Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes V (Do Not Post Current Politics Here)
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I Noticed that Michael sounds close to Mikihal, so one thing just lead to another and I came up with this. I'm not too sure what the POD would be to get both Dukakis and Romney as Presidents of the Soviet Union AND the United States. I'll just go with Romney and Dukakis were both born in the US, then Dukakis won as a dark horse candidate in the soviet elections against the growing unpopularity of Gorbachev.
I'll say Romney was the outsider candidate of a billionaire that's sort of akin to OTL's Prokhorov in 2012. The Presidential office has remained in the Soviet Union, with a common trend being noticed by foreign media on how american politicians tend to end up with ties to Russian politics.
It was just an idea that I've had floating around in my head for my amusement, nothing really else to go with background wise on either Dukakis or Romni.
I'll say Romney was the outsider candidate of a billionaire that's sort of akin to OTL's Prokhorov in 2012. The Presidential office has remained in the Soviet Union, with a common trend being noticed by foreign media on how american politicians tend to end up with ties to Russian politics.
It was just an idea that I've had floating around in my head for my amusement, nothing really else to go with background wise on either Dukakis or Romni.
Small backstory (I don't have much):
In 1990, with the fall of the Soviet Union there was talk about unification of West and East Germany. However, the rise of a radical, far-right Government in Russia caused them to disagree on terms of the unification, and the attempt ultimately failed, causing the government of West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl to collapse, replaced by Johannes Rau. After the 1995 Russian coup, the more moderate Russian government agreed to a referendum on the status of the three German countries in Europe which the allies still held legal powers over. Should all three agree to a union, then talks for a new German government would begin in Bern. As the time went on from the fall of the Berlin wall, debate over German Reunification spread between the three countries. In East Germany, fears of adopting a western-style economy rapidly were beginning to emerge, as the process in other former communist countries seemed to produce instability and shocks. In West Germany, there was a rising debate over the costs of modernising and subsidising East Germany would be. In East Austria, there was a strong sense of German unity, and the collapsed economy meant many were interested in joining a more prosperous state.
The election was close, but the desire to form a united German state won with 52.9% of the vote. East Austria voted overwhelmingly for union, 73.9% to 26.1%, while East Germany voted 51.2% to 48.7% for the union. West Germany voted 52.6% to 47.4% for the union. With all three countries agreeing to form a common state, the process of German Reunification began with talks in Bern in early 1997, and the new Federal Republic of Germany (with a new constitution) was proclaimed on 1 January 1999, ending 54 years of Germany being divided from the end of World War II.
I like it. But how could the GDR, with a 1990 (or late 1980s?) POD, regain Pomerania and as far as I can see even parts of West Prussia?
The POD is in the 1940s. Essentially, the USSR doesn't budge with Austria, so the allies make the BRD with West Germany + Allied Occupied Austria. I just kept the rest of the stuff mostly the same coz i'm lazy.
That brings a whole new meaning to the phrase "Obey the President."
Basically: for a story i'm writing, Kanye ends up as VP and then President under the banner of the "Patriotic Conservative Party" (formed following the collapse of the GOP, these guys are basically Tea Party/Trumpist Republicans whereas most moderates went to the Democratic Party, which became the "centrist" party after the successful establishment of the American Progressive Party) but his time in office is short lived; less than a year into his term as POTUS, he suffers a psychotic break owing to stress in his marriage with Kim (who is opposed to his support of the PCP), depression surrounding his mother's death, and a general inability to handle the Presidency. He's 25th'd out of office, but not before having made a lifelong rival out of Senator Cory Booker, his Democratic opponent in 2028. Some years later, given their mutual interest in criminal justice reform, Kim and Cory become close friends and later marry. As North West's stepfather, he encourages her to pursue a career in politics, which she does. She takes his last name in honor of their relationship, formally going by "N.W. Booker."
