the nation settled in for a contingent election, backroom deals were already being played out. Barton promised the Ohio delegation enough funds for those bridges they wanted across Lake Inferior. Mott, for her part, openly bribed the entire state delegation of Arkansas, telling them to deliver this to the North Carolinians and she would see to it that the Self-Constructive Movement was ended upon her inauguration into the Pink House. While Anthony would have been actively bribing and dealing, she came down with a nasty case of Tuberculosis, and so embarked throughout the August to December period on a Presidential covered wagon train to the Great Plains, where it was hoped the fresher air would help her out.
By the time the National Assembly met in December, many of Anthony's southern allies abandoned her in favor of Mott. Barton's efforts netted her a solid support of the northern states and managed to bribe 5 of the 8 national assembly members from the Great Plains delegation to enable the vote-en-bloc to swing her way. However, it wasn't enough for Barton or Anthony. The loss of southern support was too much for the incumbent, who now had no path to win. Then the efforts came down in stopping Mott from garnering enough state delegations ( 13 minimum). While they were able to chat at length with Missouri, a nervous representative switched his vote from Barton to Mott, turning that delegation, previously 3 Mott, 3 Anthony 1Barton into 4 Mott and 3 Anthony, giving her the en-bloc votes of Missouri and the minimum of 13 needed to be elected President.
The Vice Presidential race was decided in the Senate. As it was the top three candidates, this meant that the corrupt pennies poured into Train and Stanton's campaign were wasted. The Senate's choices were Willard, Catt or Ruffin. There had been whispers of Anthony's poor health, spurred on by sensationalist stories about Anthony almost about to pass away, with some reporters even openly reporting on her "disappearance into the great plains". These rumors, as much as the senators at the time would have liked to dismiss, leaned heavily into their decision making for the Vice President. Willard was rejected owing to personal affairs regarding several senators, with her shutting down of several businesses owned by wealthy members of the political elite. Catt was too confrontational , stemming from her history as the former Investigative Secretary of Columbia, and wished to retain much distance between them and the numerous crimes the house of representatives was being squeezed into, which would paint the senate just as bad. So, at an eleventh hour, in a smoke filled room, the senators came to the reluctant concurrence on Josephine Ruffin. As the southern senators violently protested at an african-american being "just a heartbeat away" from the powerful presidency they were, for once, voted out by the rest of a tired senate, who simply wished to get to the business of the country.
And so, one of the most contentious, confusing and often times unforgettable elections in modern Columbian history came to a close.
Incumbent President Susan B. Anthony enjoyed strong support among the poor farming communities of the deep south, though there was strong contention between herself and Vice President Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who disagreed as to the role that women ultimately played in Columbian society. The largest of these issues was the military draft proposal. The Anthony administration never gave too strong a leaning either in supporting the move or opposing it, instead attempting to focus on social issues such as the abolishment of child labor and the advancement of prohibition.
However, in their attempts to remain neutral on the issue of the draft, it enraged a very vocal group of women that came together under the Conservative Peace Alliance. They nominated the Former Collector of the Port of New York Lucreita Mott. To balance the ticket, the nominating committee selected Frances Willard, who agreed to the vice-presidential slot.
Famed civil war nurse, botanist and scientist Clara Barton was chosen unanimously by the female delegates to the Colombian Reconciliation Association, whose main complaints were a need to bolster civil-war era pensions for the female soldiers and their male spouses. They advocated a moderate racial policy where black women would be gradually integrated, and wished to continue the ongoing Self-Constructive Movement within the former states of the Daughter's Patriotic Federation, whose succession sparked the Second Columbian Civil War. In a bold move, Barton was persuaded by a more progressive wing of the CRA to the choice of african-american Josephine Ruffin. It was hoped that Ruffin's presence on the ticket would drive up votes in minority areas, though this proved to have a limited effect.
