The electoral map isn't insane enough for this to be a realistic West Wing scenario.Previously on The West Wing...
Hoynes doesn't resign due to his affair. During the Zoe Bartlet incident, Hoynes becomes Acting President since he's still VP. A swift resolution restores Hoynes's popularity and saves the Democrats and their flailing midterm polling numbers. Butterflies also lead to Fitzwallace avoiding the Gaza incident. In the 2006 Democratic primaries, Hoynes has no serious challengers, as Bob Russell was never VP and Josh doesn't recruit Santos. Josh runs the Hoynes campaign and Fitzwallace is selected as the running mate. Without Glen Walken in the Republican primaries, Sullivan rallies the conservative Republican base and defeats Vinick to win the nomination. Hoynes and Fitzwallace crush Sullivan in the general election.
John Hoynes was always a very interesting character to me. I enjoyed his dynamic with Bartlet, especially with the clear parallels with JFK and LBJ. I think Hoynes certainly would have been a great president, and Fitzwallace is another badass. They would have made a fantastic ticket. Before anyone talks about blue Texas, let's not forget that West Wing electoral politics make no sense. Bartlet won Texas in 1998 and had a giant landslide in 2002 and also that Santos won South Carolina. Hoynes winning Texas makes more sense than all of those.
Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes IV (Do not post Current Politics Here)
- Thread starter Glide08
- Start date
- Status
The Queer Anarchist Party administration which had governed the Federal Preserve of Homeland for the previous decade came tumbling down in 1992, as the QA’s purposefully weakened police and emergencies force proved inadequate for dealing with the superstorm that struck Homeland earlier that year. Due to an acute shortage of land, Homeland was, and is, one of the most densely populated areas in the country, and the damage would have been enormous already has the emergency services not been unable to perform effectively. QA assurances that the benefits of a withering-away government outweighed the occasional whoopsie fell on deaf ears, and the Whig challenger Nathan From, as conservative in dress as they were in rhetoric, rode the wave of backlash to victory in the next Homelander election. Mx. From’s Rainbow Whigs set about building an economically liberal market apparatus, to the current approval of well over half of the voting population and disorganized protests of a Queer Anarchist Party no longer used to being the opposition.
Melting Pot:
Homelander Premieral Elections 1992 and Premier of the Homeland
Soviet Nations
United States and China
Last edited:
Zek Sora
Donor
Love it, but I gotta ask...how do 700 million people physically fit into an area smaller than Manhattan?
EDIT: Wait, nevermind. I meant for it to be high but I left in some zeroes I meant to get rid of. I'll fix that.
Actually Bartlet lost Texas in 1998. From Post Hoc Ergo Propter HocPreviously on The West Wing...
Hoynes doesn't resign due to his affair. During the Zoe Bartlet incident, Hoynes becomes Acting President since he's still VP. A swift resolution restores Hoynes's popularity and saves the Democrats and their flailing midterm polling numbers. Butterflies also lead to Fitzwallace avoiding the Gaza incident. In the 2006 Democratic primaries, Hoynes has no serious challengers, as Bob Russell was never VP and Josh doesn't recruit Santos. Josh runs the Hoynes campaign and Fitzwallace is selected as the running mate. Without Glen Walken in the Republican primaries, Sullivan rallies the conservative Republican base and defeats Vinick to win the nomination. Hoynes and Fitzwallace crush Sullivan in the general election.
John Hoynes was always a very interesting character to me. I enjoyed his dynamic with Bartlet, especially with the clear parallels with JFK and LBJ. I think Hoynes certainly would have been a great president, and Fitzwallace is another badass. They would have made a fantastic ticket. Before anyone talks about blue Texas, let's not forget that West Wing electoral politics make no sense. Bartlet won Texas in 1998 and had a giant landslide in 2002 and also that Santos won South Carolina. Hoynes winning Texas makes more sense than all of those.
"The point is we got womped in Texas.
We got womped in Texas twice
We got womped in the primary and we got womped in November"
So yeah. Even with a Texan on the ticket they lost.
Great box though.