Also, it should be noted: by this point, the Presidency has been reformed in a few ways. For one, as you may notice, it is now held for one, nonrenewable six year term. Secondly, the office of the Presidency has lost much of its official executive power (which went to Congress). It now serves a kind of public watchdog purpose, being more ceremonial in nature than before. However, the President retains the right to give a State of the Union address before Congress wherein they may make policy suggestions. Third, the Vice Presidency is abolished; in the event of a Presidential vacancy occurring more than one year before the next regular election, a special election is held to fill it. And finally, all candidates for POTUS now run in a nonpartisan "jungle primary." Should a candidate fail to take 50% of the vote, a runoff election is held between the top 3 winners.
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A sequel to this post.
What came next was one of the most bizarre episodes in British political history. As disappointing the victory had been, it was still a victory, and Blair surprisingly went ahead with plans to greet crowds of cheering party supporters outside Downing Street, as though he had won the landslide he hoped for. The morning's election coverage was stocked with right-wing talking heads gratuitously gloating that he was (in the words of Micheal Portillo, the outgoing Defence Secretary) "compensating for something". The business of government, though certainly workable, was greatly impeded by Blair's reliance on a bloc of traditional leftist backbenchers who together held the balance of power between majority and minority government. It is believed that in the days immediately following the election, the prospect of a pact with the Liberal Democrats, SDLP, SNP or all three was mooted. Though a plethora of social and scattered economic reforms, such as those regarding consent and the minimum wage, did manage to pass, there were mixed results elsewhere. For example, though the legislation was passed for referenda in Scotland and Wales over the devolution of power, only Scotland voted for devolution, with Wales voting against by a margin of 5%. Meanwhile, the contentious House of Lords Bill of 1999, which would have replaced hereditary peers with appointed 'life' peers, was defeated thanks to coordinated opposition by Conservatives against reform full stop and elements in the Labour left who felt it did not go far enough. Moreover, public opinion turned against the bill and the government when rumours rose that the Bill was essentially a mechanism for Blair to stock the Lords with his allies and so subvert the voters that had failed to give him a stronger hand in the Commons. The only thing that truly kept the Government alive was a smooth economy, as unemployment fell, growth averaged 3%, the surplus was high, public services were in good shape and people felt happier. Blair's coup d'grace was undoubtedly his signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, finally ending the Troubles and bringing peace to Northern Ireland. The Millennium Celebrations of 2000 were also a moment of great national jubilation, despite the cancellation of the costly 'Dome' proposed for construction in North Greenwich to host them.
But storm clouds were on the horizon. As the rift between Blair and his infamously power-hungry Chancellor Gordon Brown grew, especially after the former began to eye the prospect of a referendum on British membership of the Euro, a new crisis erupted over rising fuel duties stemming from Labour policies to fight Climate Change. Petrol pumps were boycotted and refineries were blockaded: soon there were fuel shortages across Britain as panic-buying escalated. To make matters worse, a Foot-and-Mouth epidemic had started the previous year and though under control had intensified a siege mentality in much of the countryside. The Conservatives, having consistently held a lead in the polls since the failed House of Lords Bill, motioned and won a Vote of No Confidence in Blair's government, by 6 votes. Defecting Labour rebels and the incapacitation of certain Blairite loyalists to attend due to the fuel crisis were partially to blame, while a small minority of Labour MPs thought a new election could strengthen the government's hand by enabling them to directly make their case to the voters over fuel duties.
The Conservative Party had enjoyed its spell in opposition. Having won a plurality of the vote but a minority of the seats had given them some time to indulge in righteous indignation and spark a few small propaganda campaigns to delegitimise Blair's ministry, taking cue from how their Republican counterparts in America had tackled President Clinton. It was not entirely successful but helped close the polls between the Conservatives and Labour considerably (which, despite the election result, had maintained a Labour lead averaging 10% through all of 1997 and much of '98). The leadership election came after the summer recess of '97 and that year's surprisingly jubilant conference was the coronation for Micheal Portillo, former defence secretary and now head of the Party and leader of the opposition. Their spirited opposition to the House of Lords Bill was saved from accusations of antiquated elitism by the vocal involvement of the Labour left and the aforementioned accusations of political power-play on the part of Blair. Since then they had pulled ahead in the polls with steady leads of between 6 and 10%, and when the election rolled around in 2000, there were high expectations for a return to government. Shadow Home Secretary William Hague was recorded to have described it as a "cakewalk". There was much talk of Britain's "Natural Governing Party" re-taking their place at the top.
