Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes IV (Do not post Current Politics Here)

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The Doruidéate (variant translation: Council of Druids) is the delegative court of the (Jaillish Realm) Roïgne Jaillois. The Doruidéate is charged with advising the King-of-Kings (Roïquéroïqs), as well as exercising the administrative duties that the King-of-Kings has delegated to the court.
The Doruidéate sits on the first Sunday of each season (except Winter), as well as whenever the King-of-Kings summons the Doruidéate, such as during wars or political crises.
The Doruidéate is composed of 204 Doruidés, each of whom has one vote in general sessions. Not all Doruidés choose to participate in every vote, with many members having responsibilities outside the court.

The court is often divided into subdivisions (Corta) based on specific matters: for example, ecclesiastical and royal members vote on matters relevant to religious matters, and martial and royal members vote on military matters. The generals sessions are only called for matters of relevance to the entire realm, such as: the administration of the realm treasury, general taxation, et cetera. The King-of-Kings may end a session, or invalidate a court vote at any time when he feels the court has overstepped its realm of responsibility.
In 311, King-of-Kings Anaut VII invalidated a vote which aimed to end the special wartime tax on salt. The invalidation was legally based on the principle that the King-of-Kings had not delegated power over special taxation to the Doruidéate, and the King-of-Kings wished for the tax to continue in order to support the system of poor-hostels in major cities. The subsequent political crisis led to the replacement of the entire court leadership by 313, and a political realignment along Legalist vs. Reformist lines.
When a Doruidéaton vote is tied, the King-of-Kings is responsible for making the final decision. In practice, this means the King-of-Kings casts a second tie-breaking vote.

There are two formal leadership positions in the Doruidéate.
The Chief (Chapét) of the Doruidéate supervises the sessions of the Doruidéate (in consulation with the King-of-Kings), and has the power to censure certain Doruidés who break the rules of decorum (e.g. insulting a member of the royal family, insulting a fellow Doruidé). The Chiefhood is traditionally reserved for a female priest, and must be impartial between the factions.
The Secretary-General (Mérégraphe) of the Doruidéate is the leader of the government, confirmed by a simple majority vote of the Doruidéate. The Mérégraphe supervises the bureaucracy, and makes day-to-day governance decisions. The Mérégraphe also proposes candidates for bureaucratic positions which require Doruidéate confirmation. Voting for the Mérégraphe typically lasts multiple rounds, as each faction presents their candidate, and horse-trading for each faction's support takes place.
Candidates for Doruidéate leadership may only come from aristocratic constituencies.

The Counter-Secretary (Contragraphe) is the informal leader of the opposition to the Mérégraphe, and the voice of the court minority. The Contragraphe is an informal position, elected by a majority of those who voted against the successful Mérégraphe, and has no real power outside rhetoric.
The Mérégraphe may also appoint other informal deputy leadership positions, usually as ways to appease certain factions.

