Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes IV (Do not post Current Politics Here)

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Douglas Lei Dou Kwok is a New Granadan politician who is the President of New Granada. He is the President of the People's Democratic Party, the leading party in New Granada's ruling Union Parties coalition.

Lei is the eldest son of Alexander Lei Sai Soeng, who was Prime Minister of New Granada in exile, leader of the PDP faction of the Constituent Assembly, and Foreign Minister in the Rama-Luciano I cabinet. Born in exile in Namada, he returned to New Granada following the fall of the Communist Dictatorship of Peter McEwan in 1987. His first political office was as member of the New Orenburg State Assembly, which he assumed in a 1999 by-election for the seat of Lethbridge East. He served in the NOSA until 2012, when he was elected as State Treasurer in the Executive Council of Governor Gladys Quayle. He became a Senator in October 23, 2013, having been appointed by Governor Quayle to replace the late Terry Edwards, before being subsequently elected in his own right in the 2014 Senate elections. In the 11th Parliament, Lei served as Vice-Chair of the Senate's prestigious Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee. He emerged as a dark horse candidate in the March 2017 Progressive Democratic Party presidential election, therefore also winning the Union Parties' Presidency and its Nomination for the 2017 Presidential elections, which he won against Phillip Schwarzenberg, the Vice-President of longtime (Assumed office following his predecessor's resignation in October 2003; elected for two terms in his own right in 2005 and 2011) right-wing President Anthony Miccuci.
 
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As the UEFA Champions League has started in OTL, I thought of putting this infobox about the 1955-56 European Cup which was the first edition of what would be called the UEFA Champions League that we know today. The first edition in which 16 teams would enter would see England team being absent after the Football Association denied the request of the Wolves to compete in mid-week matches [1]. After 29 matches, AC Milan would take out the first European Cup after they defeated Budapest Honved FC (Hungary) 3-1 at the Parc des Princes.

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Past wikiboxes + maps in Alt World Football TL
Football at the 1924 Summer Olympics
1924 Indianapolis 500
1925 Five Nations Championship
1926 FIFA World Cup
1929 Monaco Grand Prix
1930 FIFA World Cup
1934 FIFA World Cup knockout draw
1935 EuroBasket

1938 FIFA World Cup
1938 World Ice Hockey Championship
1939 VFA season
1947 South American Championship
1948 FIFA Youth Tournament
1949 World Ice Hockey Championships
1950 FIFA World Cup
1950 Monaco Grand Prix
1954 Rugby World Cup
World Map of 1954
1954 FIFA World Cup

[1] This is true but instead of the Wolves it was Chelsea in OTL.
 
The western states have a shorter history of independent political movements, partly because they have a shorter history in American politics. Of the eleven states that either contain some part of the Rocky Mountains or are to the west of that range, the first one to be admitted - California - predates only seven eastern states. Arizona - the most recent state to be admitted - had only been a state for twenty-four years in 1936. In 1936, both of Arizona's Senators had served in Congress since Arizona became a state.

Its politicians did tend to be independent, though. William Borah - the "Lion of Idaho" - answered to the voters of a state with less than half a million residents. Consequently, he was elected five times, and spent those thirty years in office as one of the most independent-minded thinkers in the Senate.

He was up for re-election in 1936. However, in addition to running for Senate, Borah chose to run as Huey Long's running mate in five states. Borah had several reasons for doing so - in addition to being Long's good friend (Long had called Borah "the greatest lawyer since Daniel Webster"), Borah thought that adding his name to Long's run would help Long in his next campaign. But he didn't want to lose the seniority that he had painstakingly accrued over three decades.

Into this situation strode Glen Taylor. Borah and Taylor were not dissimilar in politics - both were progressive, although Taylor was well to Borah's left - but in temperament, they were polar opposites. Borah was conservative, austere, patrician, and deeply rooted in the Senate's traditions. Taylor was a flashy, working-class, populist who would later be called "Idaho's Huey Long". He worked as a painter's assistant, sheet-metal worker, cowboy entertainer, and country singer, but his real love was politics - after reading King Gillette's The People's Corporation and Stuart Chase's A New Deal, Taylor became an ardent leftist - some would say socialist - who worked to establish Farmer-Labor Parties in Nevada and Montana.