Such was not to be the case. The fact was that Micheal Portillo was far more unpopular than he, or anyone in the Conservative Party for that matter, had realised. His 'barnstorming' campaign speeches were interpreted as entirely out of touch with public opinion and polls began to show that many voters believed the Tories had intentionally blown up the Fuel Crisis for electoral gain. Some even thought that Conservative sabotage had stopped Labour MPs reaching the Vote of No Confidence. The Sun, which had been neutral in 1997, continued its ambivalent sitting on the fence, playing to rumours of both Labour and Conservative corruption. Labour were not doing much better, though Blair was consistently finding a better personal reception than Portillo. Scheming from circles surrounding Tony Benn to the Left and Gordon Brown as a fifth column inside New Labour greatly restricted his hand. What was expected to be a Tory walkover had soon collapsed into a genuine mystery. All the pundits could do was wait.
The British General Election of 2000
History has been kind to Tony Blair, but his Present Day was distinctly unkind. At the most desperate depths of John Major's Conservative government, Labour had been able to close in on 60% in the polls. When 1997 rolled around, almost everyone was expecting a Labour majority at least as strong as Harold Wilson's in 1964, probably as big as Attlee's in 1945 or quite possibly even bigger. Then the campaigns cranked into gear and somehow New Labour lost its shine. Perhaps it was the successful assertion of authority Major had achieved around the Maastricht Crisis that meant the eurosceptic wing of the Tories stuck far closer to the party line than it could have. The slogan "All style, no substance" encapsulated a surprisingly damaging line of attack to Blair which consolidated Conservative claims that Labour hadn't changed, and that its new veneer was outright identity theft of Conservative economic policy. And there were undoubtedly slip-ups on Team Red too, most notably when Blair made an unguarded comment that he wrongly thought was off the record, in praise of Thatcher's handling of the unions, that alienated a large chunk of Labour's core demographic (for a while). A slump in turnout must not be ignored too, as large numbers of voters felt they had no need to make their say in shaping the Labour victory they thought inevitable. And so, when polling day came, the Conservatives shockingly retained a plurality of the vote while the seat numbers essentially switched between the two main parties, with Labour holding a narrow majority with 341 seats and the Tories forming a strong opposition with 275.
What came next was one of the most bizarre episodes in British political history. As disappointing the victory had been, it was still a victory, and Blair surprisingly went ahead with plans to greet crowds of cheering party supporters outside Downing Street, as though he had won the landslide he hoped for. The morning's election coverage was stocked with right-wing talking heads gratuitously gloating that he was (in the words of Micheal Portillo, the outgoing Defence Secretary) "compensating for something". The business of government, though certainly workable, was greatly impeded by Blair's reliance on a bloc of traditional leftist backbenchers who together held the balance of power between majority and minority government. It is believed that in the days immediately following the election, the prospect of a pact with the Liberal Democrats, SDLP, SNP or all three was mooted. Though a plethora of social and scattered economic reforms, such as those regarding consent and the minimum wage, did manage to pass, there were mixed results elsewhere. For example, though the legislation was passed for referenda in Scotland and Wales over the devolution of power, only Scotland voted for devolution, with Wales voting against by a margin of 5%. Meanwhile, the contentious House of Lords Bill of 1999, which would have replaced hereditary peers with appointed 'life' peers, was defeated thanks to coordinated opposition by Conservatives against reform full stop and elements in the Labour left who felt it did not go far enough. Moreover, public opinion turned against the bill and the government when rumours rose that the Bill was essentially a mechanism for Blair to stock the Lords with his allies and so subvert the voters that had failed to give him a stronger hand in the Commons. The only thing that truly kept the Government alive was a smooth economy, as unemployment fell, growth averaged 3%, the surplus was high, public services were in good shape and people felt happier. Blair's coup d'grace was undoubtedly his signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, finally ending the Troubles and bringing peace to Northern Ireland. The Millennium Celebrations of 2000 were also a moment of great national jubilation, despite the cancellation of the costly 'Dome' proposed for construction in North Greenwich to host them.