Finally, there was the rowdy and ill-tempered Pioneer Women of Colombia, derided as "nothing more than a bunch of restless illiterates", at least in private letters from President Anthony to a longtime friend. Following many scuffles, confusing votes and numerous riots within the PWC, they nominated the first man in the history of Columbia, George Francis Train, whose controversial racial views it was hoped, would draw away potential supporters within the South and Midwestern Columbia. The Party's coffers, already deep in the red, also had another, more desperate ploy that Train's rumored considerable financial fortunes would be enough to save the party from the intense threat of female mercenaries and debt collectors. While Train did promise to contribute "significantly", upon his death it was revealed that he only spent a fraction of his actual wealth to the PWC's coffers, instead taking the investment "fees" of the PWC and simply running off with it. In order to at least have some female representation on the ticket, Anthony, who was drunk during the closing hours of the convention, shouted out that Stanton would be "tolerable." While it had been laughed off as a joke, when Anthony sobered up, he seriously pursued either Stanton or thought to pick PWC chairman Charles Guiteau. Deciding to balance the ticket, he tentatively sent her a telegraph, and was even more surprised when she accepted his proposal.
During the general campaign, much to the detriment of Anthony, the Conservatives spoke again and again of the military draft, arguing that Anthony's silence on the issue was tantamount to numb acquiescence to violence and the glorification of war. However, the Conservatives were met with a stiff choice, speak out agaisnt the popular soldier's pensions that the CRA was bringing up constantly, or stay silent and risk the same attacks levied on Anthony onto Mott? They opted to pick a middle approach, applauding the sacrifice of the soldiers while condemning the millionaires, war profiteers and murderers in an attempt to appease that powerful voting group. The Conservatives soon recoiled at the loss of their more radical pacifist wing, who split off and formally agreed to endorse the rough and ready PWC.
By the time of the election, the results were unclear on the first few hours, but as states were called, it came to the realization that no-one garnered an outright majority. Mott managed to carry North Carolina, a traditionally solid CEF state, while the drunken efforts of the PWC saw just Ohio, Ross and Tubman vote for them. As the nation settled in for a contingent election, backroom deals were already being played out. Barton promised the Ohio delegation enough funds for those bridges they wanted across Lake Inferior. Mott, for her part, openly bribed the entire state delegation of Arkansas, telling them to deliver this to the North Carolinians and she would see to it that the Self-Constructive Movement was ended upon her inauguration into the Pink House. While Anthony would have been actively bribing and dealing, she came down with a nasty case of Tuberculosis, and so embarked throughout the August to December period on a Presidential covered wagon train to the Great Plains, where it was hoped the fresher air would help her out.
By the time the National Assembly met in December, many of Anthony's southern allies abandoned her in favor of Mott. Barton's efforts netted her a solid support of the northern states and managed to bribe 5 of the 8 national assembly members from the Great Plains delegation to enable the vote-en-bloc to swing her way. However, it wasn't enough for Barton or Anthony. The loss of southern support was too much for the incumbent, who now had no path to win. Then the efforts came down in stopping Mott from garnering enough state delegations ( 13 minimum). While they were able to chat at length with Missouri, a nervous representative switched his vote from Barton to Mott, turning that delegation, previously 3 Mott, 3 Anthony 1Barton into 4 Mott and 3 Anthony, giving her the en-bloc votes of Missouri and the minimum of 13 needed to be elected President.
The Vice Presidential race was decided in the Senate. As it was the top three candidates, this meant that the corrupt pennies poured into Train and Stanton's campaign were wasted. The Senate's choices were Willard, Catt or Ruffin. There had been whispers of Anthony's poor health, spurred on by sensationalist stories about Anthony almost about to pass away, with some reporters even openly reporting on her "disappearance into the great plains". These rumors, as much as the senators at the time would have liked to dismiss, leaned heavily into their decision making for the Vice President. Willard was rejected owing to personal affairs regarding several senators, with her shutting down of several businesses owned by wealthy members of the political elite. Catt was too confrontational , stemming from her history as the former Investigative Secretary of Columbia, and wished to retain much distance between them and the numerous crimes the house of representatives was being squeezed into, which would paint the senate just as bad. So, at an eleventh hour, in a smoke filled room, the senators came to the reluctant concurrence on Josephine Ruffin. As the southern senators violently protested at an african-american being "just a heartbeat away" from the powerful presidency they were, for once, voted out by the rest of a tired senate, who simply wished to get to the business of the country.
And so, one of the most contentious, confusing and often times unforgettable elections in modern Columbian history came to a close.
