Bringing this to a close.
The UK joined Scotland and the other 30 countries of the European Union (as well as the Schengen Area and the Euro, due to the intransigence of the European negotiators) in 2023, but it was deemed a waste of money for them to elect representatives to the still-all-but-powerless European Parliament before the regularly scheduled elections of the following year. The Europhile parties of Government (the Lib Dems, the One Nation Party and the Moderate Party) were confident of their separate victories, by their own standards, at this point, but already there was mithering in the massed Opposition parties. The Conservatives, led by Jamie Ross McKenzie, called the whole thing "a shitty election to a nest of cucks". Labour's Spokesman on Rejoining the European Union just wittered on about neoliberal economics for half an hour. The most cogent criticism were made by Northern Irish parties of every sectarian kidney.
As with every European nation other than Poland, Italy, France, Ireland and Belgium, the European elections had been set up to be held under Proportional Representation (D'Hondt) with a national constituency. This was a change from the pre-Brexit situation of 12 regional constituencies, including now-independent Scotland. As a sop to the representation of minor parties, no electoral threshold was imposed, but the likelihood of any single Northern Irish party winning a seat was still very low. As none of the Mainland parties had any real presence in the country, this was quite a large problem, so the Democratic Unionist and Ulster Unionist Parties declared that they would stand under a combined list (with the support of fellow Unionists like the TUV) to increase their chances of representation against an adverse democratic deficit. Simultaneously, the Alliance Party hammered out a deal with the Lib Dems to guarantee an Alliance MEP on the Lib Dem list. The Northern Irish Greens did the same with the Green Party of England and Wales. It was expected that the SDLP would do the same with their Anglo-Welsh sister party, the Labour Party, but by this point the ideological gap was too wide to countenance, and the SDLP joined with Sinn Fein - and, in a major coup, Plaid Cymru - to form a 'Free Alliance' of Nationalist parties.
An unforced electoral alliance was between the two major splits of the previous few years: the One Nationers (ex-Tories who had governed from 2018 to 2020 and were now a shadow of their former selves) and the Moderates (ex-Labourites who had governed from 2020 to 2022 and were now a shadow of their former selves). These 'Establishment' parties found the deal which produced an alliance known as 'The Centre' to be so comfortable that they formally merged in Westminster in 2025 and, when Nick Clegg's Lib Dems became the largest party in Parliament in 2027, they continued as his junior partner - in a complete reversal of the first half of the Teenies - until that Government's fall in the elections of 2032.
However, when the results came in for the Euro elections, they presaged of things to come. The Centre only won 9 of the 67 seats (the seat total being reduced by six on account of Scotland having separate elections) and although the Lib Dems did substantially better than they did at their 2014 nadir, 18% was nowhere near enough for a major party of 2024. The Eurosceptic Labour Party (who had somehow - well, until 2025 - retained their membership in the PES Europarty despite jumping off the deep end on Europe and, well... everything) managed only 7 seats, but this was grimly predictable for them. The NI Unionist Team did not even win a single seat, and the history-making Sinn Fein-SDLP-Plaid affair only resulted in Sinn Fein scraping a seat, much to the chagrin of Plaid Cymru. But the major story was the similarly-Eurosceptic Conservatives winning over 40% of the vote, something they hadn't even managed in a Westminster election for decades. They achieved this by being the populist, popular party of pissing off Brussels and the Establishment and the Liberals and anyone else who they could piss off. The British public was denuded of their blue passports, their pounds and their independence, and a large number of them therefore voted for the heirs to UKIP.
On the more extreme front, 1 million British voters went with the far-right, attention-seeking British Front, another alliance of minor parties, two of whom thought the main one was a bit mental. And those two were in favour of English devolution on the one hand and banning abortion on the other, so you can infer from that how mental Britain First were. They won an MEP apiece, the same as Douglas Carswell's Radical Party.
The Radicals had been starved of the oxygen of publicity which they had briefly benefited from in the early years when there were only two and a half parties worth caring about. But now they had lost all but one seat and people were beginning to tire of self-serving bleatings about Proportional Representation and True Liberalism, and the wheels were beginning to come off. After the high point of providing a Home Secretary under Jeremy Corbyn's coalition, the Radicals were desperate to hang onto funding for as long as possible. As such, Carswell went on the top of their Euro Parliament list as a vote-magnet - he could survive for another five years as an MEP, whereas he faced a difficult re-election in Harwich & Clacton in 2027. He was right to do this, actually, since his nominate successor lost the seat to the Conservatives in the ensuing by-election, bringing the Radical experiment to a close on mainland Britain. Only a few dozen representatives in local government and three MEPs remained now that the Lords had been abolished and Mark Reckless had lost his London Assembly seat in 2021. The free market had spoken, and it had spoken against the closest thing Britain had to a Libertarian party.
The Radical Party would join the SDP and the Greens in the ranks of 'parties you never hear about anymore'.
The Radverse
The Radical Party
Jacob Rees-Mogg
Open Left Mayoral Selection, 2019
2020 General Election
Jeremy Corbyn
2021 Referenda
Quinquennial Act 2022
House of Commons c.2022