I know right. That's where I keep all my stuff.
I mean he's not jewish. The POD is long after Alexander's death. It's just all the roman/greek records of his reign get destroyed by barbarians.
And while he's most often depicted as pagan in folklore, the Zoroastrians often linked him to Abrahamic monotheism so there's some doubt in ttl historian's minds as to whether that means he was jewish.
Something to do with Ireland would be interesting, perhaps Fine Gael is overrun by O'Duffy's Blueshirts?
The Liberal Party was far happier, not to mention popular, under the leadership of Pierre Pettigrew. The former minister of international trade had seemingly united a deeply divided party following years of infighting, garnered a political peace with Brian Tobin, won the ensuing election campaign on his relatively left-wing platform, had taken Gary Filmon’s seat and had dispatched the Tories. All was well in the Liberal war room. But the campaign was over and the Liberals had to turn their attention back to governing. But what first? The party platform had included a variety of big ticket items, including ratifying Same-Sex Marriage, increased funding and reform to human resources and healthcare, a new National Childcare Benefit program, EI changes, free-trade deals, aggressive of softwood lumber, balance budget. Liberal Party President Stephen LeDrew conceded to reporters following the election that it would most likely take more than a single mandate to deliver on every single promise made in the party platform. Many within the Liberal caucus were privately worried that the Prime Minister’s vision was too vast, and instead should focus on the country’s finances. Officials within the Prime Minister’s Office were split into two differing camps, one arguing that the government focus on healthcare as it’s first major policy proposal, which would require a First Ministers’ Conference, and Same-Sex Marriage, which faced significant hurdles in both chambers of parliament and from within the Liberal Party itself, most notably former leadership candidate Tom Wappel. Once the Tories picked their new leader, there was a chance that the issue could reenergize the disheartened party ahead of 2004. As a compromise, it was decided that the government would focus on building on good will and the budget within their first year rather than tackle a major issue. After all, the federal government had to build, rebuild, and in some cases buy relationships with the provinces if they were to make any significant headway on healthcare.
The first year of the Pettigrew government went as many expected. There were the odd scandals, one or two resignations from cabinet, and accusations that the government was out of touch. But such problems plagued every government. Despite the slow growth in the economy, the Liberal’s budget offered increased spending, including transfer payments to the Atlantic provinces and spending on healthcare. Such moves were criticized by interim Tory leader Kim Campbell as being irresponsible and detrimental to the government’s pledge of balancing the budget. But while pundits and economists agreed that the budget did little in this regard, pundits noted that increased funding to the provinces would potentially warm relationships between Ottawa and her provincial counterparts. Despite the federal Liberal’s strong poll numbers and majority in the House of Commons, their provincial counterparts and potential allies had suffered countless defeats. Ujjal Dosanjh had fallen to Gordon Campbell out in British Columbia, King Ralph ruled in Alberta, Brian Pallister governed in Manitoba, Elwin Hermanson had taken the reigns in Saskatchewan, Mike Harris was still the top boss in Ontario, former Tory leader Jean Charest dominated Quebec, Bernard Lord had won a landslide victory in New Brunswick, John Hamm held a majority in Nova Scotia, Pat Binns was immensely popular in Prince Edward Island, and Loyola Sullivan had managed to win re-election in Newfoundland. Only in the Yukon was there a Liberal government, and it seemed on course to lose come 2002 to the right leaning Yukon Party. Some within the PMO suggested the Prime Minister wait to call his first First Ministers’ Conference until 2003 in the hopes that some of the provincial governments would change hands. Unfortunately, that was too close to the next election for the Prime Minister’s liking. He had already spent a year avoiding controversial decisions, and it would only be a matter of time before Canadians grew bored of a do-nothing government. Besides, offering more money for healthcare was popular across party lines. Phone calls were made to the capitals of each province and the three-day meeting of Canada’s Premier’s was scheduled for September 8, 2001 in Ottawa.
