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Dick Nixon? He really was a great president!

Nixon was the first president since Dwight D. Eisenhower to serve two full terms. In his second term, he accomplished the passing of the Comprehensive Health Insurance Act[1] or, as many were calling it, Nixoncare, the Equal Rights Amendment[2], and some moderately effective gun control measures[3]. In short, his second term accomplished quite a bit. Though a slight dip[4] would lower his very high approval ratings, the quick recovery of the economy[5] along with the decline of the hippie movement would lead to them bouncing back. Nixon had successfully seen the US through tumult and into a (brief in hindsight) period of calm.

However, all was not well. Social conservatives were angry about the Equal Rights Amendment and economic conservatives were angry about the Comprehensive Health Insurance Act. When Vice President John Connally[6], well known for his close ties with Nixon, announced a run for the presidency, many conservatives didn't like it. When charismatic former California Governor Ronald Reagan announced a run for the presidency, conservatives of all stripes coalesced around him; several early victories gave him momentum that were sufficient to carry him the nomination[7]. Facing Henry M. "Scoop" Jackson, a man who was disliked by the New Left[8] to the point that many leftists voted for the disorganized run of Eugene McCarthy, with the Nixon administration riding high and Reagan's charisma winning him many fans, Reagan won a landslide ten-point victory.

However, the continued prosperity did not last for long. Reagan did not have sunny relations with the Democratic Congress[9], and when in 1978 Stagflation came back with a vengeance, his approval ratings fell into the forties. His attempts to repeal price controls proved very unpopular[10] and blocked by Congress and government hit a standstill. Attacking Nixoncare didn't help Reagan's case. In the 1978 midterms, there were big Democratic gains owing to the sore state of the economy; suffice to say, many Democrats smelled blood in the water. When it came to 1980, with the economy still suffering from what many were calling the worst recession since the Great Depression, it looked like Reagan was going to lose in a landslide. However, foreign policy achievements, such as Reagan successfully keeping the Shah of Iran from being overthrown, made it less of one.

In came Hugh Carey, the popular, pragmatic governor of New York. Many saw him as being the man who kept New York solvent in the hard recession years. His combination of tax cuts for the rich and infrastructure redevelopment helped keep the state's economy aloft. His moderatism made him the candidate supported by the establishment, thus he had the monetary advantage. Running on his record as governor, early victories over liberal competitors Birch Bayh, Walter Mondale, and Jerry Brown gave him a large burst of momentum that propelled him to easily win the nomination. The election was hard-fought, with Reagan touting his record in Iran, while Carey touted his own record as governor. When it came to election day, Carey would edge out Reagan. Despite Reagan's charismatic personal mode of campaigning positively contrasting with the more wooden and technocratic style of Carey, ultimately people wanted recovery. Also to note was that in New York state, after a hard-fought primary against charismatic liberal Mario Cuomo, Mayor Ed Koch, an ideological carbon copy of Carey, would ultimately prevail[11]. However, unlike the last Governor of New York to succeed to the presidency, Carey would be no liberal.

With the economy mired in a deep recession, Carey needed to do something. He was able to get a tax cut through Congress along with some infrastructure revitalization programs; to add to this, he also got a defence cut through in order to balance the budget. However, in his first couple of years in office, the recession continued with full swing. It seemed that nothing was improving. The 1982 midterms saw a frustrated public vote for the Republicans; though, with Democratic majorities as big as they were they were not enough to turn Congress red, they worried many Democrats. However, the economy began to look up. By 1983, an economic recovery was in full swing. Yet, this new America was different. The New Deal consensus was coming to an end. Though wealth grew, it grew less equally. However, by 1984, prosperity had come back; sure, if wealth was more equal, it would be better, but income inequality wasn't a big issue at the time[12].

Come 1984, very few Republicans wanted to run against the popular Carey. One such Republican was Phil Crane. His hard-right views aligned well with the base. Though the establishment pushed Howard Baker, the base was in no mood to nominate a moderate. The result was that, after a close race and a contested convention with two ballots, ultimately Crane was more in line with the base and as such he came out victorious. However, Carey was quick to tarnish him as a far-right radical and was quick to also push the current economic prosperity as because of his policies. The result was a landslide Democratic victory, the likes of which were unseen since 1976 and for the Democrats since 1964. Yet, to many Democrats, it was lukewarm as Carey was not a liberal. He was not the messiah the base wanted. Yes, he saved the economy. But he did not revive the New Deal consensus.