Taylor's campaign was the first serious challenge to Borah since 1903. He criss-crossed the state on his horse, Nugget, criticizing Borah's conservatism on issues like civil rights and the nature of the Senate. Borah, confident of his re-election, paid little attention.

On the one hand, he was right - Taylor didn't win, nor even really come close. But he did demonstrate the schism, opening even before the party was born, between progressives and conservatives in what would become the Frontier League.

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Another demonstration of the schism, this one with significant repercussions, came in California.

Francis Townsend was a World War I medic and real estate agent. His fame, however, came from his advocacy of an old-age pension proposal called the Townsend Plan. The plan would give two hundred dollars every month - $5,000 in today's money [IOTL it would be closer to $3,500] - to retired people over 60 with the proviso that they had to spend it within the month to stimulate the economy. Social Security was considered the ideological child of the idea, but Townsend was not satisfied - he wanted to implement the idea in full, first in California and later in the whole United States.

But Townsend was not the only leftist radical in the race. Culbert Olson was a former journalist and lawyer who had served in two different state legislatures - the Utah Senate in the 1910s, where he advocated government control of utilities, a ban on child labor, and old age pensions. That last one he mentioned quite a bit. After moving to California in the 1920s, he campaigned for Upton Sinclair's gubernatorial campaign in 1934. That year, he himself ran for and won a seat in the California Senate.

Their opponent was the incumbent Governor, Frank Merriam. Merriam, like Olson, had previously served in another state's legislature - namely, Iowa. Unlike Olson, though, Merriam was an ardent conservative, one who had deployed his power as Governor to help crush a strike at the Port of San Francisco - and not only an ardent conservative, but one who had alienated his core constituency by raising taxes.

Under normal circumstances, Merriam's unpopularity would have made the election a total blowout. But Olson and Townsend struggled to differentiate themselves from each other. Olson had the superior resume, as well as the backing of the Democratic Party of California. Townsend, though, had better name recognition and the backing of the Frontier League, an organization of Western state American League organizations dedicated to Western-specific issues such as correlative water rights and Native American policy.

In the end, Marbletop made it through.

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However, the late 1930s were not all bad for the leftist tendency of the Frontier League.

At the age of 13, Frank J. Hayes began working in the coal mines of Illinois. He joined the United Mine Workers and began rising through the ranks, achieving the vice presidency of the union at the age of 29. In that office, he helped to organize strikes, including one which took place in Colorado from 1913 to 1914. During the course of that strike, the Colorado National Guard and company guards at the mine attacked a crowd of 1,200 striking miners in Ludlow, killing between nineteen and twenty-six of them.

Around this time, Hayes ran for Governor of Illinois as a Socialist. He ascended to the presidency of the UMW in 1917 when incumbent John P. White was appointed to the National Fuel Commission. However, his tenure as leader was not a success, partly due to his declining health, and two years later he turned most of his duties over to John Lewis. Shortly thereafter, he retired to Colorado.

When Huey Long called on Hayes in 1936, it was a surprise. Hayes had been retired for a decade and a half, spending most of his time writing poetry about the Ludlow Massacre. He had been preparing to run for the Lieutenant Governorship, certainly, but a Vice Presidential run was something very different.

Still, Hayes threw his efforts into the race, particularly once it was a Presidential race. While he narrowly lost in 1936 - a margin of less than a thousand out of more than half a million votes - it was obvious that in an election that wasn't against a President viewed as the greatest friend to labor ever to sit in the Oval Office, he could pull it off.

That opportunity came two years later. Alva B. Adams was the son of a former Governor, a graduate of Philips, Yale, and Columbia Law. He had been appointed to the Senate in 1923, and lost an election that year - but returned to the Senate eight years later. There, he was an opponent of the New Deal, ardently supporting the Agricultural Normalization Act and a number of anti-labor measures.

And he was up for election in 1938. Hayes crossed the state dozens of times, building on his previous runs. He not only had to maintain his almost monolithic support in mining towns - he had to appeal to ranchers in the west, farmers in the East, and workers in the cities.

