Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes V (Do Not Post Current Politics Here)

Status
Not open for further replies.
From @Komodo and @Techdread's Time for Decision:

The 1974 European Parliament elections were the first European elections that would allow the electorates of the nine member states, also making it the first-ever international election in history. Whilst direct elections to the European Parliament had been legislated under the Treaty of Rome (1957), it would take external pressure from President of the European Commission Patrick Hillery, national leaders (notably British prime minister Roy Jenkins), and threatened legal action from the then-appointed European Parliament to provoke the EEC Council to holding elections sooner rather than later.

Although pressure had been applied to force the long-awaited elections, there was little appetite for them amongst the populations of the member states themselves. A general apathy amongst the electorates would make much the campaign little more than referendums on the incumbent governments and seemed to serve as indicators of how the next national election would fare within each nation.

With a breadth of half a continent, the organisation of multiple political parties into united organisations was no easy task. Already within the European Parliament, the appointed MEPs sat in groupings that were often broad churches: the European left was largely united into the Socialist Group, with the exception of the far-left in the Communists and Allies, the Liberal and Democrats Group was equally cohesive, whilst the right was split between the pro-European Christian Democratic Group, the French-dominated European Progressive Democrats, and the new but wary members in the European Conservatives.

Despite the long-awaited decision to hold direct elections to the Parliament, there was no united decision over the method of voting across the member states; whilst most would use forms of proportional representation, the United Kingdom used plurality voting as it did in its own national elections. As could be expected from a largely PR-based voting system, no majority was produced from the election, but it was a clear victory for the Socialist Group as they took almost a third of the popular vote across the EEC and held 130 of the 410 seats in the European Parliament. Relying upon the support of the Liberal Group and the Communists and Allies, the European Parliament had a distinctly left-of-centre view during the 1970s.

The Liberal Group saw its candidate, French Reforming Movement MEP René Monory, elected as European Parliament President with support from the Socialists in a mutual deal over the appointment of the European Commission President that would take place in 1977. The European Parliament President, whilst important within the EEC, is primarily the role of a speaker within the parliament, whilst the President of the European Commission functioned as ‘prime minister of Europe’. Former German vice chancellor Willy Brandt appointment as European Commission President in 1977 oversaw closer economic integration of the EEC, an opening of relations with the Eastern Bloc, and greater international standing following Brandt’s invitation to attend the 1977 G8 Summit.​

2a0kAu2.png

In the UK, the results were a sign of changing times. Despite being taken into the European Community by Labour under Harold Wilson, a policy that was carefully managed by Roy Jenkins as Foreign Secretary at the time, the country was already undergoing a shift. Just as in other countries, the informal referendum of the government through the ballot box to Brussels had shown that Britons were tired of Labour. Keith Joseph’s Conservatives should have been secure in achieving a clear majority of the seats and votes, but the results showed a dead-hear between the two dominant parties with a strong performance from Jeremy Thorpe’s Liberals; had the results been replicated into a general election, it would have produced a hung parliament with a strong Liberal presence as kingmaker.

However, whilst the result may have attracted the attention of politicians and the press, there was little enthusiasm among the public; the turnout amongst the UK population for the 1974 European election was under a third of the electorate and apathy was still strong through the nation. It may have been a warning cry for the Jenkins government, but it also served as a warning for the Tories that they could not rely solely on voter apathy to win the next election. It also served as the watermark for Thorpe’s time as Liberal Party leader; expectations of an equally strong performance in the general election were dashed and it wasn’t long afterwards that Thorpe himself fell from grace in the Thorpe Affair.