Seats on the Doruidéate (referred to as Doruidéaques) come from diverse constituencies, each with unique methods of choosing who fills the seat. The present Doruidéaques are:
  • 10 Royal seats:
    • the King-of-Kings, who automatically recieves a seat;
    • and 9 members of the extended royal family: siblings, children, spouse of the King-of-Kings automatically recieve seats for life
  • 33 Aristocratic seats:
    • 4 emissaries (Ambeicstadors) from the vassal kings (Ambeicsta), sent as personal representatives of the kings to the court;
    • 4 delegates from protected states (Pérstégerates), who are elected by whatever method the protectorate chooses;
    • 4 emissaries from the Aristocratic Circuits, where the representatives are elected by the members of the aristocratic families in each circuit region;
    • 12 heads of eminent families, who recieve their seats hereditarily, based on their seniority over the main line of one of the 12 Ancient Families;
    • 3 descendants of the ancient heroes, who recieve their seats hereditarily, based on their direct descendance from one of the 3 Mythic Heroes of Jaille;
    • and 5 representatives of the knightly orders, where the representatives are elected by the members of the venerable societies of knights
  • 30 ecclesiastical seats:
    • the 3 High Priests (Primapésca), who automatically recieve seats on the court;
    • 4 emissaries of the governing Prince-Bishophrics (Arcébiscépregs, priests who hold lands to govern), sent as personal representatives of the Bishops to the court;
    • 13 representatives of the Episcopal Circuits, where the representatives are elected by the bishops (biscépïes) of each circuit region;
    • 5 elected representatives of the priestly classes, where the representatives are elected by the priests of the realm on a general ticket system;
    • and 5 representatives of the monastic orders, where the representatives are elected by the members of the ancient orders of monks and nuns
  • 17 corporate seats:
    • 12 representatives of the guilds, where the guild members elect a representative by whatever method the guild chooses;
    • and 5 representatives of the common classes (artisans, labourers, merchants, farmers, pastoralists), which are directly elected on a two-round system
  • 22 martial seats:
    • 6 Marshals and Admirals, top military commanders who recieve seats upon being honoured by the King-of-Kings with the title of Marshal or Admiral;
    • 4 emissaries from the Legions, which are elected on a two-round system by the members of the Royal Legions;
    • 4 representatives of the Officer corps, which are elected on a single non-transferable vote system by the officers of the military;
    • 4 representatives of the soldier corps, which are indirectly elected by delegates from each army division on a single non-transferable vote system, with the delegates elected on a first-past-the-post basis by the rank-and-file of each army division;
    • and 4 representatives of the naval corps, which are indirectly elected by delegated from each naval vessel on a single non-transferable vote system, with the delegates elected on a first-past-the-post basis by the rank-and-file of each vessel
  • 92 common (geographic) seats:
    • 3 representatives of the autonomous provinces, elected on whatever method the province chooses;
    • 24 representatives of independent municipalities (Commeïnés), elected through a wide variety of systems:
      • some municipalities allow their mayor and/or council to appoint a representative
      • municipalities may elect their representative through an indirect system of delegates, or directly by the citizens of the commune
      • municipalities may have suffrage limited to just aristocrats, or only those who earn over a certain income, or have unlimited suffrage
      • some municipalities explicitly exclude some 'undesirable' groups (homeless, religious minorities, women, labourers) from voting
      • one municipality (Véronne in Vautén) allows the citizens to vote as many times as they want, as opposed to the standard method of one-person-one-vote
    • 12 emissaries of the governors (Chévétans), who may send representatives to the court with the consent of their advisory councils;
    • 52 representatives from the common provinces (Prouïes), elected through a wide variety of systems:
      • many provinces only send one representative, while the more populated provinces are allowed multiple representatives (based on the Compromise of 272). These additional representatives may be elected on a general-ticket system, a single non-transferable vote system, or a preferential system.
      • provinces may elect their representative through an indirect system of delegates, or directly by the inhabitants of a province
      • provinces may have suffrage limited to just aristocrats, or only landowners, or those earning over a certain income, or have unlimited suffrage
      • most provinces restrict some 'undesirable' groups (vagrants, religious minorities, women) from voting, and few provinces accept votes from those who were not born in the province
    • and 1 representative of the Western Condominium, where only subjects of the King-of-Kings may vote for the representative (and not natives, or subjects of the River Lords)
Most Doruidés hold their seats for life, or at least until their constituency votes to 'recall' them for whatever reason. Some seats (mostly geographic seats) have compulsory elections every few years, giving the constituency opportunity to replace or re-elect their representative. Many indirectly elected seats require the delegates who originally elected the representative to hold 'approval' votes periodically, allowing the delegates to call a new election should they find their representative's performance unsatisfactory.
Constituencies limit the eligibility for those who wish to run for their seat. All constituencies require the candidate to be a member of the constituency. Many require the candidate to meet certain requirements, such as paying an amount to the constituency leadership, meeting a certain income level, or being a member of the upper classes.

