Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes V (Do Not Post Current Politics Here)

Hey I'm Erin. I've been making alternate history garbage for a couple years but I've mostly been on reddit and deviantart until now. Here's my new thing if anyone cares to check it out:

Looney Toons Mayoral Election, 1930
Few People have had such an impact on american politics, and even fewer animals on american politics. The political titans and duo of Tom the Cat, Jerry the Mouse? Well they both had to start somewhere, in the small mayoral administrative position of Looney Towns. Tom the Cat decided to attempt his luck at not only improving on the fourteen seat short of a majority that the Federalist-Republicans had in such a minute neighborhood village backwater but also in winning a second 1 year term as the Mayor. If there would be little in the way of hitches,it would be a simple process of gathering enough votes to win the election, as some elections were.

However, on April 1st, a mere four months after his announcement as a candidate for re-election, The Whig-Democrats hoisted up Jerry the Mouse, a relatively unknown political figure that had next to no ties with the frequently corrupt and incompetent Yosemite Sam mayoral administration. While there had been roadblocks with the second largest political party within the government chambers being Union-Independence, a handful that not so subtle threats of their loss of life with a bribe included for good measure to see the legislation of Tom the Cat fall into a sandpit. It became increasingly harder and harder to brute force anything through via a simple 28 vote majority and forced him to desperately play into Jerry's plot of seizing back power.

Speaking of Yosemite Sam, who had been out of power since 1929 thanks to an upset loss, with him having never come close to loosing thanks until then with the help of corrupt party bosses belonging on the Union-Independence Party's payroll. However, these party bosses decided to instead buck Sam once, seeing a new mayoral administration in 1929 preferable to an unstable status quo that might get their business friendly attitudes ousted thanks to the same type of radical populism that wolfs had been spreading in other cities. There had been an uncertainty pressuring up within the party elite that Sam may lose if they backed him or split the vote badly enough with enough support that the socialists would sweep the political power, fearful of what had occurred in a bloody union strike in neighboring Disneyland, with mickey mouse becoming a revolutionary and executing the hundreds of years old Pete Dynasty.

Also Included into the mix was the fiery populist rhetoric of Wile E. Coyote, a local that sought to come to power on a message of hope and anti-roadrunner sentiment that he would hopefully carry to a barely squeaky plurality of the vote, campaigning in several representative areas that saw his support blossom.

With all of the stage characters properly introduced, the curtain raised and campaign commenced, with Sam' campaign being heavily hammered by corrupt charge after corrupt charge that forced him on the back foot and him to reply with his own falsified smears on the incumbent administration.

There has been some debate among historians over whether or not Yosemite Sam should have replied with insults and propaganda directed against Tom the Cat, instead preferring a slam against the mouse that might have altered enough votes for Tom's re-election bid to pay off with a tiny sliver of a plurality of votes. Polls before the election, however, have pointed to lagging support for the incumbent, which resulted in the tiny challenger able to make up the difference in margin to ultimately overtake him come election day.

However, it was not all bad news for Tom, with the Federalist-Republicans able to pick up 7 seats from the Union-Independence Party, along with 4 pickups that proved the populist rhetoric of Wile E. Coyote to be effective right after a great depression. The Ultimate consequence for a mayoral election in 1930 was the springing board for grander political positions within the united states and opportunities for advancement in both New York and Rhode Island public offices awaiting them.

New York Gubernatorial Election, 1936
"I Can't Believe I lost to a talking cat. It's not much better to say I won my governorship back from a talking cat." - Excerpt taken from FDR's 1939 gubernatorial inauguration speech remarks by the New York Times.

Upon his loss of the position of mayor, Tom the Cat decided to hitch a ride to New York where he would stay there ,getting involved in local Federal-Republican politics and impressing the political party elites and the masses with his passionate speeches about conservatism and readily acceptance of a new deal of sorts. He would say there were little in the way of problems with the Roosevelt's Novel Offer, but worried about several funding issues and repeated a wave of populism that was intended to neuter suspected socialists and left wing groups into funding his campaign and preventing any third party walkouts.