The British involvement in Europe was still uncertain; reluctance and hostility remained strong throughout Westminster with MPs on both sides calling for a British departure from the EEC. Only the Liberal Party was seemingly united on British membership and those voices of disagreement with their party’s leaderships were growing strong. Uncertainty and political experimentation were becoming synonymous for British politics in the 1970s. The 1975 general election compounded these.​

vmGKxcV.png
 
1964.jpg

Harold Stassen was surprised when Dewey decided to support the rather conservative "Tricky Dick" instead of his vice president for the Republican presidential nominee.
Nixon would when the nomination with the liberal Republican Nelson Rockefeller as his running mate.
On the Democratic side, the almost exact opposite was happening:
The liberal Kennedy chose the conservative southern democrat, George Wallace.

JFK would later regret making that decision due to them arguing on how to solve the problems in the U.S. (Mainly civil rights)
Though Nixon would get right along with Rockefeller.
Many African-Americans would support Nixon due to his predecessor passing the Civil Rights Act.

On election night, to the delight of all Republicans (conservatives, moderates, and liberals alike), Nixon would be announced the next President of the United States.
 

LeinadB93

Monthly Donor
A shameless plug for Hail, Britannia.

Credit to the amazing Vexillology Wiki for flag designs and inspiration (mainly Alberta's which is just so gorgeous I had to nick it!).

rd293tC.png

Canada is subdivided into eight provinces and three territories which are the sub-national governments within the geographical area of Canada. In 1867, the colonial provinces of Upper and Lower Canada were united to a form the federated dominion, and over its history Canada's borders have expanded from the original two provinces to the current eight provinces and three territories which together make up the Empire's largest country by area. Several of the provinces were former British colonies, and Quebec and Alaska were originally French and Russian colonies respectively, while others were added from territories ceded to Canada by the imperial government.

Ontario and Quebec were the original provinces which united to form the Dominion of Canada on 1 July 1867. The large continental territories of Rupert's Land and the North-Western Territory were transferred to Canada from the Hudson's Bay Company and reorganised into the province of Manitoba and the Northwest Territories, which at the time was a vast area encompassing all of northern and western Canada. In 1872 the crown colony of Alaska was incorporated into Canada, in 1880 the British Arctic Islands were added, and in 1884 the province of Hudson was created out of the land dispute between Manitoba and Ontario. In 1898 Ungava was separated from the Northwest Territories as a new territory and in 1905 the provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan were created from part of the Northwest Territories. In 1912 the province of Athabasca was created, and the northern boundary of Manitoba was expanded northward to the 60° parallel. In 1999, Nunavut was separated, reducing the Northwest Territories to their modern size.

The major difference between a Canadian province and a territory is that provinces receive their power and authority from the Canadian Dominion Act, 1867, whereas territorial governments have powers delegated to them by the Parliament of Canada. The powers flowing from the Constitution are divided between the Government of Canada (the federal government) and the provincial governments to exercise exclusively. A change to the division of powers between the federal government and the provinces requires a constitutional amendment, whereas a similar change affecting the territories can be performed unilaterally by the Parliament of Canada or government. Theoretically, provinces have a great deal of power relative to the federal government, with jurisdiction over many public goods such as health care, education, welfare, and intra-provincial transportation. Like subdivisions in other federal dominions, they receive "transfer payments" from the federal government to pay for these, as well as exacting their own taxes.

Canada is one of the most linguistically and politically diverse dominions, with English, French and Russian all having official status at the federal level. Midwest dialects of German are also spoken across parts of Alberta and Saskatchewan, and both provinces recognise German as an official language. Aboriginal, First Nation and Inuit languages are also spoken in Northern Canada, particularly Nunavut, Ungava, Athabasca and the Northwest Territories. French is the most widely spoken minority language in Canada, being an official language in Quebec, Manitoba (25%), Hudson (34%) and all three territories. Two of Canada's provinces, Quebec and Alaska, are viceregal palatinates styled as "principalities", with hereditary viceroys with the title of "prince", and both provinces are home to significant nationalist movements.

sPgXMfP.png

1UeNRf4.png

e73nWlR.png
 
Last edited:
Last Stand 3.png

The last major battle of the "Columbian Revolt" (later would be known as the American Revolutionary War)
This was one of the only battles where the Patriot generals actually fought alongside the troops. Due to this almost all of them died except the ones who were lucky enough to be given the option of surrender.
The first one to die was Washington,
then Jefferson,
Henry Knox,
Baron von Steuben,
Casimir Pulaski (but not before he killed Lord Cornwallis),
and Joseph Warren.
George Mathews would lead the last defense of the town hall, but the building would be blown to smithereens because of cannon fire.