Most Doruidés form factions, associations of members with common priorities and views. These factions form informal pacts to cooperate on certain issues, trade votes on matters relevant to their constituencies, and typically vote in blocs for the Mérégraphe.
The Mérégraphe's Union, which supports the current Mérégraphe, Catém Corte Charron, is composed of the following factions:
  • The Hériste (Aristocratic) faction is conservative and aristocratic, seeking to maintain the existing social and constitutional order, aiming to reduce social mobility. They have long agitated for requiring all Doruidés to be of aristocratic blood, and the reduction in proportion of non-aristocratic seats on the Doruidéate.
  • The Altavérré (Orthodox) faction is conservative and clerical, seeking to maintain the power and privilege of the higher religious leadership. They vote to maintain the legal corruption loopholes which allow priests to grow rich and powerful.
  • The Pathpérodeurs (Swordgivers) are upper-class militarists, seeking to protect the privilege of the officer corps in the Jaillois military. They are typically aggressive, voting to deploy troops in neighbouring regions, and to increase military role in public life. Paradoxically, they also oppose increases in common troop recruitment, as well as the introduction of new technologies in the military.
  • The Boundeurs (Binders) are a plutocratic faction, seeking the maintain the privileges of rich merchants. They vote to increase barriers to entry in markets, as well as to protect the trade privileges of their own companies.
  • The Átirous (To The Land) faction are agrarian conservatives, seeking to maintain the power of rural landowners, primarily through the disempowerment of small landowners and rural labourers, and the maintenance of high prices for food.
The Contragraphe's Union, led by the current Contragraphe, Aréjas Énosse Marsoul, in opposition to the Mérégraphe, is composed of the following factions:
  • The Leutére (Lighter) faction is composed of liberal aristocrats, who seek to help improve the conditions of the lower classes without social revolution. These oppose any changes to the Doruidéate's membership, as well as voting in favour of aid to the poor, and the rationalist reform of government.
  • The Louthérate (Liberation) faction is made up of liberal clerics, who reject the hierarchical orthodoxy of the spiritual leaders in favour of a simpler, more flexible and ecumenical approach to religious governance. The faction favours a reduction in aristocratic power, in favour of the moneyed classes who sponsor them.
  • The Vérdéceur (Guardian) faction represents the interests of common soldiers. Primarily, the interest of the faction is in improving pay and conditions for soldiers. They vote against troop deployments, and seek to reduce the role of the military in public society, however they also support technological development in the military, as well as increased recruitment in times of need.
  • The Solannos (All-Soul) faction is a populist religious faction, made up of only one representative, Cïril Vitalé Cégreur from the Bennotine Order. He promotes the interests of the common lower-class faithful, who are largely poor and unfree. The faction supports aid for the poor, the redistribution of land, and political reform in favour of the autonomy of ordinary communities.
  • The Aratréens (Plowers) are a faction which promotes agrarian collectivism, promoting the needs of poor rural provincials. They vote in favour of land redistribution, the weakening of aristocratic power, and the maintenance of price minimums for grain.
  • The Pércoraquiens (Corporates) are a faction representing the interests of the urban working classes. They seek to improve aid to the poor, abolish grain price minimums, and reform society along populist lines.
The alliances between the factions are ever-shifting based on each issue, and Doruidés often switch factions.
Four members are impartial: The King-of-Kings, the Crown Prince, the High Priest of the Sélta, and the current Chapét. These members do not adhere to any one faction, though they are often informally considered members of certain factions based on their voting records, past adherence to a faction, or rhetorical support for a faction's positions.

The Doruidéate sits in the Doruidéaton, an octagonal tower built in an eclectic style, decorated with colourful mosaics and stained glass windows. It is located in the heart of the palatial fortified hill of the Écrocégre, itself the centre of the capital city of Rouméa.

Author's note: I did not expect it to be this long... I've had the idea of a diverse and non-standardised parliament floating around for a while, and it eventually connected to the idea of a complex pseudo-Gallic empire.
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"And thus spoke Isidoro, and he expressed the rage of war. And he led the army of Espana, the protectors of the Core of Madrid, to the farthest reaches of Europe, to fight against the enemies of rationality and progress, the fanatics in flesh. And he fought. And his sight was blinded with irrational fury... Fury and pride for his people, for his beloved homeland. His objective was to protect the sons of Espana and win the war, and he ensured the victory of the Technocracy of Espana and its allies through rational strategy and basic power."
~ Santiago Remno (3211–3297), also known as St. Santiago of Madrid, on the subject of the European War.

"Then came the tyrants from the west, the Eirish. In the wake of the Deluge, they had conquered the Anglish, forcing them to flee to the domains of the Germanic Emperor. And we fought! And we fought, we fought bravely against the despots of Eire and their damned allies, to uphold the glory of the Empire and the prosperity of its people - for they would have been killed otherwise."
~ Duglass Zeilstra (3227–3286), a knight in the Flandrian Imperial Army, on the subject of the European War.

Let's all learn about the closest election in Polish alt-history!
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The Polish Republic had failed. Fallen to the Nazis, the very defeat of Poland was what had started the Second World War in the first place. In the days following the Allied victory, as Soviet troops still ran a provisional government in Poland, conservatives argued passionately that it was time to return to a system of government that had seen Poland become Europe’s greatest power: elected monarchy. A King of either gender, elected for life, would provide stability and strength perfectly balanced with the will of the people, or so they said. This incredibly rosy-eyed remembrance of Poland-Lithuania was, to the surprise of all, enthusiastically accepted by the Soviet occupiers. Stalin was obligated to hold free elections soon, he knew, but this ‘restore the monarchy’ business could be the perfect ticket to easier management of his European buffer states. It would be blatant and obvious to stuff the ballots in a parliamentary system, but if he could influence the very infrequent royal elections, the west wouldn’t be able to prove wrongdoing.
And so it was that the 1946 Polish provisional constitution set a framework for a restored Kingdom of Poland: general elections with universal suffrage (this the Soviets insisted on), first-past-the-post, taking place upon the death of the previous King. A legislature to keep them in check, but of course. First elections: January 1947.
Russian commanders received instructions to do everything in their power to ensure the Moscow-backed candidate won short of actual ballot-stuffing. The only problem was that Moscow hadn’t actually gotten around to backing a candidate yet.
The Union’s eye soon fell on the left-wing zionist Anti-Fascist Bloc, a part of the resistance during the war. They were anti-American on the basis that the Franco-British handover of Palestine to America was anti-Semetic and patronizing to Palestinians. The NKVD persuaded the Bloc to stand in elections for King. Now all Moscow had to do was ensure a female Jew was elected King for life over the former leader of the wartime Polish-government-in-exile. Oops.
Getting an anti-capitalist Jewess elected over a famous national hero in a conservative, non-communist monarchy was a misadventure that would form the premise for two sitcoms, thirteen documentaries, a major motion-picture comedy, a low-budget thriller of dubious accuracy and a historical epic and remake of said epic, not to mention the thousands of incredulous sighs in history classes worldwide. In the end, a truly spectacular Soviet propaganda campaign got Lubetkin elected by mere hundreds of votes. Stalin breathed a sigh of relief that the Kingdom could be counted on to remain in his sphere of influence, though he would be a lot less relieved when the anti-Anti-Fascist opposition won the next legislative elections and proceeded to keep the government in gridlock for the next decade.
Miraculously, the Kingdom of Poland survived all this, and though a female King would not be elected again until 2054, and they still have not had a Jewish King since, Poland is a respectable power within the Soviet sphere today.