On this front he proved to be successful while also being jovial to appearances on the trail, giving speech after speech from his trains as he would criss cross the state. FDR proved not to be slothful either, giving speeches standing up and fully sharing with the world his polio disease, attempting to gather sympathy. This ended up with some concerns about the man's health, with him being Governor since 1928 and seeming to be entrenched within the Washington elite.

Tom the Cat would hammer him on his alleged out of touch-ness with voters, promising them change and diversity. He kept vagueness on this alleged "change and diversity" that brought hope and optimism to many a new yorker, with campaigns in the country seeing high turnouts in several counties for the first time in a while. There also was the tiny added benefit of campaign dollars flooding in from Tammany Hall on behalf of the Tom Campaign, a fact not broken until after the cat was out of the governor's mansion. Come November 3rd, Tom the Cat won by a relatively comfortable 18 point lead compared to the democrat-whig, being sworn in a few months later as the state's first feline that held the office of governor.

Rhode Island Gubernatorial Election, 1940
"I Lost to a Mouse? What in the world is going on?"
-William H. Vanderbilt III, shortly before making his concession call to Jerry the Mouse.

The New York gubernatorial race seemed to smell change in the air, which was quickly snuffed out by the recapturing of the governor's mansion by the Whig-Democrats two years later. During this time, the smallest state in the union also had the smallest ever political office holder until atoms got the right to vote and run for particle office in 1968.

Another political dynasty, this one of the Vanderbilt railroad tycoons and monopolizers of days gone by, attempted for their governor golden boy to win another term in Rhode Island. Jerry the Mouse soon whipped the exhausted and confused over their 1938 loss Whig-Democrats into a political party without as much debt before and a more clear message to voters.

They played on the success of Vanderbilt, being blunted by their charitable donations which would backfire on the Jerry Campaign. They then attempted to win the heartstrings by painting Vanderbilt as a monster, which had limited effect outside of shocking a few younger children thanks to the radio ads the Jerry Campaign played. They then decided to try and paint Jerry as a hero, akin to a biblical David v. Goliath message that showed the Whig-Democrats fighting for the every-man, which seemed to stick more and more with each poll taken.

While Jerry kept his economic policies of fixing the state vague, he proudly exclaimed his support for interventionist policies, vowing to "fund the Rhode island national guard himself" with support from a bipartisanship filled and agreeable Vanderbilt. The last message of defense of the state seemed to stick with fears of Eustace Bagge's forces running a muck throughout Europe and Satanistania, which resulted in a spike in poll numbers and a November Surprise of 68% to 31% in favor of the mouse.

Also Included into the mix was the fiery populist rhetoric of Wile E. Coyote, a local that sought to come to power on a message of hope and anti-roadrunner sentiment that he would hopefully carry to a barely squeaky plurality of the vote, campaigning in several representative areas that saw his support blossom.
>Wile E. Coyote

...Yeah, that's pretty unlikely, given his exceptional loyalty to a massive mail-order corporation.
>Wile E. Coyote

...Yeah, that's pretty unlikely, given his exceptional loyalty to a massive mail-order corporation.
On the contrary; Acme products continually fail to perform as advertised, and in fact the shoddiness of said products has resulted in considerable pain and suffering for Wile E., not to mention allowing the Roadrunner to escape. And yet he continues to buy from them, because what else is he going to do, who else is going to sell weapons to a coyote living in the desert? So there's your reasons for his being a socialist.

OTOH, on those occasions he speaks, he does so in a fancified, distinctly upper-class manner, so one could perhaps make an argument against his being a socialist from that.