He was, however, by far the candidate with the best chances. Not only did he win around 36% of the vote in the 1936 election, he was endorsed by the candidate who won another 36%. His victory was hardly assured, but neither was it any kind of David-over-Goliath situation.

Hayes served for one term. By 1944, his health had declined quite severely, and he chose not to seek re-election.

The liberal wing of the Frontier League was a minority faction of a minority party. But that didn't mean it was insignificant - not in the Thirties, and not later.

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Thanks to @Oppo for wikibox assistance.
 
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The 2006 Democratic presidential primaries were the selection process by which voters of the Democratic Party chose its nominee for President of the United States in the 2006 U.S. presidential election. Because the primaries proved inconclusive, the 2006 Democratic National Convention held from July 24 to July 27, 2006, in San Diego, California, was forced to go multi-ballot. Congressman Matt Santos of Texas was selected as the nominee through a series of ballots at the convention, and went on to narrowly win the general election against Senator Arnold Vinick held on November 7, 2006, defeating him in the Electoral College by a vote of 272–266.

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The United States 2006 Democratic National Convention was a quadrennial presidential nominating convention of the Democratic Party where it adopted its national platform and officially nominated its candidates for President and Vice President. The convention was held in San Diego, California, from July 24 to July 27, 2006, at the iPayOne Center. Four major candidates sought the nomination: incumbent Vice President Bob Russell of Colorado, Congressman Matt Santos of Texas, former Vice President John Hoynes of Texas, and Governor Eric Baker of Pennsylvania.

With the primaries having proved inconclusive as to the choice of nominee for President, the convention was forced to go multi-ballot. Prior to the convention, Santos had turned down the offer of the Vice Presidential running mate slot from Russell and decided to take his chances for the presidential nomination. Baker, who had previously been an early favorite for the presidential nomination himself before deciding against running in the primaries, also turned down Russell's offer of the vice presidential nomination and instead, after the first ballot, offered himself as a compromise candidate for the presidential nomination from the convention floor, ultimately ending Hoynes' candidacy and political career. On the second ballot, Baker stole delegates from all of the other candidates and stretched the balloting to an unprecedented third day. With Baker seemingly poised to end up receiving the nomination, members of the Russell campaign revealed to the press that Baker had covered up his wife's history of clinical depression. This made delegates question his integrity, causing him to lose his momentum and, on the third ballot, substantial support on the convention floor. With Hoynes and Baker essentially eliminated, the race prior to the fourth ballot was now between Russell and Santos.

With the momentum of Baker's insurgency stalled, the convention remained deadlocked going into the fourth ballot. In order to break the stalemate, Santos was ordered by the convention organizer, former White House Chief of Staff Leo McGarry, to step aside in favor of either Baker or Russell. Santos was given a chance to address the convention again and announce his support for one of the two remaining candidates. Instead of withdrawing, however, Santos gave a rousing speech, defending Baker and urging the delegates to choose the candidate who represented their hopes and dreams. This swung the momentum in the balloting back to him and privately impressed both McGarry and incumbent President Josiah Bartlet.

Santos officially received the nomination for President on July 27, when, at the urging of White House Chief of Staff C.J. Cregg, Bartlet decided to end the balloting before it damaged the party's image. Due to Bartlet's behind-the-scenes machinations, Santos received the support of a key New York teachers union that had previously spurned him because of his views on teacher tenure. Santos clinched the nomination on the fourth and final ballot, receiving 2,751 delegate votes. Santos thus became the party's first Latino nominee for President. With Santos immediately ruling out choosing Russell as his running mate and Baker declining to perform the role in order to spare his wife further press attention, former White House Chief of Staff Leo McGarry from Illinois was nominated for Vice President.​
 
Thanks to @Indicus for giving me the idea of Social Credit McGovern.