War of the Unian Succesion:
Polish Royal election, 1947
Battle of Anchorage Town
Union of Grande Europa
2145 UN Coup d'etat
Damn, those 0.4% of Germans really swung the race, didn't they? :p
The until then-untapped "Jews emigrating to Palestine noticing convenient voting booths set up at the airport right next to a coincidental poster listing the religion of the candidates" demographic proved very influential.
Was in a bit of a funk, so didn't have time to do much over the holidays, sorry.

Here's a Scottish election that might be of interest to you. [I really hope my habit of using images of lawyers don't backfire]

The time of National dominance was clearly waning. The days where they could be in government for decades were fading, and what was replacing it? The Tories. Not the Pink Tories or the Purple Tories or the Highland Tories, but the Tories. Scotland went Tory in the past, yes, but surely those days were over? Nope, the voters said as they moved to the flashy campaign of the Techno-Unionists [as they were called now]

But although Scotland wasn't that religious, the Norse faith and the connections the SNP had with the Norse temples ensured their voters would turn out to stop the Tories and push them back down. Right? Well, there was a small matter of a split in their usual vote, as the Ordinary Scots rapidly rose to become Scotland's fourth party on a platform of unrepentant manualism, and took many National voters.

But they were unionists, so the SNP could attack them on that front! Well, no, as the SNP's original independentist streak has became a very watered down federalism as it became just the Scottish National Party. The Scottish people now see the SNP and Techno-Unionists as basically indistinguishable on the sovereignty issue, which would benefit the Radicals, as they're Scotland's main hard-independentist party?

Well, by 2180 the Scottish people were getting a bit tired of the endless promising of #IndyRef5 and wanted to fully move on from it. When the Radicals and their rightist rivals the Scottish Democrats seemed to ignore this, the voters punished them. Meanwhile two primarily-Highland parties had a generally OK election. The Lìog na h-Alba had a bit more prominence than usual as the rise of the Tories [the Tories!] led to a stronger debate on religion and everybody was reminded that the League wasn't just for Scots Gaelic language advocacy, but the vaguely-Druidic-like religion of the Highlands as well.

Meanwhile, Nessie's firm flippers on the wheel leads the Bloc of Scottish Minorities to another mildly-successful election returning their three MSPs [including Nessie herself], although some are talking of trying to appeal outside the Fantasian community [something Nessie herself is opposed to out of concern that the Fantasian community would be deprived of an advocacy group for them]

In the end, the Tories were stopped and the SNP continues to govern Scotland, but the party's poor results in the following year's general election creates concern that perhaps the SNP's time in government is now numbered...​
Since today was the 1st Round of voting in the French Presidential Election, I thought I'd post the most recent election in my TL.

No one within France realistically expected the conservatives to lose the ensuing presidential election. Although incumbent president Lionel Jospin had pulled off a surprise victory over former Foreign Minister and Prime Minister Édouard Balladur back in 1995, polls showed a much less competitive race against Prime Minister Alain Juppe. With a rising debt, numerous scandals, and the fact that the Socialists had been in power continuously since Francois Mitterand's first victory back in 1981, it seemed that voters had finally grown tired and wanted a change. Some members within the Socialists attempted to undermine Jospin and install the more popular Finance Minister Dominique Strauss-Kahn, or even the President’s former primary foe Henri Emmanuelli. Luckily for the incumbent, internal polling showed little appetite amongst Socialists for a primary challenge and the dissidents faltered.

Alain Juppe was viewed by many as a close ally of former presidential candidate and two-time Prime Minister Jacque Chirac. Having been defeated outright in 1988 and losing his attempt to secure a second chance to run in 1995, the possibility of Chirac running for a third time would be politically impossible. He was damaged goods. However, Chirac still managed a degree of support within the RPR, with many feeling especially sympathetic due to the widespread belief that the former Prime Minister could have defeated Jospin and prevented another term for the Socialists. Although Chirac accepted he would not be the next President of France, helping install his friend Alain Juppe as the party’s candidate was the next best thing.