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[1] This was a universal health care plan created by Nixon; IOTL, Watergate would make sure it would die in obscurity.

[2] This was an amendment proposal that would have made the genders equal under the law; IOTL, social conservatives killed it.

[3] Nixon was no fan of guns.

[4] ITTL, the recession of 1975-76 is nowhere close to as severe thanks to Nixon being more competent than Ford, plus Congress is much more cooperative state.

[5] This happened IOTL and was responsible for making the 1976 election as close as it was.

[6] IOTL, Nixon had to choose the moderate Gerald Ford as he was weakened by Watergate. ITTL, he still has the political capital to push his protege.

[7] IOTL, Reagan nearly beat a sitting president in the primaries. He'd likely be stronger with his opponent not having the incumbency advantage.

[8] He was a neocon in foreign policy.

[9] IOTL, the strong working relationship between Reagan and O'Neill was due in no small part because many Democrats felt desperate, and also the Senate had been turned red.

[10] IOTL, the public mistrusted government after Watergate; this aversion existed to all levels of government. This is one of the many things that allowed Reagan to cut government so much in his presidency.

[11] IOTL, Cuomo won a similar battle with Koch in 1982 after Carey retired.

[12] Rather similarly to OTL
 
He was very, very good at what he did, and a genius to boot. Much smarter than Hitler, at any rate, and I think he could've kept the Reich going with some economic policy changes.

I'm not familiar with Heydrich's economic side. I only know that he was two things - brutal and vicious, even for a Nazi, and ambitious. He didn't even care about Nazi ideology, he was purely in it for himself and personal gain. I don't want to imagine how he'd style himself as fuhrer.
 
I'm not familiar with Heydrich's economic side. I only know that he was two things - brutal and vicious, even for a Nazi, and ambitious. He didn't even care about Nazi ideology, he was purely in it for himself and personal gain. I don't want to imagine how he'd style himself as fuhrer.
Hence the description. Heyrich as Fuhrer would make the Reich an order of magnitude more dark and terrifying than it already was, and that's saying something.
 
An adaptation of Agent Lavender onto U.S. politics, using someone who actually WAS a Soviet spy IOTL.

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Subterfuge

In September 1938, U.S. Representative Samuel Dickstein was appointed to the U.S. Senate to replace Royal S. Copeland, who had died in June. Unbeknownst to anyone else, he was a devoted and reliable agent for the NKVD, having first spied for them the previous year. His handlers, long impressed by how well he hid his double agent status, were delighted and encouraged him to use his position to obtain information on anti-communist activity in the U.S. government and encourage pro-Soviet policies in the U.S. Senate.

After the Nazis invaded the USSR in 1941, he became a vocal advocate for the Soviets and a vehement opponent of Nazism. He became well known for long speeches on the Senate floor where he denounced the Nazis in fiery and passionate terms. Due to his positions and his propensity for dramatic speeches, the press nicknamed him "The Iron Jew" - a name that stuck. After the attack on Pearl Harbor in December, his rhetoric only intensified, and he became so well known that the Nazi government actually drew up several plans to assassinate him.

In 1944, seeking to improve war morale, FDR selected Dickstein as his running mate - after their November victory, he became the first Jewish Vice President in history. Remarkably, despite his high position, he kept spying for the Soviet Union with no one the wiser. Although some in the government suspected he was a Red, he was so adept at covering his tracks that they had little to confirm their suspicions.

FDR lives slightly longer than OTL, and after he dies in July, Samuel Dickstein becomes the first Jewish U.S. President. The Cold War never happens; Dickstein, declaring "our mission has been completed," withdraws U.S. soldiers from all of Europe save West Germany. The Marshall Plan is never implemented, and the U.S. adopts an isolationist policy - all according to the NKVD's plan. Without U.S. interference, Soviet influence in Europe becomes far more pervasive - a much poorer Western Europe is more receptive to communism, which results in Greece going communist, followed by Italy a few years later.