But storm clouds were on the horizon. As the rift between Blair and his infamously power-hungry Chancellor Gordon Brown grew, especially after the former began to eye the prospect of a referendum on British membership of the Euro, a new crisis erupted over rising fuel duties stemming from Labour policies to fight Climate Change. Petrol pumps were boycotted and refineries were blockaded: soon there were fuel shortages across Britain as panic-buying escalated. To make matters worse, a Foot-and-Mouth epidemic had started the previous year and though under control had intensified a siege mentality in much of the countryside. The Conservatives, having consistently held a lead in the polls since the failed House of Lords Bill, motioned and won a Vote of No Confidence in Blair's government, by 6 votes. Defecting Labour rebels and the incapacitation of certain Blairite loyalists to attend due to the fuel crisis were partially to blame, while a small minority of Labour MPs thought a new election could strengthen the government's hand by enabling them to directly make their case to the voters over fuel duties.
The Conservative Party had enjoyed its spell in opposition. Having won a plurality of the vote but a minority of the seats had given them some time to indulge in righteous indignation and spark a few small propaganda campaigns to delegitimise Blair's ministry, taking cue from how their Republican counterparts in America had tackled President Clinton. It was not entirely successful but helped close the polls between the Conservatives and Labour considerably (which, despite the election result, had maintained a Labour lead averaging 10% through all of 1997 and much of '98). The leadership election came after the summer recess of '97 and that year's surprisingly jubilant conference was the coronation for Micheal Portillo, former defence secretary and now head of the Party and leader of the opposition. Their spirited opposition to the House of Lords Bill was saved from accusations of antiquated elitism by the vocal involvement of the Labour left and the aforementioned accusations of political power-play on the part of Blair. Since then they had pulled ahead in the polls with steady leads of between 6 and 10%, and when the election rolled around in 2000, there were high expectations for a return to government. Shadow Home Secretary William Hague was recorded to have described it as a "cakewalk". There was much talk of Britain's "Natural Governing Party" re-taking their place at the top.
Such was not to be the case. The fact was that Micheal Portillo was far more unpopular than he, or anyone in the Conservative Party for that matter, had realised. His 'barnstorming' campaign speeches were interpreted as entirely out of touch with public opinion and polls began to show that many voters believed the Tories had intentionally blown up the Fuel Crisis for electoral gain. Some even thought that Conservative sabotage had stopped Labour MPs reaching the Vote of No Confidence. The Sun, which had been neutral in 1997, continued its ambivalent sitting on the fence, playing to rumours of both Labour and Conservative corruption. Labour were not doing much better, though Blair was consistently finding a better personal reception than Portillo. Scheming from circles surrounding Tony Benn to the Left and Gordon Brown as a fifth column inside New Labour greatly restricted his hand. What was expected to be a Tory walkover had soon collapsed into a genuine mystery. All the pundits could do was wait.
On the 13th July, 2000, the nation went to the polls once again.
The result was...unexpected.
The result was...unexpected.
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Parliamentary US (pt umpteen/?)
Following the prolonged tenure of United Left in government - more than a decade - the 2040 elections swept the Republicans and Libertarians into control of the White House and both houses of Congress, led by Tom Cotton, as President, and MH Chris Sununu as Chancellor. The utter defeat of United Left spelled potential leadership challenges for the Democrats and Socialists; while no challenge materialized against MH Tulsi Gabbard (rumored to be because the Socialists performed better than expected on election day), Pete Buttigieg faced a leadership challenge by MHs Cedric Richmond and Katie Hill. Buttigieg ultimately eked out a small majority against Richmond and Hill - 52% compared to Richmond's 37% and Hill's 11%.