Many if not all of the Premiers were encouraged by the invitation and the focus on healthcare. Under the previous Rock government their calls for discussion were typically heard but not acted upon. Ontario Premier Mike Harris also drew the ire of the government when he ran ads denouncing Ottawa’s inadequate healthcare funding and the arrogance of the then-Prime Minister, whom he suggested had no plan or interest in dealing with the provincial governments. In 1999 the Rock government pledged $2.1 billion for healthcare over a period of four years, but the Ontario government threatened to withdraw its entire share before that period, stressing the importance of reform. However, with the election of Pierre Pettigrew, Harris took a more conciliatory, wait-and-see approach. At their meeting the Prime Minister broadly spoke of his vision for the country and its reliance on the relationship between the federal and provincial governments. The term “teamwork” became an almost catchphrase, to the point it received ridicule by the likes of This Hour Has 22 Minutes and a handful of journalists. Still, the approach seemed to work. After a forty-five-minute meeting alone with Pettigrew and Health Minister Jane Stewart, Manitoba Premier Brian Pallister suggested that the provinces and Ottawa would likely find common ground on a deal. Still, with the federal government still three years away from their balanced-budget targets, economists warned that the time was not right to increase healthcare funding, and if the government pushed ahead with such action it would mean cuts in other departments like defence or transport.
Unfortunately for the Prime Minister, Mike Harris was done holding his tongue. First the government conceded to Harris’ demand for independent experts audit proposed new federal and provincial healthcare report cards, rather than let Ottawa do it themselves. There was also the matter of the amount of funding that the Prime Minister was willing to commit. Rather than $2.5 billion, the provinces wanted a figure around several billion dollars. Ottawa countered that such funding would require a number of conditions, including new national standards for delivery of primary and home care, in addition to the original report card proposal. Ontario would accept national standards set by Ottawa, just so long as the model used was that implemented by the government of Canada’s largest province. Harris even suggested dropping the report card proposal altogether, arguing that such a committee of experts could be manhandled by the federal government. There was also the matter of Quebec. Long suspicious of the federal government, Quebec was more than willing to back an agreement that gave more power and oversight to the provinces rather than allow the federal government dictate terms. If Ontario and Quebec could agree on a counter approach, Pettigrew’s dream of having the federal government implement a new healthcare reforms would dry up. The Prime Minister attempted to pull the Atlantic provinces from Ontario and Quebec’s grip, going as far as meeting with each Premier individually. Eventually the Prime Minister was forced to deliver an ultimatum, namely that those who signed onto the agreement proposed by Ottawa, $3 billion in funding complete with federal oversight over standards and a report card would get cash, and those who walked away would face political disaster. Eventually a compromise was struck that incorporated some of the proposals pushed by both Ontario and Quebec, specifically in reducing the federal government’s role in regulating healthcare.
There was also the touchy matter of Kyoto. Most Premiers, in particular Ralph Klein and Loyola Sullivan, were either against Kyoto or wanted the government to delay ratifying the agreement in parliament. Citing that discussions on the deal had begun in the early-to-mid 90s, Prime Minister Pettigrew refused to postpone ratification. The First Ministers’ Conference was dealing with healthcare, not Kyoto. The environment would be discussed at some future date. Besides, polling suggested an overwhelming majority of Canadians supported ratification. Unless the agreement was altered with consideration for each province’s specifications. Some even floated the notion of rejecting the healthcare agreement in protest against the federal governments refusal to discuss the issue. But no one realistically expected the provincial premiers to turn down federal money under any circumstances. Kyoto would have to be discussed another day.
Although not without his bruises, most considered the conference a success for Pettigrew. Having only been Prime Minister for almost two years, he had managed to forge a concrete agreement with Premiers with double the political experience. Although, some government insiders privately credited the success to Health Minister Jane Stewart, who had notably accompanied the Prime Minister to most of his meetings at the conference, and had been described by some Premiers as the detail-oriented negotiator compared to Pettigrew’s broader arguments over his vision. Yet this success had even forced the Premier’s to consider Jean Charest’s proposal of forming a Council of the Federation, to create a unified block to discuss issues with the federal government, rather than be divided and conquered. Still, further healthcare reforms would be required, but the Prime Minister was already interested in the next big issue on his campaign platform; Same-Sex Marriage. The sooner a bill was implemented the quicker it would become less of an issue come the next election. Unfortunately for Pettigrew and the Liberals, events were transpiring which would dramatically alter their agenda, and that of the entire global community.