Helped by the booming post-war economy and the revelation of the Holocaust (which largely causes the anti-semite vote to evaporate), Dickstein is re-elected in 1948 and the Democratic Party gains majorities in both houses of Congress. The U.S. government, under Dickstein's direction, becomes absolutely littered with Soviet spies, who successfully hamper any attempts to prevent the USSR's growing influence in the world from being curtailed. Aided by Stalin's earlier death in 1947, the U.S. develops relatively warm relations with the USSR, although they are not formal allies because anti-communist sentiment still remains among the U.S. populace, albeit much lower than IOTL.

The 22nd Amendment never passes, and Dickstein declares his intention to run for President again in 1952. He wins the primaries, and although the race is close, it looks like he has a chance to win.

Then, on 12 October 1952, a coded message from his Soviet handlers informs him that he has been compromised. His Secret Service escort murdered, he successfully escapes the authorities and travels by submarine to East Germany. The following morning, the Appel Report is released, revealing that both the President and U.S. Secretary of State Alger Hiss (who had a more successful career than IOTL) are Soviet spies. Samuel Dickstein is impeached and convicted in absentia; Hiss, meanwhile, is less lucky, and after a highly publicized trial he is sentenced to death and executed in July 1953.

The American political scene is thrown into chaos. The Democratic Party, which the Appel Report called "littered with spies," practically collapses. With only three weeks to go until the election, the Democrats have little time to save face, and on Election Day Harold Stassen is elected President virtually unopposed. The Democrats lose almost every seat up for re-election in the Senate, and the House undergoes the most massive party shift in history - the Democrats retain only 39 seats.

After his inauguration, Stassen declares a "War on Spies" and launches a thorough audit of the U.S. government, which successfully gets rid of most (not all) of the NKVD's agents. The Democrats, after the revelation that both the President and many members of Congress were spies, is completely discredited, and the Progressive Party emerges as its eventual replacement. Robbed of their prestige, their credibility, and nearly all of their elected members, the party is dissolved in December 1953. America develops a "2 1/2 party system" similar to the UK, with the Progressives and the Republicans becoming the main parties and the Liberty Party maintaining control over the formerly "Solid South".

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Cross-posting the congressional acts from my Morgenthau series. Warning, text dump imminent.

"Should any party attempt to abolish social security and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history. There is a tiny splinter group of course, that believes you can do these things ... their number is negligible and they are stupid."

- Dwight D. Eisenhower (OTL)


Acts of the 81st United States Congress

"Should any party attempt to abolish social security and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history. There is a tiny splinter group of course, that believes you can do these things ... their number is negligible and they are stupid."

- Dwight D. Eisenhower (OTL)​

Taft would earn the ire of internationalists on both sides of aisle early in his tenure by standing in opposition to the European Recovery Act of 1949. The act, which was stuck down in its earlier form by a Republican congress led by a then-Senator Robert Taft, was the centerpiece of the abortive "Harriman Plan" to provide aid to the still recovering nations of Europe. [1] While some Republican congressmen were persuaded of the necessity of the European recovery package by a wave of Communist coups in Eastern Europe, the "ayes" did not constitute a veto proof majority. [2] When the president proved unwilling to budge on the issue, derisively dubbing the legislation the "European Handout Act", the aid plan was dealt a devastating blow from which it would never recover. [3] Any New Deal style legislation offered up by the Democrats to deal with the ongoing recession were similarly shot down, often without even reaching the president's desk. While there was a strong divide in the GOP between the internationalists and isolationists which theoretically made a bipartisan approach to the "European Question" a possibility (until all compromise was rejected out of hand by the president that is) there was much more agreement among Republicans on domestic issues. With control of both houses and the White House, the Republicans immediately got to work implementing their agenda. Contrary to what most modern historiographers detail, that agenda wasn't strictly a cocktail of fiscal conservatism and regressivism. One particular bright spot came in the form of the Housing Act of 1949. [4] The act invested billions in the construction of new public housing and slum clearance. Despite the derision the term "Taft Tenements" earned by the late 1980's as the temporary structures began to crumble and the political circumstances of the time precluded their upkeep or replacement, the Housing Act was a huge step forward in the provision of public housing in the United States.