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AHE
Gone Fishin'
Although the content is creative, I would suggest using Wikipedia sandbox for future graphics. The idea is quality, but is being held back by astheticsThe 1872 Columbian Presidential Election was held on July 19, 1872. Incumbent President Susan B. Anthony was defeated by Lucrecita Mott following a contentious electoral battle. The 1872 shares the distinction along with the 1950 Columbian Presidential election to be determined in the bicameral chambers of both the lower National Assembly and the upper Universal Congress, and is noted for the only result in which the President and Vice President came from different parties.
Incumbent President Susan B. Anthony enjoyed strong support among the poor farming communities of the deep south, though there was strong contention between herself and Vice President Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who disagreed as to the role that women ultimately played in Columbian society. The largest of these issues was the military draft proposal. The Anthony administration never gave too strong a leaning either in supporting the move or opposing it, instead attempting to focus on social issues such as the abolishment of child labor and the advancement of prohibition.
However, in their attempts to remain neutral on the issue of the draft, it enraged a very vocal group of women that came together under the Conservative Peace Alliance. They nominated the Former Collector of the Port of New York Lucreita Mott. To balance the ticket, the nominating committee selected Frances Willard, who agreed to the vice-presidential slot.
Famed civil war nurse, botanist and scientist Clara Barton was chosen unanimously by the female delegates to the Colombian Reconciliation Association, whose main complaints were a need to bolster civil-war era pensions for the female soldiers and their male spouses. They advocated a moderate racial policy where black women would be gradually integrated, and wished to continue the ongoing Self-Constructive Movement within the former states of the Daughter's Patriotic Federation, whose succession sparked the Second Columbian Civil War. In a bold move, Barton was persuaded by a more progressive wing of the CRA to the choice of african-american Josephine Ruffin. It was hoped that Ruffin's presence on the ticket would drive up votes in minority areas, though this proved to have a limited effect.
Finally, there was the rowdy and ill-tempered Pioneer Women of Colombia, derided as "nothing more than a bunch of restless illiterates", at least in private letters from President Anthony to a longtime friend. Following many scuffles, confusing votes and numerous riots within the PWC, they nominated the first man in the history of Columbia, George Francis Train, whose controversial racial views it was hoped, would draw away potential supporters within the South and Midwestern Columbia. The Party's coffers, already deep in the red, also had another, more desperate ploy that Train's rumored considerable financial fortunes would be enough to save the party from the intense threat of female mercenaries and debt collectors. While Train did promise to contribute "significantly", upon his death it was revealed that he only spent a fraction of his actual wealth to the PWC's coffers, instead taking the investment "fees" of the PWC and simply running off with it. In order to at least have some female representation on the ticket, Anthony, who was drunk during the closing hours of the convention, shouted out that Stanton would be "tolerable." While it had been laughed off as a joke, when Anthony sobered up, he seriously pursued either Stanton or thought to pick PWC chairman Charles Guiteau. Deciding to balance the ticket, he tentatively sent her a telegraph, and was even more surprised when she accepted his proposal.
During the general campaign, much to the detriment of Anthony, the Conservatives spoke again and again of the military draft, arguing that Anthony's silence on the issue was tantamount to numb acquiescence to violence and the glorification of war. However, the Conservatives were met with a stiff choice, speak out agaisnt the popular soldier's pensions that the CRA was bringing up constantly, or stay silent and risk the same attacks levied on Anthony onto Mott? They opted to pick a middle approach, applauding the sacrifice of the soldiers while condemning the millionaires, war profiteers and murderers in an attempt to appease that powerful voting group. The Conservatives soon recoiled at the loss of their more radical pacifist wing, who split off and formally agreed to endorse the rough and ready PWC.
By the time of the election, the results were unclear on the first few hours, but as states were called, it came to the realization that no-one garnered an outright majority. Mott managed to carry North Carolina, a traditionally solid CEF state, while the drunken efforts of the PWC saw just Ohio, Ross and Tubman vote for them. As the nation settled in for a contingent election, backroom deals were already being played out. Barton promised the Ohio delegation enough funds for those bridges they wanted across Lake Inferior. Mott, for her part, openly bribed the entire state delegation of Arkansas, telling them to deliver this to the North Carolinians and she would see to it that the Self-Constructive Movement was ended upon her inauguration into the Pink House. While Anthony would have been actively bribing and dealing, she came down with a nasty case of Tuberculosis, and so embarked throughout the August to December period on a Presidential covered wagon train to the Great Plains, where it was hoped the fresher air would help her out.