-
The first year of the Pettigrew government went as many expected. There were the odd scandals, one or two resignations from cabinet, and accusations that the government was out of touch. But such problems plagued every government. Despite the slow growth in the economy, the Liberal’s budget offered increased spending, including transfer payments to the Atlantic provinces and spending on healthcare. Such moves were criticized by interim Tory leader Kim Campbell as being irresponsible and detrimental to the government’s pledge of balancing the budget. But while pundits and economists agreed that the budget did little in this regard, pundits noted that increased funding to the provinces would potentially warm relationships between Ottawa and her provincial counterparts. Despite the federal Liberal’s strong poll numbers and majority in the House of Commons, their provincial counterparts and potential allies had suffered countless defeats. Ujjal Dosanjh had fallen to Gordon Campbell out in British Columbia, King Ralph ruled in Alberta, Brian Pallister governed in Manitoba, Elwin Hermanson had taken the reigns in Saskatchewan, Mike Harris was still the top boss in Ontario, former Tory leader Jean Charest dominated Quebec, Bernard Lord had won a landslide victory in New Brunswick, John Hamm held a majority in Nova Scotia, Pat Binns was immensely popular in Prince Edward Island, and Loyola Sullivan had managed to win re-election in Newfoundland. Only in the Yukon was there a Liberal government, and it seemed on course to lose come 2002 to the right leaning Yukon Party. Some within the PMO suggested the Prime Minister wait to call his first First Ministers’ Conference until 2003 in the hopes that some of the provincial governments would change hands. Unfortunately, that was too close to the next election for the Prime Minister’s liking. He had already spent a year avoiding controversial decisions, and it would only be a matter of time before Canadians grew bored of a do-nothing government. Besides, offering more money for healthcare was popular across party lines. Phone calls were made to the capitals of each province and the three-day meeting of Canada’s Premier’s was scheduled for September 8, 2001 in Ottawa.
Many if not all of the Premiers were encouraged by the invitation and the focus on healthcare. Under the previous Rock government their calls for discussion were typically heard but not acted upon. Ontario Premier Mike Harris also drew the ire of the government when he ran ads denouncing Ottawa’s inadequate healthcare funding and the arrogance of the then-Prime Minister, whom he suggested had no plan or interest in dealing with the provincial governments. In 1999 the Rock government pledged $2.1 billion for healthcare over a period of four years, but the Ontario government threatened to withdraw its entire share before that period, stressing the importance of reform. However, with the election of Pierre Pettigrew, Harris took a more conciliatory, wait-and-see approach. At their meeting the Prime Minister broadly spoke of his vision for the country and its reliance on the relationship between the federal and provincial governments. The term “teamwork” became an almost catchphrase, to the point it received ridicule by the likes of This Hour Has 22 Minutes and a handful of journalists. Still, the approach seemed to work. After a forty-five-minute meeting alone with Pettigrew and Health Minister Jane Stewart, Manitoba Premier Brian Pallister suggested that the provinces and Ottawa would likely find common ground on a deal. Still, with the federal government still three years away from their balanced-budget targets, economists warned that the time was not right to increase healthcare funding, and if the government pushed ahead with such action it would mean cuts in other departments like defence or transport.