The only thing standing in the way of clear and unsurprising election campaign and result was Jean-Marie Le Pen and the National Front. A far-right, anti-EU, anti-immigrant personality cult, polls showed that Le Pen and his followers were poised for their best showing since its inception. On the one hand, Le Pen had the potential to draw right-wing voters away from the more moderate Juppe, and possibly create a situation which could benefit the Socialists. On the flipside, enough voters seemed content with backing the RPR that, combined with the weak polling numbers of the Socialists, there was a possibility that Le Pen could outplace the incumbent President and contest the second round of the presidential election.

But such a doomsday scenario for the Socialists did not come to pass, but only barely. In the first round of the election, Alain Juppe placed first, closely followed by Jospin with Le Pen narrowly in third. For the remaining two weeks in-between rounds, Jospin was unable to break Juppe’s momentum. His attacks were ineffective, and voters had for the most part made up their minds. Voters elected Alain Juppe President of May 5, 2002 with a somewhat smaller than expected margin of victory. Still, the twenty-one year Socialist hold on the Élysée Palace had been broken. A new era in French politics had begun, with Alain Juppe at the helm.

Presidents of the French Republic:
François Mitterrand (Socialist) 1981-1995
Lionel Jospin (Socialist) 1995-2002
Alain Juppé (Rally for the Republic) 2002-

Prime Ministers of the French Republic:
Jacques Chirac (Rally for the Republic) 1986-1988
Michel Rocard (Socialist) 1988-1991
Édith Cresson (Sociliast) 1991-1992
Pierre Bérégovoy (Socialist) 1992-1993
Édouard Balladur (Rally for the Republic) 1993-1995
Jacques Chirac (Rally for the Republic) 1995-1996
Alain Juppé (Rally for the Republic) 1996-2002
Jean-Pierre Raffarin (Rally for the Republic) 2002-
And we're back! Yay!

I was working on this as a fun little thing in the mean time.

Occupied Japan, Southern Korea, and the Philippines are ISOT'd in 1947 to another time (idk when) along with all the US military presence in Asia being stuffed into Japan. The nation that emerges is the United States, but has an Emperor... and is... very strange indeed. This is their 2018 elections, held every four years since the first election in 1950, after President MacArthur stood down, and the Emperor consented to new elections.

Colbert won: Kantou, Tohoku, Chuugoku, Shikoku, Kyushu, Formosa, Visayas, Luzon, Haeseo, Hamgyong, Yeongnam, Keijou, Hoseo, Honam, Gwanseo, and Gwandong.
Wilmot won: Hokkaidou, Chuubu, Kansai, Mindanao, Gyeonggi, Jinsen, Hawaii, Alaska, Manchukuo and Transamur.

After her victory, Colbert and Suzuki formed a government in the Emperor's name.

Vice President Suzuki is the brother of President Thomas Suzuki, and (was) the Governor of Chuugoku.
Well I'm back again with the next update for the Turtledove Award winning series (still exciting to say that) Hail, Britannia. This may or may not be the last update on this thread, as I'm hoping to start a separate thread for the series that will allow me to perform minor edits to previous installations and expand the history of this world in greater detail. As always I welcome comments, constructive criticism, questions and requests.

This time we are looking back to the Old World and perhaps the most strategically important of the British Home Nations, Gibraltar:


Gibraltar is a constituent country of the United Kingdom located across the Strait of Gibraltar in the south of the Iberian Peninsula and the northwest of the African Maghreb, bordered by the Kingdom of Spain to the north, the Kingdom of Morocco to the south, the Atlantic Ocean to the west and the Mediterranean Sea to the east. Gibraltar is one of only two transcontinental British Home Nations, the other being the West Indies.

Within recorded history Gibraltar was inhabited at various times by the Phoenicians, Carthaginians and Romans, and after the collapse of the Roman Empire the area came under the control of the Vandals. The European regions formed part of the Visigothic Kingdom of Hispania, whilst the African regions fell to the Byzantine Empire and later the Umayyad Caliphate, which led the Islamic conquest of Iberia in the 8th century CE. European Gibraltar remained in Muslim hands until 1462, when the Rock of Gibraltar was captured by the Spanish at the conclusion of the Reconquista, whilst parts of the African territory passed through the control of various European powers before eventually falling to Morocco.