By the time the National Assembly met in December, many of Anthony's southern allies abandoned her in favor of Mott. Barton's efforts netted her a solid support of the northern states and managed to bribe 5 of the 8 national assembly members from the Great Plains delegation to enable the vote-en-bloc to swing her way. However, it wasn't enough for Barton or Anthony. The loss of southern support was too much for the incumbent, who now had no path to win. Then the efforts came down in stopping Mott from garnering enough state delegations ( 13 minimum). While they were able to chat at length with Missouri, a nervous representative switched his vote from Barton to Mott, turning that delegation, previously 3 Mott, 3 Anthony 1Barton into 4 Mott and 3 Barton, giving her the en-bloc votes of Missouri and the minimum of 13 needed to be elected President.
The Vice Presidential race was decided in the Senate. As it was the top three candidates, this meant that the corrupt pennies poured into Train and Stanton's campaign were wasted. The Senate's choices were Willard, Catt or Ruffin. There had been whispers of Anthony's poor health, spurred on by sensationalist stories about Anthony almost about to pass away, with some reporters even openly reporting on her "disappearance into the great plains". These rumors, as much as the senators at the time would have liked to dismiss, leaned heavily into their decision making for the Vice President. Willard was rejected owing to personal affairs regarding several senators, with her shutting down of several businesses owned by wealthy members of the political elite. Catt was too confrontational , stemming from her history as the former Investigative Secretary of Columbia, and wished to retain much distance between them and the numerous crimes the house of representatives was being squeezed into, which would paint the senate just as bad. So, at an eleventh hour, in a smoke filled room, the senators came to the reluctant concurrence on Josephine Ruffin. As the southern senators violently protested at an african-americans being vice president, they were, for once, voted out by the rest of a tired senate, who simply wished to get to the business of the country.
And so, one of the most contentious, confusing and often times unforgettable elections in modern Columbian history came to a close.
Thanks for that. I can only do so much in Paint, so I'll have to graduate to the sandbox. I mean I see what you mean with all the white space and the font colors, sometimes I forget to line them up properly. The general concept for the wikibox is solid, it's just that my overall execution of the wikibox is lackluster.
AHE
Gone Fishin'
Yeah pretty much. Don’t worry, Sandbox isn’t too difficult to get a hang of. Even if you run into issues (custom images/text) inspect element works wonders.
Also quick thing: for a custom hyperlink here’s the format [[actual link|link text]]
So ex: [[USA|Greater Liberian Empire]]. Just a example
Damn, perhaps the U.S. would ensure Cuba does not fall to communism.
World of the Continued United Front
* Second Sino-Japanese War
* Chinese Leaders, 20s and 30s
* Asia after the Second Sino-Japanese War, around 1940
* Sino-Soviet Relations, 1930s to 1950s
* United States Politics, to 1960
* Indochina and the Second Indochina War
* Indonesia, 1965 to 1989
* Chinese Politics, 1990s
* Russia, 1990s and 2000s
Chinese Politics, 1990s
The fall of the Soviet Union was a shock to the whole world. It was largely just assumed that the USSR would persevere for the indefinite future. But the mid 1980s saw a liberalization of the USSR that was followed by a total collapse of the Warsaw Pact and then a total collapse of the Soviet Union in the late 90s, as well as the collapse of most other Soviet aligned and independent communist states outside of the Chinese sphere. In Nanjing itself, a sense of pessimism and fear emerged - communist China never had an amazing relationship with the Soviets, with a capricious on-and-off-again relationship and sometimes quite significant policy disagreements, but the Chinese had hoped that things would eventually work themselves out in the USSR, and had taken comfort in knowing another major communist power existed, even when they were at odds. But now the USSR and it's sphere was gone. China retained a prospering and integrating Korea, and Indochina found itself increasingly falling into the Chinese sphere, but outside of those, only a handful of countries retained communist party rule
Though some outsiders predicted an anti communist revolution in China along the lines of what occured in the USSR and Warsaw Pact, however, the communist party retained strong and essentially unchallenged rule over China. The early years of communist rule in the 1930s saw grumbling within sections of the Party over the choice to emulate Lenin's NEP and take a gradualist approach to economic building rather than following the Stalinist rapid collectivization approach, but by the late 80s the Chinese economy was not only booming with growth (having become the largest economy in the world by some measures) but had seen substantial and robust socialist economic reforms. It was widely accepted among Chinese communists that the Party had successfully struck a balance economically in contrast to the USSR which had darted between a premature and chaotic collectivization, an ossified status quo built on faulty foundations, and a liberalization that saw yet more chaos and corruption. Politically too, the "iron fist, velvet glove" vanguardist approach by the Party in China was seen as far more successful than the USSR at securing civil liberties, allowing for public dissent, and allowing for a diversity of opinions within the party while maintaining party control and ensuring the party maintained a broad progressive socialist standpoint and having an element of democracy that was far more byzantine and party-controlled than the liberal capitalist democracies but nonetheless far more substantial than that seen in the USSR. Thus China was able to see steady social reforms that were largely only even considered in the USSR at the beginning and end of that country's existence, without risking either major conservative backlash or the rise of anti-communist liberalization.