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Ultimately though, the achievements of the housing act were politically overshadowed by the unraveling of Democratic Party. Dixiecrats balked at expense of an urban redevelopment program that would see an unprecedented level of investment in minority (read: colored) neighborhoods. Unscrupulous southerners would get around this "problem" by simply destroying minority-heavy slums and building more expensive housing that only whites could afford on the ruins. [5] But the unwillingness of the northern Democrats to join their southern colleagues in adding "correct" language to the legislation strangled in the cradle any united front that might have formed in opposition to the GOP's more controversial policy positions. Any talk of united messaging on part of the Democrats was doomed to failure from that point on, as someone in each strategy meeting inevitably said something about "the Negros" that rendered the whole affair a shouting match. More distressingly President Taft gained a reputation as a civil rights fighter despite believing that the federal government had no role to play in forwarding racial justice. With a divided opposition, the first two-years of the Taft administration would be one of the most productive since the days of the new deal coalition.

School funding reform was implemented with the passage of the appropriately named Education Act of 1949. The Democrats, once again, splintered over provisions that allocated funding to Negro schools in equal proportions to White schools. Ironically there wasn't much for the Democrats to really fight about. Taft, a firm believer in small government, ensured that much of the bureaucracy designed to make sure that the funding got where it needed to go would be handled at the state level. Northern Democrats could be satisfied with the basic tenants of the reform while Dixicrats could, and did, "lose" the funding appropriated for Negro schools. Naturally though "policy nuance" was not in the vocabulary of southern firebrands like James Eastland and Herman Talmadge. This was no tonic for Democratic unity. Additionally the Dixiecrats themselves were divided on the issue when party elders like James Byrnes came out in favor of the Housing Act. Byrnes saw the writing on the wall and knew that the days of strict white racial supremacy were over. Consequently Byrnes and other governors worked for "truly separate, truly equal", a set of policies designed to keep segregation alive while bring "colored" facilities up to the standard of white facilities as a sop to the Negro community.

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In terms of the "red-baiting" of the 81st United States Congress it is instructive to remember that the red scare was a bi-partisan initiative. The Communist Subversion Act, which banned and criminalized Communist Party membership, was passed near-unanimously by both houses with the strong vocal backing of Vice President Stassen. [6] The McCarran Internal Security Act, on the other hand, was championed by Democrats. McCarran himself was of course a strong supporter as was the darling of the left, Minnesota Senator Hubert Humphrey. [7] The fact that the McCarran Act was thoroughly demonized by Democrats decades down the line obscures the fact that they were instrumental in its passage. Not that it should be surprising. FDR, father of the modern Democratic Party, set the precedent for jailing American citizens on dubious charges of treason when he implemented Executive Order 9066... [8]

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Despite driving a wedge in the opposition and peeling off votes from waffly Democrats with the less controversial aspects of their agenda, House Republicans completely shut their colleagues out of the negotiating process when it came to the policies that "mattered". One of the most notable of these "unilateral" policies was the Labor Security Act. Brainchild of the president, the LSA de facto stripped unions of many of the collective bargaining rights they had struggled to achieve over the decades. The willing of a supposed "small government" Republican to use "big government" to crush the American worker turned heads in even Taft's own GOP. Nevertheless, newly elected Senate Majority Leader Kenneth S. Wherry kept enough of the party in line to prevent any sort of serious bi-partisan challenge to the measure. Majority Leader Wherry had gained a reputation as one of Taft's most effective and tireless political generals. The Senator from Nebraska had come a long way since his days of decrying President Morgenthau as a "war criminal" and now stuck fear and obedience into GOP senators that were shaken by how far right Taft had taken the party. The Majority Leader even went so far as to threaten to exposure of certain colleagues as "homosexuals" to ensure their compliance. Wherry, next to Roy Cohn, is considered the chief architect behind the so-called "Lavender Scare" against "sexual deviants" that accompanied Joseph McCarthy's targeting of "red subversives".