With the Republican-led coalition in control of the White House and Congress, Chancellor Sununu began implementing the coalition's agenda, starting with the privatization of VA hospitals and large portions of Amtrak (having been nationalized back in 2002 under Chancellor Clinton). Sununu's plan faced criticism by both United Left and Reform, the latter of which claimed that privatizing Amtrak was a facade to make money off of American infrastructure. While the Independent Group was usually silent on controversial matters (due to their history of sitting with the incumbent government), their Facilitator, Jesslyn Farrell, made a public statement denouncing certain aspects of the privatization deals. Given the Independent Group's status in the 113th Congress as kingmaker, Farrell's statement would eventually force Sununu to delay the privatization of Amtrak and renegotiate the VA deal.
The second strike in Sununu's government would be in September of 2042, when the Speaker, Dennis Bonnen, faced accusations of pay-for-play with lobbyists as well as misuse of office. While a House committee was formed to investigate the accusations, rumors abounded of a potential motion to declare the speakership vacant - a motion that, while the House was empowered to move, hadn't ever proceeded to the floor for a vote. While Sununu and other government ministers stated or implied support for Bonnen, it was again the Independent Group that drove a wedge with the government on the matter. The press widely reported on a closed-door meeting with Sununu, Austin Petersen (the Deputy Chancellor), Farrell, and David Holt (the Independent Group's Senate Leader). While the four never publicly stated what the meeting was about, a source from Blair House indicated that the meeting pertained to the Independent Group withdrawing support for the government if the Republican House Leader, Adam Laxalt, refused to let the speakership motion come before the House for a vote.
Not even a week later, Bonnen narrowly avoided defeat, winning the motion 377-373. The breakdown of the vote was noted on by the press as about half of the Independent Group voted against Bonnen. While the House committee would ultimately clear Bonnen of any ethical wrongdoing, his reputation was irreparably tarnished - he would later announced in 2044 that he would be retiring from politics and not run in that year's election.
The third and final strike would come in March of 2043, following several policy announcement by the government: the renegotiating the National Health & Medical Service's contracts with doctors and drug providers, a reduction in corporate tax rates, and a rollback on a number of financial regulations originally installed by the Newsom government following the 2026 recession. The proposals quickly proved unpopular with many Americans, especially the regulatory reduction; the day following the policy announcements, Buttigieg spoke in the House, decrying the measure, stating that the regulations would prevent another financial crisis, drawing parallels with the Huntsman and Gingrich governments, who both cut back on financial regulation during their respective tenures as Chancellor, only for a recession to befall the country within two years after said measures were revoked.
A week before the planned vote on the financial regulations (May 3), the Independent Group publicly stated on April 26 that they would refuse to vote for the bill, all but ensuring its defeat in the House. Following almost forty-eight hours of political disarray, the Independent Group announced that they would be revoking their supply and confidence deal with the government, moving a table of no confidence against Sununu and his government, and voting for Buttigieg to (again) become Chancellor.
The motion was brought before the House that day, and saw Sununu's government replaced by Buttigieg, 376-374. Buttigieg's victory was made possible by United Left negotiating a new supply and confidence deal with both the Independent Group and the left-wing anti-establishment Delta Party. While Delta's Leader, Sara Innamorato, had previously criticized Buttigieg in public, she would later say "any deal with the Democrats, and the whole of United Left, would be vastly more beneficial for the country than any policy proposal cooked by the Republicans and their lobbyist backers".
The new government quickly went to work, halting the approved VA and Amtrak privatization deals, completely stopping the NHMS contract renegotiation, and repealing the corporate tax decrease. Buttigieg's comeback was also conveniently timed, as Supreme Court Justice Merrick Garland died in May of 2043, which allowed Buttigieg to name Connie Green, age 57, of the DC Circuit to the Supreme Court. Leading up to the 2044 elections, Buttigieg also oversaw the implementation of a new carbon tax and a "green rebate" - a subsidy for vehicles partially or wholly powered via renewable energy - two campaign finance laws, and a bill to increase NHMS funding. Buttigieg also rolled back the US's peacekeeping operation in eastern Africa, an unpopular legacy of the Newsom government.
The 2044 elections would ultimately be a defeat for Buttigieg; the then-opposition - Republicans, Libertarians, Reform, and Constitution Parties - campaigned on the notion that Buttigieg had "stolen" control of the House from Sununu and the Republicans, with the Independent Group also receiving criticism by the opposition for flip-flopping of their support and "crowning a leftist government".