After the battle, the Patriots' morale dropped as far as possible. This would lead to massive surrenders all over North America.

This would not be the end of the colonists who yearned to be free:
To be continued...
 
Last edited:
View attachment 457601
The last major battle of the "Columbian Revolt"
This was one of the only battles where the Patriot generals actually fought alongside the troops. Due to this almost all of them died except the ones who were lucky enough to be given the option of surrender.
The first one to die was Washington,
then Jefferson,
Henry Knox,
Baron von Steuben,
Casimir Pulaski (but not before he killed Lord Cornwallis),
and Joseph Warren.
George Mathews would lead the last defense of the town hall, but the building would be blown to smithereens because of cannon fire.

After the battle, the Patriots' morale dropped as far as possible. This would lead to massive surrenders all over North America.

This would not be the end of the colonists who yearned to be free:
To be continued...
"Delaware county, Pennsylvania, United States" h m m
 

I mean it's interesting, but it seems rather implausible. The vast majority of the men you have listed as being commanders in the battle, weren't at the battle (Matthews, Knox, Lincoln, Warren, Steuben, etc.) Jefferson, for example, was busy politicking in Virginia and drafting a state constitution, not actually fighting in the war.

Is the point here just to get a bunch of people killed? Eager to see the continuation to get a better idea of what you have working here :)
 
The 2005 Conservative leadership election was always going to be a dramatic affair. After three successive election defeats, a comprehensive debate was needed on the way forward. After party 'big beasts' such as Kenneth Clarke, Theresa May, Michael Ancram and Liam Fox declined to put their names forwards to replace Michael Howard, it looked set to a close contest between the Shadow Home Secretary David Davis (representing the Eurosceptic right) and the Shadow Chancellor Oliver Letwin (representing the modernising, small-l liberal wing). Ann Widdecombe, having been a backbencher since 2001, was thought to be a no-hoper who was only standing to make a few socially conservative noises, and David Cameron, the recently appointed Shadow Education Secretary, was seen as a star of the next generation and perhaps the next-leader-but-one.

The campaign itself unfolded quite differently to expectations. Both Letwin (who had only narrowly survived demotion in Howard's immediate post-general election reshuffle) and Davis came across as stiff and awkward in front of the television cameras, whereas Widdecombe and Cameron seemed at ease. By the time of the first MPs' ballot, it was clear that support that drained from the two 'frontrunners', but the extent to which it had came as a surprise. The two candidates who had been expected to be placed before the party membership each had dire showings, with Letwin being eliminated. Davis briefly considered his position in the race, and soon announced his withdrawal. He did not explicitly endorse either of the remaining candidates, but called on members to "vote with their conscience".

In the membership campaign, Cameron was initially favoured. General public polls showed that, while Widdecombe had some level of popularity, Cameron was more likely to win sufficient support to make the Conservative Party competitive at a general election. There was also concern as to the level of Widdecombe's support amongst the parliamentary party. However, the televised debates proved to be younger candidate's undoing. Widdecombe's quip that "the membership doesn't want a Tony Blair Junior" dominated the national headlines, and she soon won over support for the majority of the right-wing press. On the eve of the announcement, a YouGov poll had Widdecombe ahead by 51-49, which turned out to be quite accurate. The man who had once been described as having "something of the night about him" would be succeeded by the very individual who had uttered those words.

2005ToryElection.jpg


The following two years were turbulent for the Conservative Party.