Most of the European territories of present day Gibraltar remained part of Spain until 1947, although the modern city of Victoria-on-the-Rock was captured by an Anglo-Dutch force in 1704 during the War of Spanish Succession and subsequently ceded to Great Britain “in perpetuity” under the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht. The Rock of Gibraltar would play an important role in the Battle of Trafalgar and the Crimean War because of its strategic location, which only increased with the opening of the Suez Canal, linking Britain with India and the Pacific. Present day African Gibraltar was seized by Spain in the 1846 Spanish-Moroccan War, resulting in the displacement of much of the native Muslim population and the integration of the territory into Spain. Widespread settlement by Andalusians, who intermingled with the remaining Arabs and Berbers, led to the development of an independent cultural identity through the merging of Spanish and Maghrebi customs, and during the Spanish Revolution (1863-1868) the inhabitants of the Spanish Maghreb fought a guerrilla war in the Rif Mountains against Royalist and Republican forces.

In June 1868, following the murder of three British citizens in Tangier during a Republican crackdown and the destruction of the HMS Maine in Havana, Great Britain entered the war on the side of the Royalists and landed a British force, under General William T. Sherman in Tangier. In response the Republicans laid siege to the Rock of Gibraltar. After a three month long campaign, which would later be known as the Gibraltar Intervention, Sherman’s army had captured the Spanish Maghreb and occupied parts of southern Andalusia, stretching from south of Cadiz to the Costa del Sol. The Peace of Lisbon, which ended the Spanish Revolution, permanently transferred Ceuta, Melilla and the Spanish Maghreb to Britain, with an agreement that British forces would occupy the territories in southern Andalusia for fifty years. The British occupation came to an end in 1912, despite opposition from the locals who favoured continued British investment and security, as opposed to retrocession to the unstable Spanish Republic, and led to an exodus of British military personnel and their families, many of Spanish nationality, from the area.

During the Second World War, the civilian population of Gibraltar and the British Maghreb was evacuated, and given their strategic locations played important roles in maintaining access to the Western Mediterranean for the Royal Navy and launching supply runs to Malta during the Axis siege. Spain joined the Axis Powers in November 1941, and after a short campaign controlled the major cities in the Maghreb, leaving Allied guerrilla forces operating out of the Rif Mountains and the Rock of Gibraltar under siege. The Great Siege of Gibraltar, much like the Great Siege of Singapore, is remembered as one of the finest actions of the British military and held for nearly a year until November 1942 when Operation Torch landed on the North African coast. It wasn’t until February 1943 that Axis forces were evicted from the British Maghreb, paving the way for the Allied invasion of Spain later that year. The Treaty of Riofrio, signed in 1947, formally recognised the annexation of the modern day European regions of Gibraltar, and shortly after the Rock of Gibraltar was merged with the British Iberia and Maghreb territories to form the modern nation of Gibraltar, with its capital in the city of Tetuan, which was admitted to the United Kingdom on 10 September 1964 as the 21st Home Nation.

In the 21st century, Gibraltar is a highly developed nation with an economy focused primarily on tourism and the services sector, with a substantial agricultural and fishing industry. Demographically dominated by European, predominantly Iberian, émigrés and British settlers, with a substantial Jewish Sephardi population, Gibraltar is facing growing problems with an ageing population made up of ex-pat retirees and an influx of young migrant labour from the Maghreb. Acting as a gateway for trade between the Britain, Europe and the Maghreb, with nearly half of international trade passing through the Strait, Gibraltar plays a key role in regional geo-politics as a bridge between Europe and Africa, and its strategic location makes it important to British and NATO security.

The 2015 Gibraltarian general election was held on 3 December 2015 to elect, under the proportional representation system, the 102 members of the House of Assembly.

The relatively uneventful election saw the incumbent coalition government between the broad tent left-wing United Left and the centrist liberal Alliance, under First Minister Latifa Akherbach, re-elected with a reduced majority, whilst the centre-right conservative National Democrats, under new leader Seema Kennedy, gained 3 seats. United Left and Alliance campaigned on a joint platform of increased spending to boost economic growth, particularly in the growing technology industry in Gibraltar, and increased investment in solar and wind energy projects. Whilst the National Democrats campaigned on a platform of reduced government spending through privatisation of state-owned industries, with the savings been passed down through tax cuts, whilst promising to reduce illegal immigration from the Maghreb and increase cross-border trade with Spain and Morocco.

The regionalist Civil Rights party, which has gradually shifted to a moderate conservative unionist platform, made minor gains at this election, mainly amongst elderly voters, whilst the Spanish nationalist Unidad Española, which campaigns for the return of European Gibraltar to the Kingdom of Spain, retained their stronghold in the city of Chiclana. The Maghrebi nationalist party, Al-Maghāribī, which supports the integration of African Gibraltar into the Maghreb Union, held its single seat in the House of Assembly, although their share of the popular vote decreased to the lowest since 1999.