Unfortunately for the Prime Minister, Mike Harris was done holding his tongue. First the government conceded to Harris’ demand for independent experts audit proposed new federal and provincial healthcare report cards, rather than let Ottawa do it themselves. There was also the matter of the amount of funding that the Prime Minister was willing to commit. Rather than $2.5 billion, the provinces wanted a figure around several billion dollars. Ottawa countered that such funding would require a number of conditions, including new national standards for delivery of primary and home care, in addition to the original report card proposal. Ontario would accept national standards set by Ottawa, just so long as the model used was that implemented by the government of Canada’s largest province. Harris even suggested dropping the report card proposal altogether, arguing that such a committee of experts could be manhandled by the federal government. There was also the matter of Quebec. Long suspicious of the federal government, Quebec was more than willing to back an agreement that gave more power and oversight to the provinces rather than allow the federal government dictate terms. If Ontario and Quebec could agree on a counter approach, Pettigrew’s dream of having the federal government implement a new healthcare reforms would dry up. The Prime Minister attempted to pull the Atlantic provinces from Ontario and Quebec’s grip, going as far as meeting with each Premier individually. Eventually the Prime Minister was forced to deliver an ultimatum, namely that those who signed onto the agreement proposed by Ottawa, $3 billion in funding complete with federal oversight over standards and a report card would get cash, and those who walked away would face political disaster. Eventually a compromise was struck that incorporated some of the proposals pushed by both Ontario and Quebec, specifically in reducing the federal government’s role in regulating healthcare.
There was also the touchy matter of Kyoto. Most Premiers, in particular Ralph Klein and Loyola Sullivan, were either against Kyoto or wanted the government to delay ratifying the agreement in parliament. Citing that discussions on the deal had begun in the early-to-mid 90s, Prime Minister Pettigrew refused to postpone ratification. The First Ministers’ Conference was dealing with healthcare, not Kyoto. The environment would be discussed at some future date. Besides, polling suggested an overwhelming majority of Canadians supported ratification. Unless the agreement was altered with consideration for each province’s specifications. Some even floated the notion of rejecting the healthcare agreement in protest against the federal governments refusal to discuss the issue. But no one realistically expected the provincial premiers to turn down federal money under any circumstances. Kyoto would have to be discussed another day.
Although not without his bruises, most considered the conference a success for Pettigrew. Having only been Prime Minister for almost two years, he had managed to forge a concrete agreement with Premiers with double the political experience. Although, some government insiders privately credited the success to Health Minister Jane Stewart, who had notably accompanied the Prime Minister to most of his meetings at the conference, and had been described by some Premiers as the detail-oriented negotiator compared to Pettigrew’s broader arguments over his vision. Yet this success had even forced the Premier’s to consider Jean Charest’s proposal of forming a Council of the Federation, to create a unified block to discuss issues with the federal government, rather than be divided and conquered. Still, further healthcare reforms would be required, but the Prime Minister was already interested in the next big issue on his campaign platform; Same-Sex Marriage. The sooner a bill was implemented the quicker it would become less of an issue come the next election. Unfortunately for Pettigrew and the Liberals, events were transpiring which would dramatically alter their agenda, and that of the entire global community.
-
I've actually been waiting for someone to make that comment since I made him PM in my TL, so thank you.
I was thinking that. Arab states as well (needless to say Islamism isn't As Much of A Thing TTL. Pan-Arab nationalism, on the other hand...).
Accurateworldwar
Banned
Arnold Aaron McIntyre Jr. is an American politician who served as the 42nd President of the United States. Previously, he served as a United States Senator from Ohio.
McIntyre was born in Youngstown, Ohio, where he attended school until graduating in 1956. He attended college at Ohio State University, where a speech given by President Richard Nixon aspired him to change his degree to political science. McIntyre became an important figure in the Ohio Republican Party, and served as Acting Chairman for the Ohio Republican Party in 1968 when Chairman Robert Taft Jr. was hospitalized. McIntyre ran unsuccessfully for Governor of Ohio in 1970, however, he would go on to win a seat in the United States Senate against incumbent Senator Michael DiSalle.
As Senator, McIntyre worked to organize the Senate Patriotic Caucus, which comprised most moderate Republicans who were gaining more power in the GOP. McIntyre worked to promote bipartisanship in the Senate, working with President Brown on domestic legislative agendas. However, McIntyre would go on to run for President in 1984 against President Brown, and handily defeated the incumbent President.