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The GOP supermajority had rendered the House Democrats irrelevant and the Tax Reform Act of 1949 was effectively a compromise between the two fiscal wings of the Republican Party. The conservatives were led by President Taft while the liberals were championed by Charles Taft, the president's brother. [9] The final draft saw the top tax rate slashed to 50% while the bottom rate was lowered from 20% to 10%. Many lower level tax brackets were also eliminated, reducing the number of income groupings from twenty-four to fourteen. [10] Cuts to the cooperate tax rates were, thanks to the intervention of Charles, much more modest. The top cooperate tax rate was lowered from 38% to 35%. This set of compromises pleased nobody. The conservatives wanted more cuts, the liberals less, while the Democrats just stood shellshocked at how the Republicans had overturned decades worth of progressive taxation over a few drinks at Speaker Joseph Martin's mansion.

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Although with hindsight one might assume that the American people were just as outraged as the Democrats, the reality is less cut and dry. There was initially a mixed reaction among the public, the country was still languishing in a recession and few objected to having more money in their pocket. The chief criticism was naturally that the reform seemed to be slanted in favor of the rich. While nearly everyone's rates were cut in half, the poorest of the poor only saw a 10 point reduction. Taft, far from the bourgeois caricature that most historiographers make him out to be, took to polling to heart and demanded a second round of tax reform before the midterm elections.

Taft himself originally favored the so called "3-2-5" plan, which would have cut all rates in half a second time and consolidated the tax code into just two brackets. There was to be a bottom rate of 5%, a top rate of 25%, and a top cooperate tax rate of 25%. In other words a 2 bracket structure with rates of 5%/25% and a cooperate rate of 25% "three two's and five's". But this plan was essentially a more bold version of the 49' reform and obviously didn't address the "rich favoritism" criticism circulating among the public, a criticism shared and repeated loudly by the Democrats.

Congressional lore would have us believe that the new Republican proposal resulted from offhand comment by Speaker Joseph Martin. Allegedly Martin had floated the idea of a passing a watered down reform ahead of the midterms that simply cut all brackets "by ten" a 10% reduction in all rates. But Taft, thinking Martin was referring to his "3-2-5" plan and advocating for a raw 10 point cut, retorted that a ten point drop would leave people in his lower bracket with no taxes at all... no taxes at all? no taxes at all! Working from the "3-2-5" plan the 50% reduction in the top individual tax rate was retained while both the bottom rate and the top corporate rate (now the only corporate rate) was slashed by ten points each, leaving the bottom individual tax rate at "0%". Thus the Flat Tax Act was born. The sole 25% rate would only be charged to individual and corporate income in excess $100,000. [11] The act also closed the remaining loopholes leftover from the last reform. In addition, it was stipulated that capital gains tax would face the same tax rate as ordinary income. The Democrats were livid and the liberals refused to go down without a fight a second time. Newly elected Senator Hubert Humphrey set a filibuster record when he spoke for 24 hours straight against the legislation. [12] The valiant effort was in vain however as Senate Majority Leader Wherry, who had long since lost his patience with the upstart Minnesotan, invoked the nuclear option and called for a vote. The result was a 50-50 tie, seven "Conscience Republicans" had broken party lines and voted against the measure, nevertheless the tie was broken by Vice President Stassen and the Flat Tax Act went to President Taft's desk for a signature...

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Senate Majority Leader Kenneth Wherry:
"Our seniors deserve the freedom to make decisions about their retirement benefits without bureaucratic red tape and government mandates stifling their choices," "Every time the government acts, it does so at the expense of personal liberty," "This is a common-sense step toward reforming our broken entitlement system, allowing seniors to choose what retirement plan is best for their individual needs," "Retirement benefits are intended to provide freedom to seniors, today we restore that freedom." [12]

Senator Hubert Humphrey:
"Social Security, as it stands, takes a little out of each of your paychecks and puts it toward everyone's retirement. When someone retires, they get their investment back with interest. This plan that the Republicans are proposing would take that little from your paycheck and give it to their friends on wallstreet. They'll gamble with your hard-earned money, and if they win they get a big payout while your net gains will be marginal. But if they lose, they just get handed someone else's savings. You, the retiree, have no recourse. Mr. Taft and his billionaire friends couch this debate in talk of "freedom" and "liberty" but the truth is, as President Roosevelt once said, "government by organized money is no different than government by organized mob". And that's all this is, an organized mob of wall-streeters that want to gamble with your future...