Hail, Britannia
UK SDP leadership spill, 2004 & leadership election, 2011
American Theatre of World War I
Federation of India
Oregonian general election, 2011
Kingdom of Hanover; Hanoverian general election, 2012
Kingdom of Scania; King Valdemar V; Crown Prince Christoffer
National Republic of China (1927-1947)
Florida; Floridian general election, 2013; Floridian, Texan & Californian Spanish
Britain-in-America; North American Dutch; Daniel Taylor; Isaac Brock; Taylor-Brock family; Dukedom of Manhattan
Kingdom of Hawai'i; Hawaiian general election, 2015; King Kūhiō; Native Hawaiians
Hawaiians in the United Kingdom (Hawaiian British)
Russian America; Province of Alaska; Orthodox Church in America; Alaskans; North American Russian; Russian-American Company
Mexican Empire; Mexican federal election, 2013; Emperor Agustín V; President of the Government; Josefina Vázquez Mota
First Minister of Florida; Order of the Star of Florida; 2015 Floridian independence referendum; Viceroy of Florida; Carlos López-Cantera; Juan Taylor-Brock y Menendez
Dominion of Newfoundland; Newfoundland general election, 2016; Newfoundland Gaelic; New Labrador Party; Order of Newfoundland
Kingdom of the Californias; Californians; Californian general election, 2013; King Ramón IV; Wasatch Autonomous Region; Jon Huntsman Jr.
Nova Scotia (& 2013 provincial election); New Brunswick (& 2014 provincial election)
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A strong blizzard fell before the inauguration, blanketing the capitol with snow. But as morning broke on January 20, 1961, rays of light melted the streets of Washington D.C. The symbolism was palpable. A time had arrived for the nation to leave the shadow of its past and walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of tomorrow. After Sammy Davis, Jr. and Frank Sinatra serenaded the crowd with their dulcet tones, a new vision for the future was laid forth that captured the optimism of the American people. With a soaring economy, sky high approval ratings, and an array of promises ready to be fulfilled, it naturally didn't take long for the agents of darkness to cast their shadow over the new president's agenda.

While past administrations were content to tip toe around Civil Rights, Hubert Humphrey had made a career of antagonizing segregationists. These old rivals were now determined to give the man of sunshine the cold shoulder. When Humphrey nominated William T. Coleman, an African American, to serve as Attorney General, the confirmation only skated through with support from the opposing caucus to paper over southern defections. Minority Leader Dirksen had been forced to walk the tightrope between the bedrock values of his party and the dog whistle tactics used to corral unruly segregationists into the fold during the late election. He simply didn't have the stomach to triangulate with the southern bloc to oppose the president's nominees. This didn’t stop the stalling of much of the Sunlit Society by the means of the filibuster however. Further progress would need to await the midterm elections.

On the foreign policy front, things was equally muddled. Khrushchev's Soviet Union had both sent a man into space and launched an unmanned orbiter around the moon, earthbound relations were strained by the newly communist regime in Cuba, and now Vice President Jackson advised action in the Caribbean. President Humphrey, for his part, was unconvinced by the hodgepodge of ex-pats put together by the CIA for a seaborne invasion and vetoed the gambit in favor of backdoor negotiations with the Soviets. By Autumn of 1962, the Soviet Union had more or less agreed to be less openly confrontational in exchange for the withdrawal of nuclear weapons from Turkey. Both Humphrey and Khrushchev came out on top in this arrangement, with the latter being able to flex his muscles and fend off potential challengers. While the Kremlin would beef up Soviet defenses in Eastern Europe as a matter of show, it would ultimately amount to very little.

The 1962 midterms reflected the ideological clash over both foreign policy and Civil Rights. Democratic and Republican leadership alike was swept up in the maelstrom, with both Democratic President pro tempore Carl Hayden and Majority Leader Everett Dirksen being defeated in their re-election bids. These changes also presaged a sea change within the Republican Party, with several longtime Southern Democrats changing their allegiances in reaction to the success of Republican candidates in Alabama and South Carolina. However, with most defeated incumbents from both parties hailing from their respective conservative wings, the midterms gave President Humphrey the breathing room he needed to pass the rest of his stalled Sunlit Society...

Ever since the French were jettisoned from Vietnam in the 1950s, the nation had been divided between an equally miserable set of sister nations. The prevailing perception of the Humphrey Administration was that the South Vietnamese were a kettle of corrupt fish unworthy of assistance. Overtures were instead made to Sisowath Kossamak and Sisavang Vatthana, Kings of Cambodia and Laos respectively. Both men proved to be sturdy allies after South Vietnam was absorbed by 'democratic referendum' into the Ho Chi Minh regime in 1965. Sidestepping Vietnam, the administration was successful in containing the spread of communism to that unhappy country alone. President Humphrey didn't believe, like Secretary of State Lyndon Johnson, that the Soviet Union must always be bested by military means. Instead it was hoped that Vietnam and Cuba could be isolated diplomatically so that they might one day see the light of capitalism in their own time. This strategy, while less popular with the American people, was allayed by the presence of Jackson and Johnson. With two hawks on his team, the broader public saw the 'Happy Warrior' as a peacemaker rather than appeaser, putting the president in a conformable position to seek reelection.