Also, fun fact; in one issue of Grant Morrison's Animal Man, an expy of Wile E. becomes something of a Jesus figure.
Last edited:
OTOH, on those occasions he speaks, he does so in a fancified, distinctly upper-class manner, so one could perhaps make an argument against his being a socialist from that.
It has been suggested that Wile E. is either an employee of ACME, specifically a beta tester (Looney Tunes: Back in Action) or has an unlimited ACME credit card account stashed somewhere (Tiny Toons Adventures). Either way, it appears that Wile E. works for ACME - and it's not like he ever really showed signs of abandoning the corporation that his plans depend on.

So far I am convinced that the talking Wile E. Coyote is a pro-business Republican.
Last edited:
Quebec politics, as crazy and foreign they might seem to the rest of the country, were fairly predictable when you actually calmed down and looked at it. The Liberals would get the support of federalists, the Parti Quebecois would get the support of Sovereigntists, and one of them would form government. A two-party system as rigid and firm as any other of their neighbouring provinces. But the 2007 general election changed that. Quebecers had grown tired of their relationship with the Liberals and the PQ, and like any strained relationship they opted to experiment a little, electing a minority Action Democratique du Quebec government. The first openly centre-right since the days of the Union Nationale, pundits and observers with little understanding of Quebec dubbed it the end of separatism, and an embracing of the normal left-right political climate in the rest of the country. Less than a year later, after countless missteps, these predictions were tossed in the garbage, along with the political careers of most ADQ MNAs. Under Benoit Pelletier, the Liberals were back in power, with yet another majority. Their coalition of federalists, soft conservatives, and Anglophones had returned to them. Making matters even better for the new government was that their opposition found themselves left in a power vacuum.

Despite increasing her party’s share of the vote and standing in the National Assembly, it was made clear to Parti Quebecois leader Pauline Marois that unless she won the election, she was out. Never truly liked by voters, never really respected by her colleagues, Marois confided in her aides that it was a relief to be rid of the party as she raced towards the private sector. As for Mario Dumont, no one seriously believed that the one-time lone crusader would opt to remain in provincial politics after tasting real power. So off he went too, pledging to remain in his post as an MNA until the next election. No one believed that either. Like any leader after a landslide victory, Pelletier found himself without challenger nor challenge. An opposition in disarray meant the opportunity to let loose a little. But, as columnist Chantel Hebert warned, such circumstances could give way to arrogance and complacency.

For the ADQ, the last thing any of their members or remaining MNA’s felt was arrogance or complacency. Dumont was gone, the party was in shambles, and it appeared that the party was set to join the Union Nationale in the dustbin of history. But while some saw a party in rigor mortis, others saw an opportunity. Conservative MP Maxime Bernier had, like many passionate ideologues, grown increasingly uncomfortable in Jim Dinning’s party. Excluded from major cabinet positions, his policy ideas rejected, and reportedly feeling isolated in the Quebec Tory caucus, Bernier more than welcomed the overtures by ADQ members for him to take over the leadership of the dying party. If he wasn’t wanted in the Conservative Party, Bernier would go where his talents were appreciated, and where he would have to answer to no one.

But Bernier wasn't the only politician sensing an opportunity. A young veteran of the PQ and sovereigntist movement, Andre Boisclair had been first elected in the 1989 election when he was only twenty-three years old. Going on to serve in the cabinets of Parizeau and Landry, Boisclair became a frequent behind-the-scenes critic of Marois and her team, routinely telling friends and supporters that the moment the leadership opened up, he'd take a shot at the top job. More emphasis on education and economics as the means of achieving sovereignty, as less reliance on unions and the Bloc Quebecois. It was a bold strategy, especially when Gilles Duceppe occupied the office of the Leader of Her Majesty's Official Opposition. It was no secret that the two men didn't exactly get along. Both viewed the other as placing their own interests ahead of the sovereignty movements. But Boisclair's youthfulness, charisma, pledge to hold another referendum within the first eighteen months of his first mandate, and Duceppe's refusal to stand down from his current post was enough for him to prevail over the more conservative Francois Legault.