Thus the 1994 Chinese elections occurred with little disruption to the system, and little attention outside the country
Factions in the Communist Party of China (and their makeup in the party prior to the 1994 elections)
The RSC has for the past couple decades essentially been the origin of the party's mainline doctrine and political direction, rejecting the personality-based ideologies of other Communists like the Leninists, Stalinists, Trotskyists, Gonzaloists, and so on, in favor of the bland "New Synthesis" title. The CFU concerns itself primarily with interests specifically regarding workers and the trade unions, but overall generally aligned with the RSC on broader politics. Likewise, the ACWF and NUSY focus respectively on women's liberation and the interests of students and children (with the CPC via the NUSY having the distinction of being at this time the only governing party in the world to have minors elected to office), but generally align with the RSC
After Trotsky fled to China, he took a low-key role in Chinese communist politics, with his politics having some informal influence among the Party leaders while being officially ignored for the purpose of diplomacy with the USSR. But now, decades after the deaths of Stalin and Trotsky, Trotskyists make up an official faction within the CPC, as the IWA, though the Trotskyist camp is split, with some within the CPC as the IWA, others organized outside the Party but friendly with it, and others not so friendly at all. The IWI currently openly advocates for Trotskyist politics in general, and is the most hawkish and interventionist of the factions
The CAF is unique among the factions in the sense that it lacks any leadership, collective or otherwise. The CAF represents the various anarchist strains of leftism, and tends to be quite divided amongst itself. Its division has perhaps led it to punch below its weight in influencing the party, though it has had some success in the establishment of communes and other policies
The RGF is a relative newcomer to the Chinese political sphere. China's industrialization saw a rapid economic development but also substantial environmental destruction, which led to the establishment of the Chinese environmentalist movement. The RGF is the political wing of this movement, representing eco-communism in the Party. It is also the most dovish of the factions, preferring foreign aid in the form of green developmentalism to communist and non communist third world nations
The CPFL and RDVL are somewhat oddballs within the Party. They are the only factions with individual leaders, and are generally the most conservative among the party. Their influence was once quite strong, in the early days of the Socialist Republic of China where the Party had to contend with a still-significant conservative movement, but the influence of these wings has steadily been on the decline as the Party cemented its control and won over hearts and minds. The CPFL now represents rural interests and an agrarian orientation of communism, as well as agricultural matters in general, and tends to be the only faction to take vaguely socially conservative stances. That faction also has a bit of a Luddite bent - the gradual collectivization of Chinese agriculture has been paired with mechanization, automation, and generic engineering, which have significantly lowered the demand for agricultural labor and helped spur Chinese urbanization, something the rural-oriented CPFL has disapproved of. The RVDL, on the other hand, tends to have a narrower interest in military matters, focusing on soldier's and veteran's issues as well as generally taking a hawkish stance on foreign policy and national defense that is generally rooted more in nationalistic sentiment than ideological concerns
Chart of Chinese political factions after the 1994 election (top to bottom on key = left to right on chart)
The 1994 Chinese election and 12th Party Congress saw a significant shift in Chinese politics, with the emergence of the Red-Green Front from a relatively minor faction to being the second largest in the Party and significantly larger than the previous second largest faction. Over the course of the last several years, there had been several highly politicized environmental incidents, as well as growing protests over pollution in major cities, to the point where the Party is had started enacting some substantial environmental policy even before the 1989 election. Furthermore, an emerging body of scientific evidence revealed that pollution wasn't just an issue for lung health and other individual issues, but also that emissions of carbon and other "greenhouse gasses" risked a future of climate change with potential for grave consequences. Chinese environmental activists and energy experts alike began to turn to nuclear power in particular, as an alternative to both coal's unhealthy smog and dangerous greenhouse gas emissions, and with an already existing and sizable Chinese nuclear power system to build off while other potential alternatives were researched and developed. And with the fall of the Soviet Union, China felt somewhat isolated on the world stage - the Party began to consider a change in foreign policy strategy, with the idea that increased green development aid to poorer countries ideologically aligned and otherwise could be an effective way to increase Chinese goodwill abroad, as well as build future payoff from increased climate security. Thus the 12th Congress would build and expand on prior green domestic programs and green foreign aid, a project that would be continued in following Congresses as well. Will it pay off, succeeding at fighting global poverty and alleviating the threat of climate change while expanding the influence of and approval for Chinese synthesis communism abroad? Only time will tell...