1905-1909: Theodore Roosevelt/Charles W. Fairbanks (Republican)
1904: Alton B. Parker/Henry G. Davis (Democratic)
1909-1912: William Howard Taft/James S. Sherman (Republican)
1908: Woodrow Wilson/Lucius F.C. Garvin (Democratic)
1912-1913: William Howard Taft/Vacant (Republican)
1913-1919: William Jennings Bryan/Josiah Quincy Jr. (Democratic)
1912: Theodore Roosevelt/Albert Beveridge (Progressive), William Howard Taft/Nicholas Murray Butler (replacing James S. Sherman) (Republican), Eugene V. Debs/Emil Seidel (Socialist)
1916: Elihu Root/Henry D. Hatfield (Republican), Eugene V. Debs/James Maurer (Socialist)

1919-1921: William Jennings Bryan/Vacant (Democratic)
1921: Theodore Roosevelt/William Howard Taft (Republican)
1920: William Jennings Bryan/Eugene Foss (Democratic), Emil Seidel/Sam DeWitt (Socialist)
1921-1925: Theodore Roosevelt/Vacant (Republican)
1925-1928: Henry Bourne Joy/Henry Justin Allen (Republican)
1924: John Hessin/Edward House (Democratic), Ashley Grant Miller/James Maurer (Socialist)
1928: William Bankhead/Evans Woollen (Democratic)

1928-1933: Henry Justin Allen/Vacant (Republican)
1933-1939: Herbert C. Hoover/Alvin M. Owsley (Democratic)
1932: Henry Justin Allen/Lawrence C. Phillps (Republican), Alfred Lawson/John R. Brinkley (Independent), Emil Seidel/Darlington Hoopes (Socialist)
1936: Alfred Lawson/Thomas Gore (Social Credit), Marion M. Scranton/Redfield Proctor Jr. (Republican)

1939-1941: Hebert C. Hoover/Alvin M. Owsley (Democratic/Social Credit)
1941-1943: Herbert C. Hoover/Claude R. Wickard (Democratic)
1940: Alvin M. Owsley/Howard Buffet (Social Credit), Clyde H. Smith/O.E. Hailey (Republican)
1943-1945: Claude R. Wickard/Vacant (Democratic)
1945-1957: Alvin M. Owsley/Owen Brewster (Social Credit)
1944: Claude R. Wickard/Herbert O'Connor (Democratic)
1948: Harley Kilgore/John Foster Dulles (Democratic)
1952: James Earl Carter/Ernest McFarland (Democratic)

1957-1965: Herbert C. Hoover Jr./B.M. Goldwater (Democratic)
1956: Alvin M. Owsley/Owen Brewster (Social Credit)
1960: Fred C. Koch/Gerald L.K. Smith (Social Credit)

1965-1969: George McGovern/Ezra Taft Benson (Social Credit)
1964: B.M. Goldwater/J. Allen Frear Jr. (Democratic)
1969-1977: Joe Foss/Warren Magnuson (Democratic)
1968: George McGovern/Ezra Taft Benson (Social Credit)
1972: Earl Butz/Gore Vidal (Social Credit)

1977-1981: George Moscone/Vacant (Democratic)
1976: Warren Magnuson/George Moscone (Democratic), Evan Mecham/Claude Kirk (Social Credit)
1981-1983: George Moscone/Frank Moss (Democratic)
1980: Evan Mecham/Jeff Bell (Social Credit)
1983-1985: Max Rafferty/Vacant (Social Credit-National Union)
1985-1989: Robert McNamara/Lawrence Hogan (Unity)
1984: Ron Dellums/Joseph Montoya (Democratic), Max Rafferty/Richard Viguerie (Social Credit-National Union)
1989-1997: Elizabeth Hanford Hoover/Chris Matthews (Democratic)

1988: Lawrence Hogan/William F. Weld (Unity), Edward Zorinsky/Harrison Schmidt (Social Credit)
1992: Lynn Morley Martin/Peter Plympton Smith (Unity), Dick Randolph/James Traficant (Social Credit)

1997-2005: George McGovern/Warren Buffett (Social Credit)
1996: Chris Matthews/Robert Borski (Democratic), Arlis Sturgulewski/David Leroy (Unity)
2000: Cleo Fields/Max Baucus (Democratic), Wilbur Ross/Johnny Isakson (Unity)