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The privatization of social security was one of the centerpieces of the 49'-50' reforms. While the Democrats derided the "return of 1929" the Republicans argued that privatization would give people the opportunity to earn large returns on their retirement portfolios, especially with the anticipated stock market boom that would accompany the passage of the Langer Act. The Lagner Act repealed the earlier Glass-Steagall legislation that had "tied the hands of investors" to borrow the words of Speaker Joseph Martin... [14]


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Footnotes:
[1] TTLs version of the Marshall Plan. Taft reluctantly came around to the Marshall Plan IOTL after some extensive wheeling and dealing. With the damage Morgenthau did, control of both houses, himself in the White House, and a huge mandate, Taft isn't exactly in a compromising mood ITTL.

[2] As per OTL Stalin is extinguishing lingering pro-democracy governments in Eastern Europe.

[3] Some cash is flowing in Europe's direction still, but Taft is cutting it off where he can.

[4] Taft was a big-time supporter of housing reform IOTL, go figure.

[5] OTL

[6] He supported such legislation IOTL.

[7] Humphrey was a supporter IOTL as well.

[8] Better known as Japanese internment.

[9] IOTL Charles Phelps Taft II was quite liberal for a Republican but naturally remained a strong ally of his brother. Milton Eisenhower and RFK are good OTL figures to invoke here.

[10] To give an OTL comparison Ronald Reagan signed two income tax reform acts into law during his first two years in office. The first act lowered the number of tax brackets (among other things) while the second dropped the top tax rate down to 50%. During Reagan's last two years in office he signed an additional two acts. The first act lowered the number of tax brackets (again) and reduced the top rate to 38.5%, the second act lowered the number of tax brackets (this time to a record low of only 2*) and reduced the top rate down to 28%. The latter act (the one he signed in 1988) was also notable for being the only time in American history that the top rate was reduced while, at the same time, the bottom rate was increased (it was raised from 11% to 15%). Not even Taft attempts that ITTL, frankly I have no idea how Reagan got it done IOTL.

*Well actually the rates were 15%/28%/33%/28%, but I won't get into the minutia here. The point is that sweeping tax reform is possible and has been implemented IOTL (albeit much later than it has been done ITTL).

[11] I want to stress that President Reagan IOTL cut the number of income brackets from 25 to 2*. He dropped the top tax rate to 28% and raised taxes on those in the lowest income bracket. He did all this with either a divided Congress or outright Democratic control of both houses. Taft has a similar proposal here. The difference being that Taft is explicitly lowering taxes on the poor and has both houses under his control which incentivizes the speedy passage of his agenda. Although it should be noted that, as previously mentioned, Reagan passed two big tax cuts in his first two years in office IOTL.

[12] IOTL Strom Thurmond set this record speaking against the Civil Rights Act

[13] These talking points are taken almost directly from OTL GOP politicians.
 
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The Unthinkable, Part XVI: Segregation Now, Segregation Tomorrow, Segregation Forever

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No witty remarks here. I just know you all will love President Wallace.
 
This ideology is not going cause any problems at all in the future, no siree. Modern Humanism, not to be confused with the renaissance philosophy, really matured in the 1980s. It holds that in order to not be wiped out, humanity needs to modernize and industrialize on a galactic scale. Brazil recently legalized the Humanist Party, a radical move considering that Brazil is a constitutionally bound one-party state under the Integralist Action Party.

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The 1996 election in the next installment of Komodo's excellent AIPverse election games, Stand Up For America. This time, the Republicans shrink! :D

The write-up he did.

0.2%. That was the difference in the popular vote totals between Roemer and Jackson. The election of 1996 turned out to be one of the closest in recent memory, the end-result of two unified and well-oiled political machines clashing head to head.