When President McIntyre took office, he launched a military operation against the Turkish government in retaliation for their attacks on American bases in the region. Called Operation New Shield, it was a bombing campaign conducted against Turkish military facilities. After the operation, the Turkish government negotiated the release of American servicemen and women, and in 1987, the American presence in Turkey started it's withdraw, which was completed in 1990. President McIntyre's response to the Turkish bombings was well-received, and the President was re-elected in 1988 against Texas Senator Mickey Leland. President McIntyre's second term saw environmental reform as the Department of Environmental Concerns was established. An international climate change treaty was negotiated by President McIntyre and 54 other countries, and passed Congress in 1991. President McIntyre declined to seek a third term as President, and with Vice President George Pullman's decision not to run, McIntyre supported the successful candidacy of Governor Eric O'Neill.
In his post-presidency, McIntyre has been a forceful climate change activist. His speech at the 2004 Republican National Convention regarding climate change has been hailed as "one of his best speeches of his post-presidency". McIntyre currently lives in an estate in Palm Beach, Florida.
Last edited:
The box has him as 42nd, but besides that, its good.
Who is Pres. McIntyre in OTL, though?
Wrong thread.
Current political subjects go into Chat. There is a current politics wiki-box thread there.
Accurateworldwar
Banned
A fictional character. He's supposed to be 42nd, it was an error when I typed the paragraphs.
Ah yes. I always get confused because of Enemies, where Hoynes says "What did I ever do except deliver the south?" Thanks.
I think he may have delievered other parts of the south. Just not Texas.
Something I had been working on but ultimately decided to can; given the nature of the two-round system in France I was curious to see what the makeup of the 2012 legislature would have been had the results of the 1st round held, so traditional FPTP, and if the end result would have differed greatly from the actual result after the second round. To be honest I was expecting the National Front to be a big factor here given they were the third highest vote netter, but they almost always managed to stay in either third or occassionally second place, barring a few rare exceptions. The Socialists also actually gained seats to my surprise, though this was offset by loses incurred by their allies. All around it was relatively..........hollow on completion as nothing really changed other than Le Pen becoming a legislator.
I meant to have a map with this as well, but I couldn't figure out the boundaries for the constituencies of the departments (which was the 1st, which was the 2nd, so on).
I meant to have a map with this as well, but I couldn't figure out the boundaries for the constituencies of the departments (which was the 1st, which was the 2nd, so on).
To some of the strictest (and some would say fruitiest) adherents of fascism, the Afrikaner brand of it is little more than trumped up white supremacy. Indeed, Italian commentators ignore it when listing followers of the movement. This is not unfounded in its intentions - many supporters of South Africa's defunct Action Party insisted that their number one priority was the separation of the white races from the 'raw races', a sentiment that their successor party leader Ludger Jonkers tries desperately to dispirit as he removes the terms 'kaffir' and 'creatures' from the party constitution. Jonkers, a former corporate executive, looks poised to make some gains at the next round of elections in spite of a narrative that the party is essentially a personality cult. The 'old' Action Party is somewhat of an embarrassment for the 'new generation' of middle class Afrikaners, but there are still numerable defenders, who insisted that it really wasn't as bad as it was made out to be and that the co-operation between it and the White Knights of Britain was minimal at most. Many remain skeptical of such claims.