The Republicans led a sweep into power, with a majority not seen since the 2032 elections, while Cotton and Schock rode the coattails to a second term in the White House. Buttigieg would resign on election night after the results were announced, while Tulsi resigned as the Socialists' Leader following her victory in Hawaii's Senate race.
While relatively unpopular at the time, Buttigieg is ranked moderately high on many political scientists' list of chancellors for his actions during his first tenure (2035-2041), though the longevity of his popularity is perhaps through the political maneuvering with the Independent Group to regain the chancellorship, best remembered in the 2065 political drama 2043. Buttigieg is also the first LGBT+ Chancellor and the first and, as of 2070, the only person to serve non-consecutive terms as Chancellor and the most recent Chancellor belonging to the Democratic Party.
Following the prolonged tenure of United Left in government - more than a decade - the 2040 elections swept the Republicans and Libertarians into control of the White House and both houses of Congress, led by Tom Cotton, as President, and MH Chris Sununu as Chancellor. The utter defeat of United Left spelled potential leadership challenges for the Democrats and Socialists; while no challenge materialized against MH Tulsi Gabbard (rumored to be because the Socialists performed better than expected on election day), Pete Buttigieg faced a leadership challenge by MHs Cedric Richmond and Katie Hill. Buttigieg ultimately eked out a small majority against Richmond and Hill - 52% compared to Richmond's 37% and Hill's 11%.
With the Republican-led coalition in control of the White House and Congress, Chancellor Sununu began implementing the coalition's agenda, starting with the privatization of VA hospitals and large portions of Amtrak (having been nationalized back in 2002 under Chancellor Clinton). Sununu's plan faced criticism by both United Left and Reform, the latter of which claimed that privatizing Amtrak was a facade to make money off of American infrastructure. While the Independent Group was usually silent on controversial matters (due to their history of sitting with the incumbent government), their Facilitator, Jesslyn Farrell, made a public statement denouncing certain aspects of the privatization deals. Given the Independent Group's status in the 113th Congress as kingmaker, Farrell's statement would eventually force Sununu to delay the privatization of Amtrak and renegotiate the VA deal.
The second strike in Sununu's government would be in September of 2042, when the Speaker, Dennis Bonnen, faced accusations of pay-for-play with lobbyists as well as misuse of office. While a House committee was formed to investigate the accusations, rumors abounded of a potential motion to declare the speakership vacant - a motion that, while the House was empowered to move, hadn't ever proceeded to the floor for a vote. While Sununu and other government ministers stated or implied support for Bonnen, it was again the Independent Group that drove a wedge with the government on the matter. The press widely reported on a closed-door meeting with Sununu, Austin Petersen (the Deputy Chancellor), Farrell, and David Holt (the Independent Group's Senate Leader). While the four never publicly stated what the meeting was about, a source from Blair House indicated that the meeting pertained to the Independent Group withdrawing support for the government if the Republican House Leader, Adam Laxalt, refused to let the speakership motion come before the House for a vote.
Not even a week later, Bonnen narrowly avoided defeat, winning the motion 377-373. The breakdown of the vote was noted on by the press as about half of the Independent Group voted against Bonnen. While the House committee would ultimately clear Bonnen of any ethical wrongdoing, his reputation was irreparably tarnished - he would later announced in 2044 that he would be retiring from politics and not run in that year's election.
The third and final strike would come in March of 2043, following several policy announcement by the government: the renegotiating the National Health & Medical Service's contracts with doctors and drug providers, a reduction in corporate tax rates, and a rollback on a number of financial regulations originally installed by the Newsom government following the 2026 recession. The proposals quickly proved unpopular with many Americans, especially the regulatory reduction; the day following the policy announcements, Buttigieg spoke in the House, decrying the measure, stating that the regulations would prevent another financial crisis, drawing parallels with the Huntsman and Gingrich governments, who both cut back on financial regulation during their respective tenures as Chancellor, only for a recession to befall the country within two years after said measures were revoked.