However, to seek a second term, the president would have to win the confidence of his own party. Governor George Wallace of Alabama, representing what the president termed the 'darkness' of states' rights, had suctioned up considerable support in his native south as a populist alternative to the anti-segregationist incumbent. Rallying against the Voting Rights Act, Wallace dubbed his candidacy the "last chance for the white voter" and called upon his supporters to "drown out the nigger bloc". In the end however, the Alabaman only managed to win racially charged Maryland before fizzling out. Nevertheless, with most southern delegations boycotting the 1964 Democratic Convention, some wondered if the president was mortally wounded.

Senior Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona decried the president for 'abandoning free people to the red tide' and described the relationship between Humphrey and Khrushchev in surprisingly vivid and lurid terms. Opposing the Civil Rights Act on the grounds of states' rights, Goldwater won the key support of of newly Republican Storm Thurmond of South Carolina. Nelson Rockefeller, Goldwater's main competitor, was felled thanks to a scandalous divorce tarnishing his image among conservative voters. At the convention, in a further repudiation of the Rockefeller Republicans, Senator W.D. Workman of South Carolina was selected as the running mate in a definite nod to the southerners who had migrated to the Republican Party.

Evan Mecham, Junior Senator of Arizona, ran a low key primary campaign against his own partner from the palmetto state. Pledging his delegates to nobody, he fashioned his own political movement after dropping out of the race. Mecham had been a rather persistent thorn for the past two years, and now sought to expose 'Mr. Conservative' for the 'commie' that he really was. Bludgeoning Goldwater for 'only' opposing the Civil Rights Act on “procedural” grounds, Mecham made a conscientious effort to court southerners who were still skeptical about Goldwater's conservative credentials. Tapping James D. Martin, a visible ally to Governor George Wallace, as his running mate, Mecham sought to emulate Martin's success in Alabama as a candidate that moved to the right of his already conservative opponent.

The general election was quixotic, with much of the sensationalism stemming from Mecham's attempts to one up Goldwater. California's Ronald Reagan, protegee to Governor Richard Nixon, was deployed to counter Mecham indirectly as to not give Arizona's Junior Senator the 'legitimacy' of a personal rebuke. Nevertheless Mecham repeatedly hit Goldwater's for his desire to see “homos in military”, a reference to Goldwater's indifference to gay servicemen, and claimed he would “destroy” every toilet in the Soviet Union, an allusion to Goldwater's off hand comment that the United States should “lob one” into the “Kremlin Men's Restroom”. Mecham would tell the president he “didn’t need help” choosing the right person for the “cotton picking job”, a thinly veiled attacked on the section of the Civil Rights Act that forbade hiring discrimination, and generally teased his opponents for getting “desperate enough” to attack “little old Mecham”.

Lost in all the bluster was Mecham's populist positioning as the 'kinder' alternative to Goldwater. He refused to attack the president's new national healthcare program, something which was decried as 'socialized medicine' by Reagan, and derided Goldwater’s call for the privatization of social security, a plan which Mecham described as “killing grandma' slowly”. It had become clear that the country had split along the seams, with a quasi civil war erupting between the segregationists and virtually everyone else. The debates saw fits and quarrels over healthcare, foreign policy, and the Civil Rights Act. The latter with Humphrey in favor, Mecham strongly opposed, and Goldwater meandering something about constitutionality in the middle. On every other issue Mecham called his opponents hundreds of different variations of the word 'race traitor', which his opponents pointedly did their best to ignore.

The vice presidential debate saw James D. Martin and W.D. Workman on the same page when it came to segregation, leading to a hilariously one sided debate where each man took turns pummeling Vice President Jackson on the issue of civil rights. Martin also brought up Jackson's support for Japanese Internment, a blast from the past that had liberals briefly confused as to what side the man was on. Nevertheless Jackson's foreign policy acumen helped his team when it came to the perception of who was not only tough, but smart on communism.

Come November and Mecham's third ticket presence was soaking up red hot outrage at the mainstream acceptance of the Sunlit Society. Many ordinary people, mostly southern, were aghast at integration and the class based affirmative action program that Mecham dubbed “worthy of Smilin' Stalin” and Martin sagely described as 'Nigras robbin' your children!' While this was advantage for Humphrey, who benefited from a split vote in the south, it was clear that his sunlight agenda had cast a long shadow. Ultimately, though, the economic growth that the nation was experiencing, and the schism among the segregationists, made outright victory all but impossible for the president's opponents. But few, least of all the president himself, could believe the actual outcome as the numbers came rolling in...

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