The Democrats, though initially both shaken by McCarthy's announcement that he would not be seeking a second full term due to health reasons, and somewhat divided on the issue of trade, managed to regain their composure during the General Election and come together. Roemer and Ferraro proved to be an effective team, with Roemer campaigning on his experience in the relatively-popular McCarthy administration and his populist economic message, while Ferraro campaigned heavily in urban areas and the rust belt, stressing her connections to blue-collar labor and own brand of populism. While many free traders were a bit put-off by Roemer's protectionist stances, they were assuaged by Ferraro's own status a swing-vote on trade issues, and the fact that Roemer had effectively balanced the budget and cut both spending and taxes during his tenure as Governor of Louisiana mollified the more centrist and conservative members of the Democratic Coalition. And while some social liberals may have been unhappy with Roemer's relative conservatism on issues such as abortion and the environment (hence 1.2% for Ralph Nader), pundits later attributed Roemer's more centrist attributes as contributing to keeping the South competitive, and Ferraro's own pro-choice stance helped to ensure that the social liberals did not defect (or simply stay home) in greater numbers.

For its part, the Jackson campaign did not drop the ball. Though he had initially been damaged when it was leaked that Senator Jackson might accept "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" as an alternative to barring LGBT from the armed forces, Jackson's selection of prominent Buchanan ally and other overtures to the social conservative "culture warriors" in the paleoconservative camp effectively unified the party just in time for the July convention in Wichita. While Buchanan had used some less-than-clean tricks in his primary campaign against Jackson, his timely endorsement ensured that his wing of the party would for the most part fall in line behind Jackson in the fall. Jackson himself campaigned as the foreign policy heavyweight, outmaneuvering his Democratic rival - a former Governor - on issues pertaining to defense policy. Jackson, himself a social moderate by the standards of the American Independent Party, left his running-mate to handle much of that aspect of the campaign. Running on a message of protecting American lives and jobs, the protectionist ticket of Jackson and O'Hara managed to regain ground lost by the quixotic Keyes '92 campaign.

Meanwhile, the Republican Party found itself between a rock and a hard place. The only unabashedly pro-free trade ticket in the running - the Democratic VP nominee notwithstanding - managed to secure itself a floor, but expanding that core base proved less than fruitful. The classical liberal ticket attracted fiscal conservatives turned off by the AIP's social conservatism or more radical economic ideas, as well as some social liberals turned off by the Democratic ticket's "old left" approach to social issues, but Democratic and American Independent core constituencies remained rather stubbornly attached to their main parties. The unique coalition of antiwar college students, fiscally responsible socially liberal white-collar professionals, and "traditional" conservatives simply failed to connect to the electorate outside of its niche groups. This was not helped by the fact that Groh and Kasich, though among the GOP's more experienced legislators, came off as "wonky" and wooden compared to the more colorful Democratic and American Independent tickets.

Speaking of the libertarian youth wing, the Libertarian Party managed to hold its ground at 0.2% of the vote, but the party finds itself divided. With the Republican Party having assimilated classical liberal ideology into its core platform, some in the party are questioning whether they should consider to support the die-hard "pure" libertarians or simply work within the GOP, which actually has ballot access and political machinery in almost every state.

Such issues do not plague the small "alliance of Green parties," which nominated Ralph Nader this year. The successor to several now-defunct left-wing parties such as the Citizens' Party and New Alliance, the "Greens" (as they are called) refuse the accept the Democratic, Republican, or American Independent parties, demanding a switch to 100% sustainable energy, an end to American interventions abroad, an end to "corrupt establishment politics," and sweeping reforms to the American social welfare system. However, it remains to be seen if there is any desire among more than 1-2% of the American electorate for such a platform.

Ultimately, the Democratic Party was returned to power. While not by the sweeping margins by which McCarthy was reelected in 1992, they managed to edge out a victory - attributed to many by general contentment with the status quo and by the AIP's strong commitment to foreign policy in a decade marked by a deescalation of global tensions. It was close, however - a change of a few thousand votes in Kentucky, Oklahoma, and Iowa would have easily handed Jackson the presidency. And Jackson's charismatic and energetic campaign did have some coattails downballot, allowing the AIP to cost the Democrats their majority in the House - though they remain the largest party. But nevertheless, Buddy Roemer managed to break "Van Buren's curse" and become the first Vice President elected straight to the Presidency since the titular Martin van Buren, while Geraldine Ferraro became the nation's first female Vice President.
 
I'm not sure what to think. On the one hand, Reagan is remembered as a failure president. On the other hand, the New Deal consensus is ending one way or another, and that means the neoliberal consensus will still emerge.