2005-2009: Tim Penny/Larry Pressler (Democratic/Unity)
2004: Warren Buffett/Mike Gabbard (Social Credit)
2009-2017: Mike Gabbard/Dana Rohrabacher (Social Credit)
2008: Tim Penny/Larry Pressler (Democratic)
2012: David Petraeus/Ed Rendell (Democratic), Christine O'Donnell/Roger Stone (American Freedom)

2017-2021: Rick Perry/Mike Lee (Democratic/Social Credit)
2016: Rick Perry/Kate McGinty (Democratic), Dana Rohrabacher/Mike Lee (Social Credit)
2021-2025: Rick Perry/Katie McGinty (Democratic)
2020: Mike Lee/Peter King (Social Credit)
2025-Present: Augustus Invictus/Jerry Falwell Jr. (Social Credit)
2024: Kaite McGinty/Meg Whitman (Democratic)
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Continuing the X-in-Canada series, here's @CanadianTory's wish of the Pacific states in Canada or Oregon-in-Canada. Thanks to @LeinadB93 for the base map.

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The 2016 Oregon general election was the 42nd general election held in the province since it joined the Confederation. The incumbent New Democratic (NDP) led by Premier Kate Brown was forced to call an early general election after losing their majority. Brown, the first openly bisexual premier in Canadian history had inherited a very slim two-seat majority after the retirement of Ron Sims, who had also made history as the first black premier in Canada. Brown's approval ratings started low, in part because of the long shadow cast by Sims, who had led the party to two consecutive majorities and been a fixture of provincial politics for decades. However, Brown's approval ratings slowly rose as her government continued to implement popular policies, including petitioning both Prime Minister Stephen Harper and his successor, Justin Trudeau, over allowing Oregon to legalize recreational marijuana for adults and opposing proposals to allow the construction of pipelines from Alberta or Dakota to the coast, citing the possibility of environmental damage and opposition from First Nations groups.

Opposing the government was the Oregon Alliance (commonly known as the Alliance) led by Dino Rossi. The Alliance, which had emerged in the early 2000s as a consolidation of the political centre, centre-right and right-wing (in the forms of the provincial Liberal, Progressive Conservative and Reform parties, respectively), had come just short of toppling the NDP government in 2013 and looked forward to the campaign. Rossi, who had stayed on as leader after his sterling performance in 2013, had believed that Sims would stick around and that the NDP majority would be toppled by 2015 at the latest. Sims' retirement and Brown's ability to keep her majority for over a year after taking over threw a wrench into Rossi's plans and the Alliance pre-campaign planning was significantly impacted, leading to an embarrassing issue of wasted funds by the party that chided the NDP as "fiscally irresponsible".

The only other party in Oregon that was viewed as likely to gain representation in the Assembly were the Greens, led by Pramila Jayapal. Unlike other relatively successful Green parties in Canada, the Greens were on the left-wing of the provincial political scale, having become a refuge for the extreme left-wing of the NDP who had left the party during the 1990s and early 2000s. While generally viewed as a non-factor outside of Seattle and Portland, the Greens' ambitious agenda included tuition-free university for Oregon students, expand the Legislative Assembly and elect MLAs by proportional representation, adoption of the Leap Manifesto's push to an end of fossil fuel use in Oregon, and the introduction of a provincial universal basic wage (akin to the Alaskan Permanent Fund). Additionally, the Greens greatly increased the amount of candidates they fielded from 49 in 2013 to 81, seeking to bring their message to Oregonians outside of the provinces' two biggest metro areas.

Alliance voters hoping that Oregonians had finally tired of the NDP after seven years in power were disheartened to see that polls that had shown a clear Alliance majority at the start of 2016 were now neck-and-neck. The NDP's high-profile attempts to implement broadly popular policies like marijuana legalization dulled Alliance attacks on the disparity between the growth coastal Oregon had achieved in the past decade and the stagnation in much of inland Oregon under NDP stewardship. Similarly, the Greens' momentum was halted by fears of vote-splitting that would allow the Alliance to sweep into power and so the Greens' expected gains slowly dwindled throughout the campaign. The leadership debate saw a brief spike in Alliance support as Rossi came off as the clear winner, while Brown's performance was panned across the spectrum as wooden and dull compared to the other two leaders. However, the possibility for a sustained Alliance breakthrough was halted after the Opposition Critic for Health Raúl Labrador was sacked mid-campaign for publicly voicing support for cutbacks in provincial spending on health to the legal minimum to allow for more private investment and treatment in Oregon, a sharp break from the Alliance's policies on health care and well outside of the Overton window in Oregon. The Labrador debacle allowed the NDP to halt Alliance momentum and allowed for doubts about Rossi's judgment to creep in during the last stages of the campaign.