The AP was formed in 1962 by the brash upstart Paul Jonkers, a former shopkeeper and National Party representative. The party, which advocated the creation of an apartheid state until the early 1960s when it moderated to a more acceptable position, had yet to win an election after Jan Smuts' ascension to the premiership and Jan Hendrik Hofmeyr's further entrenchment of the United Party as the Natural Party of South African Governance. The NP could do little but scream bloody murder as the rights of voting were extended further to the 'coloured' population of South Africa, where previously these were only available in the Cape. However, they could be content with the continuation of urban segregation, which remained a problem up until the modern day. The predicted ethnic strife did not arrive in as great a way as predicted by the party faithful, and so the UP continued winning elections as it reformed the voting districts in an act the NP considered cynical and a way to put them down. Anger was not only on their side, as black rights parties sprung up - both in moderate forms (such as the Progressive Labour party) and the extreme forms (such as the Bantu National Party and the National Congress of United Africans). By early 1962, there was finally an opening for the NP as the poor premiership of Jan Steytler came to an end without much progress made on segregation. The broad coalition the United Party had garnered quickly came undone, and the NP scraped to a victory. This government was just as poor as its predecessor, just in different ways. The cabinet was dominated by hardliners and the Prime Minister Eric Louw was found lacking in his responses to numerous border bombings, alleged to have been the crimes of black nationalists but later found to be the work of an Afrikaner terrorist front. Louw's government attempted to ramp up construction on a strengthened border fence separating South Africa from the rest of the continent, but this plan faced overwhelming opposition from the British Government. A Bantu Nationalist terror group seized control of a string of towns in Northern Namibia, forcing the government into action. Military forces were deployed, but in most cases they found harsh resistance from not only the group but also residents who were unwilling to place their trust in the army. Battles ensued in Omusati and Oshana, which saw the army forced to a humiliating draw. British Prime Minister Michael Stewart mooted implementing 'direct rule' upon the dominion, and consulted with High Commissioner Maurice Macmillan on the matter, but it came to naught as Luow was left to his own devices. Defence minister Paul Jonkers, considered a rogue in the party partly based on his young age, was fired in an attempt to revive good faith in the government. It had the opposite effect, as Jonkers left with six Assembly Members to found his own political party. The 'Action Party' was initially a vehicle for Jonkers to protest about his sacking against the new United Party government, ushered in after Luow's landslide defeat at the 1963 general election. Their platform was one of the National Party's, with extra trappings. The foundations of a hard apartheid state with economically deprived Bantustans, a revival of internment for African terror suspects, and the cementing of a Cradle-to-Grave welfare state. The last point would not be a cast iron guarantee for all within the party, as AP-backed councils typically led cuts to public services.
The AP did very well for a number of years based upon the NP's weaknesses, though divisions still wracked the new party. The question of the Monarchy and South Africa's position in the ever changing Commonwealth came up frequently, with Jonkers staying ambivalent so as to not chase away prospective English voters. The strategy could not hold forever, and after the collapse of the Second National Government in 1975 (a government the AP were junior coalition partners in), Jonkers was ousted and replaced by Afrikaner terrorist Paul Van Sant. Van Sant had allegedly been behind the border campaigns of the Louw period, something that made its way on to every UP leaflet marketed towards middle class voters. Van Sant oversaw a sharp decline in the party's voteshare with only himself and Jonkers retaining their seats.
The party was also unsuited to a rapidly changing country. Conservative UP governments were unable to prevent a new generation of coloured activists fighting for the final dismantling of segregated facilities, with some emigrating to Nyasaland. Their flippancy led people to think (rightly) that they were not moving beyond the time period in which they boomed. The pig-headedness which contributed to their ideological doctrines angered many on the fascist scale, and the boom of the early 80s failed to hit them due to their unrepentant boneheadness on developing a coherent policy on anything. It folded in 1985, to be succeeded by the Free Peoples party, a Jonkersite front. There is a continuity Action Party in existence today, but it is de facto the political wing of many Afrikaner gunrunning groups. Jonkers Junior, for his part, has distanced himself from such groupings, and insists that he will not campaign aggressively in favour of 'YES' in the upcoming referendum on whether or not the Union should leave the commonwealth.