Well, Reagan didn't fuck up foreign policy.

But yeah, this wikibox is a reaction to the good ole "if a conservative is elected in 1976, a liberal will be elected in 1980 and usher in 50 years of liberalism" trope. 1976 (or in this case, 1973) is far too late to save liberalism and I'd say the Democrat in 1980 would have to cut taxes for the rich and all that.
 
The United States presidential election of 2012 was, in many ways, pre-determined. The so-called Wave of Mutilation and the subsequent 6-5 Abbott v. Texas decision had washed over four years previously, and while the US's Democratic Quotient had dropped twenty points practically overnight (see Global Estimated Freedom Data 2008, Liberty Survey Group, published by Open University Press, 3 March 2009), four years is a long enough time in politics that the anger of 2008 had somewhat abated.
While Vice President Hutchison was widely expected to throw her hat into the ring (which, had she won, would have made her the first nominee from the Progressive Conservatives not to be a Whig since Barry Goldwater in 1968), she decided to bow out, allowing Connecticut Governor and son of a former President John Bush to sweep the convention. Meanwhile, Christian Workers' Party leader M. Dale Huckabee locked horns with National Laborite Bob Casey Jr. for five painful months, in what talk show host Don Trump described as "by far the most effort anyone has ever spent on losing to John Bush. It's sad!" Casey eventually triumphed with the People's Alliance nomination. Lastly, Wisconsin Governor Russ Feingold was selected as United Left nominee by acclamation - that is, after the other ten candidates took themselves out of the running during the nine-day convention.
The election was largely fought over the popular so-called "Romneycare", which both opposition parties believed ought to be more expansive, and the Davis-Paul Act, which relaxed many restrictions on abortion and left much of the rest to the states - Casey opposed the former part, Feingold the latter. Foreign policy largely took a backseat in the election, aside from some desultory debate over U.S. interventions against revolutionaries in Oaxaca, the Japanese Empire in Mukden, and the Kingdom of France in Iberia. After all, the world was more-or-less calm - at least, from an American vantage point.
By the time November rolled around, although the precise results were unknown, the bottom line was fixed and virtually immutable - John Bush would be elected to the Presidency.
(Thanks to @Gonzo for advice on People's Alliance candidates.)
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The United States presidential election of 2012 was, in many ways, pre-determined. The so-called Wave of Mutilation and the subsequent 6-5 Abbott v. Texas decision had washed over four years previously, and while the US's Democratic Quotient had dropped twenty points practically overnight (see Global Estimated Freedom Data 2008, Liberty Survey Group, published by Open University Press, 3 March 2009), four years is a long enough time in politics that the anger of 2008 had somewhat abated.
While Vice President Hutchinson was widely expected to throw her hat into the ring (which, had she won, would have made her the first nominee from the Progressive Conservatives not to be a Whig since Barry Goldwater in 1968), she decided to bow out, allowing Connecticut Governor and son of a former President John Bush to sweep the convention. Meanwhile, Christian Workers' Party leader M. Dale Huckabee locked horns with National Laborite Bob Casey Jr. for five painful months, in what talk show host Don Trump described as "by far the most effort anyone has ever spent on losing to John Bush. It's sad!" Casey eventually triumphed with the People's Alliance nomination. Lastly, Wisconsin Governor Russ Feingold was selected as United Left nominee by acclamation - that is, after the other ten candidates took themselves out of the running during the nine-day convention.
The election was largely fought over the popular so-called "Romneycare", which both opposition parties believed ought to be more expansive, and the Davis-Paul Act, which relaxed many restrictions on abortion and left much of the rest to the states - Casey opposed the former part, Feingold the latter. Foreign policy largely took a backseat in the election, aside from some desultory debate over U.S. interventions against revolutionaries in Oaxaca, the Japanese Empire in Mukden, and the Kingdom of France in Iberia. After all, the world was more-or-less calm - at least, from an American vantage point.
By the time November rolled around, although the precise results were unknown, the bottom line was fixed and virtually immutable - John Bush would be elected to the Presidency.
(Thanks to @Gonzo for advice on People's Alliance candidates.)
That's pretty fantastic right there - certainly more original than about ninety-five percent of the American presidential election scenarios we see on here.
 
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