* Second Sino-Japanese War
* Chinese Leaders, 20s and 30s
* Asia after the Second Sino-Japanese War, around 1940
* Sino-Soviet Relations, 1930s to 1950s
* United States Politics, to 1960
* Indochina and the Second Indochina War
* Indonesia, 1965 to 1989
* Chinese Politics, 1990s
* Russia, 1990s and 2000s
Chinese Politics, 1990s
The fall of the Soviet Union was a shock to the whole world. It was largely just assumed that the USSR would persevere for the indefinite future. But the mid 1980s saw a liberalization of the USSR that was followed by a total collapse of the Warsaw Pact and then a total collapse of the Soviet Union in the late 90s, as well as the collapse of most other Soviet aligned and independent communist states outside of the Chinese sphere. In Nanjing itself, a sense of pessimism and fear emerged - communist China never had an amazing relationship with the Soviets, with a capricious on-and-off-again relationship and sometimes quite significant policy disagreements, but the Chinese had hoped that things would eventually work themselves out in the USSR, and had taken comfort in knowing another major communist power existed, even when they were at odds. But now the USSR and it's sphere was gone. China retained a prospering and integrating Korea, and Indochina found itself increasingly falling into the Chinese sphere, but outside of those, only a handful of countries retained communist party rule
Though some outsiders predicted an anti communist revolution in China along the lines of what occured in the USSR and Warsaw Pact, however, the communist party retained strong and essentially unchallenged rule over China. The early years of communist rule in the 1930s saw grumbling within sections of the Party over the choice to emulate Lenin's NEP and take a gradualist approach to economic building rather than following the Stalinist rapid collectivization approach, but by the late 80s the Chinese economy was not only booming with growth (having become the largest economy in the world by some measures) but had seen substantial and robust socialist economic reforms. It was widely accepted among Chinese communists that the Party had successfully struck a balance economically in contrast to the USSR which had darted between a premature and chaotic collectivization, an ossified status quo built on faulty foundations, and a liberalization that saw yet more chaos and corruption. Politically too, the "iron fist, velvet glove" vanguardist approach by the Party in China was seen as far more successful than the USSR at securing civil liberties, allowing for public dissent, and allowing for a diversity of opinions within the party while maintaining party control and ensuring the party maintained a broad progressive socialist standpoint and having an element of democracy that was far more byzantine and party-controlled than the liberal capitalist democracies but nonetheless far more substantial than that seen in the USSR. Thus China was able to see steady social reforms that were largely only even considered in the USSR at the beginning and end of that country's existence, without risking either major conservative backlash or the rise of anti-communist liberalization.