A week before the planned vote on the financial regulations (May 3), the Independent Group publicly stated on April 26 that they would refuse to vote for the bill, all but ensuring its defeat in the House. Following almost forty-eight hours of political disarray, the Independent Group announced that they would be revoking their supply and confidence deal with the government, moving a table of no confidence against Sununu and his government, and voting for Buttigieg to (again) become Chancellor.
The motion was brought before the House that day, and saw Sununu's government replaced by Buttigieg, 376-374. Buttigieg's victory was made possible by United Left negotiating a new supply and confidence deal with both the Independent Group and the left-wing anti-establishment Delta Party. While Delta's Leader, Sara Innamorato, had previously criticized Buttigieg in public, she would later say "any deal with the Democrats, and the whole of United Left, would be vastly more beneficial for the country than any policy proposal cooked by the Republicans and their lobbyist backers".
The new government quickly went to work, halting the approved VA and Amtrak privatization deals, completely stopping the NHMS contract renegotiation, and repealing the corporate tax decrease. Buttigieg's comeback was also conveniently timed, as Supreme Court Justice Merrick Garland died in May of 2043, which allowed Buttigieg to name Connie Green, age 57, of the DC Circuit to the Supreme Court. Leading up to the 2044 elections, Buttigieg also oversaw the implementation of a new carbon tax and a "green rebate" - a subsidy for vehicles partially or wholly powered via renewable energy - two campaign finance laws, and a bill to increase NHMS funding. Buttigieg also rolled back the US's peacekeeping operation in eastern Africa, an unpopular legacy of the Newsom government.
The 2044 elections would ultimately be a defeat for Buttigieg; the then-opposition - Republicans, Libertarians, Reform, and Constitution Parties - campaigned on the notion that Buttigieg had "stolen" control of the House from Sununu and the Republicans, with the Independent Group also receiving criticism by the opposition for flip-flopping of their support and "crowning a leftist government".
The Republicans led a sweep into power, with a majority not seen since the 2032 elections, while Cotton and Schock rode the coattails to a second term in the White House. Buttigieg would resign on election night after the results were announced, while Tulsi resigned as the Socialists' Leader following her victory in Hawaii's Senate race.
While relatively unpopular at the time, Buttigieg is ranked moderately high on many political scientists' list of chancellors for his actions during his first tenure (2035-2041), though the longevity of his popularity is perhaps through the political maneuvering with the Independent Group to regain the chancellorship, best remembered in the 2065 political drama 2043. Buttigieg is also the first LGBT+ Chancellor and the first and, as of 2070, the only person to serve non-consecutive terms as Chancellor and the most recent Chancellor belonging to the Democratic Party.
ITTL Libertarians are more right-wing then OTL and are less deficit hawkish, while Reform are more single-issue, hellbent on being vaguely anti-establishment (term limits, electoral reform, campaign finance, anti-lobbying, anti-pork, etc), and very hawkish with the budget in general; disaffected Republicans and Libertarians might vote Reform as a protest vote to check the Reps and Libs without handing the House to United Left, historically being a pressure group on the Republicans, Libertarians, and (later) Constitution Parties. Paul capitalized on the anti-establishment feel to win election to the House in 2008 and to the Senate in 2014.
As some background, Reform didn't support the Republicans & Libertarians in government until 1997 and weren't formal members of a government until 2021, and their abstention in a no confidence vote against John Huntsman in 2026 led to his downfall as Chancellor (after revelations of tax evasion by Huntsman).
They overlap on ~3/4 of policy, though, and the overlap is intended
TheNixonator
Donor
After the impeachment 1975 due to multiple scandals, Carl Albert would be sworn in as the new president (McGovern had resigned two months before the Wallace impeachment).
In 1976 a fresh face in the Republican run for nomination: Ronald Reagan, the former actor and governor of California. would be the nominee in the election.
James E. Webb would try to get the Democratic nomination but would fail (but would get a faithless elector in North Carolina).
In the actual election, Reagan would win.
My other posts from the Dewey-verse:
1956 and 1960 presidential election
1964 presidential election
1972 presidential election
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