Going into the campaign itself, the main accusations leveled against the government and Pelletier was that the Premier lacked a strong legislative vision for the province, and had attempted to tackled far too much in his first mandate. A supporter of Quebec autonomy, Pelletier had sought to establish new powers for the province in the fields of immigration and Healthcare. He also wanted to do away with the traditional first-past-the-post electoral system in favour of proportional representation, which led to public divisions between himself and members of his party. Then there was the failed effort to convince the other Premiers to include Alberta's oil wealth in a new federal-provincial funding formula, the tensions between the government and unions, various scandals involving members of his cabinet, and his continued insistence to avoid issues based around the constitution and the Bloc Quebecois. In other words, not much had been accomplished, and what had wasn't all that impressive. The economy was a little better, unemployment was down or around where it had been four years earlier. But after all the hope and belief that after being tossed out in 2007, the Liberals had shown that they had changed little, and were prepared to change even less. Here was a dour, analytical academic, up against two passionate opposition leaders who clearly represented clear visions of change for Quebec. Quebecers still weren't happy, and found Pelletier, Boisclair, and Bernier unappealing, and their policies either uninteresting or downright disappointing. Liberals were more of the same. The PQ wanted soveriegnty no matter what. Bernier and the ADQ wanted to cut, cut, cut.

On Election Day voters punished each of the parties by handing them a situation that would, theoretically, force them to work with one another; a minority Liberal government. Pelletier had lost some scandal-plagued ministers, some star candidates, the PQ had made gains but had fallen short yet again, the ADQ was kept on life support, and the minor parties were given some pity. Unless one of the three main party leaders could offer a vision that most Quebecers could support, or at least tolerate, it seemed liked voters were prepared to stomach some political instability for a while.

Premiers of Quebec:
Daniel Johnson, Jr. (Liberal) 1994
Jacques Parizeau (Parti Quebecois) 1994-1996
Bernard Landry (Parti Quebecois) 1996-1999
Jean Charest (Liberal) 1999-2007
Mario Dumont (ADQ) 2007-2008
Benoit Pelletier (Liberal) 2008-

Thinking of how you feel right now, if a PROVINCIAL election were held tomorrow, which of the following parties’ candidates would you, yourself, be most likely to support?
Crossposting from a thing I'm working on in another thread.

Santa Claus is the head deity of the Christmasian religion. He is thought to be an immortal being who lives in the North Pole, makes and delivers good things to good people, and gives coal and punishes bad people. Santa is usually worshiped most during the 12 Days of Christmas festival that starts on December 13th and ends on December 25th. During that time there is feasting and drinking among followers and ends with a reading of "Twas the Night Before Christmas" and the leaving of offerings of milk and cookies for Santa when he arrives at night. In some regions, they eat milk and cookies similar to Christian communion, substituting the wine and bread for milk and cookies. While there are other deities in the Christmasian pantheon, Santa is the main one and the one who is in every single variant of the religion.​
A map and wikibox of the 2016 legislative election in the Republic of the Rhineland. The Rhineland is the black sheep of the post-imperial German states, having been isolated as a French mandate under the League of Nations for almost two decades before achieving independence in 1935. Over the following years, the Rhineland matured into a deeply French-aligned nation politically and socially. A member of the Strasbourg Alliance, it maintains decidedly cold relations with its German brethren to the east.

Instability in the legislature of the formerly parliamentary Rhenish government lead to the gradual strengthening of the head of state and the establishment of a semi-presidential system. The president is popularly elected, and typically partisan. Legislative elections are held using a two-round majoritarian system, wherein the two top candidates from the first round of voting proceed to a second round, held later, to determine a victor (though under some conditions, additional candidates may appear on the second round ballot.) Majorities in the legislature are uncommon due to a long-lasting three-party dynamic between the left-wing Party of the Radical Left, the center United Republic Party, and the right-wing Rhenish National Party, though the popular United Republic government under President Philipp Rösler was able to secure one such majority in 2011 and defend it in 2016.

This map is set in the same timeline as my map of the German general election from a couple days ago.