Thus the 1994 Chinese elections occurred with little disruption to the system, and little attention outside the country
Factions in the Communist Party of China (and their makeup in the party prior to the 1994 elections)
The RSC has for the past couple decades essentially been the origin of the party's mainline doctrine and political direction, rejecting the personality-based ideologies of other Communists like the Leninists, Stalinists, Trotskyists, Gonzaloists, and so on, in favor of the bland "New Synthesis" title. The CFU concerns itself primarily with interests specifically regarding workers and the trade unions, but overall generally aligned with the RSC on broader politics. Likewise, the ACWF and NUSY focus respectively on women's liberation and the interests of students and children (with the CPC via the NUSY having the distinction of being at this time the only governing party in the world to have minors elected to office), but generally align with the RSC
After Trotsky fled to China, he took a low-key role in Chinese communist politics, with his politics having some informal influence among the Party leaders while being officially ignored for the purpose of diplomacy with the USSR. But now, decades after the deaths of Stalin and Trotsky, Trotskyists make up an official faction within the CPC, as the IWA, though the Trotskyist camp is split, with some within the CPC as the IWA, others organized outside the Party but friendly with it, and others not so friendly at all. The IWI currently openly advocates for Trotskyist politics in general, and is the most hawkish and interventionist of the factions
The CAF is unique among the factions in the sense that it lacks any leadership, collective or otherwise. The CAF represents the various anarchist strains of leftism, and tends to be quite divided amongst itself. Its division has perhaps led it to punch below its weight in influencing the party, though it has had some success in the establishment of communes and other policies
The RGF is a relative newcomer to the Chinese political sphere. China's industrialization saw a rapid economic development but also substantial environmental destruction, which led to the establishment of the Chinese environmentalist movement. The RGF is the political wing of this movement, representing eco-communism in the Party. It is also the most dovish of the factions, preferring foreign aid in the form of green developmentalism to communist and non communist third world nations
The CPFL and RDVL are somewhat oddballs within the Party. They are the only factions with individual leaders, and are generally the most conservative among the party. Their influence was once quite strong, in the early days of the Socialist Republic of China where the Party had to contend with a still-significant conservative movement, but the influence of these wings has steadily been on the decline as the Party cemented its control and won over hearts and minds. The CPFL now represents rural interests and an agrarian orientation of communism, as well as agricultural matters in general, and tends to be the only faction to take vaguely socially conservative stances. That faction also has a bit of a Luddite bent - the gradual collectivization of Chinese agriculture has been paired with mechanization, automation, and generic engineering, which have significantly lowered the demand for agricultural labor and helped spur Chinese urbanization, something the rural-oriented CPFL has disapproved of. The RVDL, on the other hand, tends to have a narrower interest in military matters, focusing on soldier's and veteran's issues as well as generally taking a hawkish stance on foreign policy and national defense that is generally rooted more in nationalistic sentiment than ideological concerns
Chart of Chinese political factions after the 1994 election (top to bottom on key = left to right on chart)
The 1994 Chinese election and 12th Party Congress saw a significant shift in Chinese politics, with the emergence of the Red-Green Front from a relatively minor faction to being the second largest in the Party and significantly larger than the previous second largest faction. Over the course of the last several years, there had been several highly politicized environmental incidents, as well as growing protests over pollution in major cities, to the point where the Party is had started enacting some substantial environmental policy even before the 1989 election. Furthermore, an emerging body of scientific evidence revealed that pollution wasn't just an issue for lung health and other individual issues, but also that emissions of carbon and other "greenhouse gasses" risked a future of climate change with potential for grave consequences. Chinese environmental activists and energy experts alike began to turn to nuclear power in particular, as an alternative to both coal's unhealthy smog and dangerous greenhouse gas emissions, and with an already existing and sizable Chinese nuclear power system to build off while other potential alternatives were researched and developed. And with the fall of the Soviet Union, China felt somewhat isolated on the world stage - the Party began to consider a change in foreign policy strategy, with the idea that increased green development aid to poorer countries ideologically aligned and otherwise could be an effective way to increase Chinese goodwill abroad, as well as build future payoff from increased climate security. Thus the 12th Congress would build and expand on prior green domestic programs and green foreign aid, a project that would be continued in following Congresses as well. Will it pay off, succeeding at fighting global poverty and alleviating the threat of climate change while expanding the influence of and approval for Chinese synthesis communism abroad? Only time will tell...
Oh what'cha know? I was able to find what I was looking for. It looks like King of the Uzbeks was the one made the Zuko infobox I was looking for over on Thread IV a few years back. He also made a Avatar Korra infobox that I also took a liking too, as well.
Still great as always King of the Uzbeks!
- Status