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Despite a relatively close popular vote margin, the advantage the NDP had in urban Oregon paid off, giving the NDP an increased majority of 6 seats. The Greens, despite winning 13% of the popular vote, failed to win a single seat, although they came in second in several ridings in Portland and Seattle.

Rossi, who was left as the sole Alliance MLA in the Greater Seattle Metro, stepped down as leader following the loss, touching off a divisive intraparty debate on the direction of the party and proposals to return to the moribund Liberal Party, which had only run 15 candidates and failed to crack 5% in any riding, by centrists concerned about the possibility of the party shifting decidedly to the right in the wake of 2016. The fortunes of the Greens also appear uncertain, owing to Jayapal's successful bid to get the NDP nomination to replace disgraced federal MP Ed Murray and her subsequent victory in that race.

While Canada's second most-populous province seems likely to have a strong and stable NDP government for the next few years, public approval of Brown and the NDP government has fallen since the election, and Brown's critics in the NDP caucus continue to grow over her style of leadership. While the gap between the premier and her critics appears not to be too wide as of yet, provincial observers wonder if Oregon is due for another shakeup in the provincial party system.

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I didn't learn that Rossi is part Tlingit until I after I made the infobox. So between the three leaders pictured in the infobox and former Premier Sims, Oregon (ironically enough) must a living nightmare for the alt-right ITTL.

X-in-Canada
Minnesota
Dakota
Alaska
Wisconsin
Maine
 
On the bright side the Alliance is probably going to win in 2020.

Considering that the Alliance is facing a potential loss of centrist and some center-right members when the entry ends (mid-2018), I don't think you'd like the possibilities of what an Alliance government could look like in 2020.

Eventually the NDP has to lose. :p

Not if Kate Brown signs a UDI and declares herself President-for-Life of Cascadia.

@lord caedus why doesn't Canadian Oregon include northwestern Montana?

The same reason it doesn't include northwestern Wyoming- partially for convenience and partially for reasons that totally aren't because there is a province I'm planning on putting between Oregon and Dakota that would look weird with large salients jutting into it.

Ooh, can you do the rest of the New England states?

Oh snap, you're back!

I'm undecided about how much more of New England, if any, I'll thinking of doing for this project, honestly. The hazy backstory I had once I decided to branch out to other states besides Minnesota was that the War of 1812 went better for the UK and so they forced the US to give up quite a few of its northern territories. Maine was thrown in once I learned that the UK partially occupied it during that war and planned to make it a colony if they could (the flag I used for Maine is partially a nod to the fact that the colony was named New Ireland). So ¯\_(ツ)_/¯
 
Considering that the Alliance is facing a potential loss of centrist and some center-right members when the entry ends (mid-2018), I don't think you'd like the possibilities of what an Alliance government could look like in 2020.



Not if Kate Brown signs a UDI and declares herself President-for-Life of Cascadia.



The same reason it doesn't include northwestern Wyoming- partially for convenience and partially for reasons that totally aren't because there is a province I'm planning on putting between Oregon and Dakota that would look weird with large salients jutting into it.



Oh snap, you're back!

I'm undecided about how much more of New England, if any, I'll thinking of doing for this project, honestly. The hazy backstory I had once I decided to branch out to other states besides Minnesota was that the War of 1812 went better for the UK and so they forced the US to give up quite a few of its northern territories. Maine was thrown in once I learned that the UK partially occupied it during that war and planned to make it a colony if they could (the flag I used for Maine is partially a nod to the fact that the colony was named New Ireland). So ¯\_(ツ)_/¯
With a bit of a stretch, I think NH+VT as one, and Upstate NY as another that could reasonably work.
 
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