Vox Populi, Vox Fasces
2014 East Kirby By-Election
Speaking for England with Jimmy Renton
No To, Pollitt, Isilngton Council
National Party of New York
Equitas, The Court of Judge Coe, Jacqlyn Kerry
Voix du Québec
Henry Stavros
The AP was formed in 1962 by the brash upstart Paul Jonkers, a former shopkeeper and National Party representative. The party, which advocated the creation of an apartheid state until the early 1960s when it moderated to a more acceptable position, had yet to win an election after Jan Smuts' ascension to the premiership and Jan Hendrik Hofmeyr's further entrenchment of the United Party as the Natural Party of South African Governance. The NP could do little but scream bloody murder as the rights of voting were extended further to the 'coloured' population of South Africa, where previously these were only available in the Cape. However, they could be content with the continuation of urban segregation, which remained a problem up until the modern day. The predicted ethnic strife did not arrive in as great a way as predicted by the party faithful, and so the UP continued winning elections as it reformed the voting districts in an act the NP considered cynical and a way to put them down. Anger was not only on their side, as black rights parties sprung up - both in moderate forms (such as the Progressive Labour party) and the extreme forms (such as the Bantu National Party and the National Congress of United Africans). By early 1962, there was finally an opening for the NP as the poor premiership of Jan Steytler came to an end without much progress made on segregation. The broad coalition the United Party had garnered quickly came undone, and the NP scraped to a victory. This government was just as poor as its predecessor, just in different ways. The cabinet was dominated by hardliners and the Prime Minister Eric Louw was found lacking in his responses to numerous border bombings, alleged to have been the crimes of black nationalists but later found to be the work of an Afrikaner terrorist front. Louw's government attempted to ramp up construction on a strengthened border fence separating South Africa from the rest of the continent, but this plan faced overwhelming opposition from the British Government. A Bantu Nationalist terror group seized control of a string of towns in Northern Namibia, forcing the government into action. Military forces were deployed, but in most cases they found harsh resistance from not only the group but also residents who were unwilling to place their trust in the army. Battles ensued in Omusati and Oshana, which saw the army forced to a humiliating draw. British Prime Minister Michael Stewart mooted implementing 'direct rule' upon the dominion, and consulted with High Commissioner Maurice Macmillan on the matter, but it came to naught as Luow was left to his own devices. Defence minister Paul Jonkers, considered a rogue in the party partly based on his young age, was fired in an attempt to revive good faith in the government. It had the opposite effect, as Jonkers left with six Assembly Members to found his own political party. The 'Action Party' was initially a vehicle for Jonkers to protest about his sacking against the new United Party government, ushered in after Luow's landslide defeat at the 1963 general election. Their platform was one of the National Party's, with extra trappings. The foundations of a hard apartheid state with economically deprived Bantustans, a revival of internment for African terror suspects, and the cementing of a Cradle-to-Grave welfare state. The last point would not be a cast iron guarantee for all within the party, as AP-backed councils typically led cuts to public services.
The AP did very well for a number of years based upon the NP's weaknesses, though divisions still wracked the new party. The question of the Monarchy and South Africa's position in the ever changing Commonwealth came up frequently, with Jonkers staying ambivalent so as to not chase away prospective English voters. The strategy could not hold forever, and after the collapse of the Second National Government in 1975 (a government the AP were junior coalition partners in), Jonkers was ousted and replaced by Afrikaner terrorist Paul Van Sant. Van Sant had allegedly been behind the border campaigns of the Louw period, something that made its way on to every UP leaflet marketed towards middle class voters. Van Sant oversaw a sharp decline in the party's voteshare with only himself and Jonkers retaining their seats.
The party was also unsuited to a rapidly changing country. Conservative UP governments were unable to prevent a new generation of coloured activists fighting for the final dismantling of segregated facilities, with some emigrating to Nyasaland. Their flippancy led people to think (rightly) that they were not moving beyond the time period in which they boomed. The pig-headedness which contributed to their ideological doctrines angered many on the fascist scale, and the boom of the early 80s failed to hit them due to their unrepentant boneheadness on developing a coherent policy on anything. It folded in 1985, to be succeeded by the Free Peoples party, a Jonkersite front. There is a continuity Action Party in existence today, but it is de facto the political wing of many Afrikaner gunrunning groups. Jonkers Junior, for his part, has distanced himself from such groupings, and insists that he will not campaign aggressively in favour of 'YES' in the upcoming referendum on whether or not the Union should leave the commonwealth.
Vox Populi, Vox Fasces
2014 East Kirby By-Election
Speaking for England with Jimmy Renton
No To, Pollitt, Isilngton Council
National Party of New York
Equitas, The Court of Judge Coe, Jacqlyn Kerry
Voix du Québec
Henry Stavros
- Status