In the post-leadership election reshuffle, both Cameron and Letwin returned to the backbenches, stating their unwillingness to serve in a Widdecombe shadow cabinet. Some moderates were heartened by the return of Kenneth Clarke (who Widdecombe had backed in his previous leadership bids) to the frontbench, giving him the Health portfolio. David Davis was 'moved sideways' to Shadow Chancellor and former leaders Iain Duncan Smith and William Hague were made Shadow Defence Secretary and Shadow Foreign Secretary, respectively. The key (to Widdecombe at least) post of Shadow Home Secretary went to the veteran of the party's staunch right Bill Cash, which was by far the most contentious of the appointments. Theresa May was given Cameron's previous role of Shadow Education (which she herself had previously held), while George Osborne (a Cameron ally who Michael Howard had briefly considered replacing Letwin with in the aftermath of the general election) surprisingly and quietly remained on the frontbench, continuing as Shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury.

By mid-2006, the Labour government was increasingly seen as tired, but the Conservatives seemed unable to properly capitalise. Divisions were evident, with shadow ministers often seeming to contradict the leadership's line on matters of social policy and law-and-order. Underwhelming local election results came in May 2006, with Labour losing hundreds but the Conservatives remaining more or less still, with the Liberal Democrats (despite not having an inspiring leadership themselves) making headway into middle-class Tory strongholds in the South of England.

The long-awaited Gordon Brown succession arrived in the summer of 2007, by which time the Conservatives remained around five points adrift of Labour in the opinion polls. It was to get worse. The public initially had some time for Widdecombe - her outspokenness and seeming authenticity marked a fresh change from the previous few years. However, Gordon Brown's 'dullness' proved to be an asset, at least at first, and Widdecombe was coming to be seen as incompetent and buffoonish, a situation not helped by divisions in her party, including the widespread media reporting of bigotry on the part of certain rank-and-file members. In September, polling had Labour fifteen to twenty points ahead, and rumours were circulating of an imminent vote of confidence in Widdecombe.

Brown, however, beat them to it. On the morning of Tuesday, 18th of September, the BBC cut into their programming schedules to display the political editor, Nick Robinson, in front of 10 Downing Street. "Good morning, I am told that the Prime Minister is to request that Her Majesty dissolve Parliament for a general election on the 26th of October."

The election announcement meant the cancellation of the party conference season. Tory moderates were fuming, having been, by their calculations, just three letters away from triggering a confidence vote in Widdecombe (which they expected to win by a narrow margin). On last day of September, an ICM poll had Labour on 51%, with the Conservatives lagging on just 26%. This turned out to be Gordon Brown's highpoint.

Brown suddenly folded as he was put under the scrutiny of an election campaign, whereas Widdecombe's colourness seemed to work well. The most memorable moment came in Rochdale just days before the election. Brown, having just had a conversation with a lifelong Labour voter, forgot to remove his microphone as he re-entered his car, and was overheard as calling the voter a 'bigoted woman'. The Liberal Democrats failed to make their previously common campaign proper breakthrough (Ming Campbell was lacklustre in front of the media), and it appeared to be a two-party contest.

Labour's lead dwindled back to where it had been at the start of the Brown premiership - around five points - but this would still be sufficient to give Labour a clear overall majority, perhaps a slightly increased one if the marginals were spooked by Widdecombe. As long as Labour's majority remained roughly in the 2005 ball park ("no lower than 50, say" said one advisor) then his authority would be returned.

At 9:59PM on election night, David Dimbleby did his usual build-up to the exit poll. "And, firstly, to our exit poll, which I cannot reveal until the precise moment Big Ben strikes ten."

Gong...Gong...Gong...

*A smiling Gordon Brown appears on the big screen*

"And what we are saying is that Labour are the largest party. Note they don't have an overall majority at this stage..."

2007snapelection.jpg
 
Status
Not open for further replies.
Top